1520
TRAVERSING the southern causeway, by which they had entered the capital, the little party were soon on their march across the beautiful Valley. They climbed the mountain screen which Nature had so ineffectually drawn2 around it, passed between the huge volcanoes that, like faithless watch-dogs on their posts, have long since been buried in slumber3, threaded the intricate defiles4 where they had before experienced such bleak5 and tempestuous6 weather, and, emerging on the other side, descended7 the western slope which opens on the wide expanse of the fruitful plateau of Cholula.
They heeded8 little of what they saw on their rapid march, nor whether it was cold or hot. The anxiety of their minds made them indifferent to outward annoyances9; and they had fortunately none to encounter from the natives, for the name of Spaniard was in itself a charm,—a better guard than helm or buckler to the bearer.{49}
In Cholula, Cortés had the inexpressible satisfaction of meeting Velasquez de Leon, with the hundred and fifty soldiers intrusted to his command for the formation of a colony. That faithful officer had been some time at Cholula, waiting for the general’s approach. Had he failed, the enterprise of Cortés must have failed also.[55] The idea of resistance, with his own handful of followers10, would have been chimerical11. As it was, his little band was now trebled, and acquired a confidence in proportion.
Cordially embracing their companions in arms, now knit together more closely than ever by the sense of a great and common danger, the combined troops traversed with quick steps the streets of the sacred city, where many a dark pile of ruins told of their disastrous12 visit on the preceding autumn. They kept the high-road to Tlascala, and, at not many leagues’ distance from that capital, fell in with Father Olmedo and his companions on their return from the camp of Narvaez, to which, it will be remembered, they had been sent as envoys13. The ecclesiastic14 bore a letter from that commander, in which he summoned Cortés and his followers to submit to his authority as captain-general of the country, menacing them with condign15 punishment in case of refusal or delay. Olmedo gave many curious particulars of the state of the enemy’s camp. Narvaez he described as{50} puffed16 up by authority, and negligent17 of precautions against a foe18 whom he held in contempt. He was surrounded by a number of pompous19, conceited20 officers, who ministered to his vanity, and whose braggart21 tones the good father, who had an eye for the ridiculous, imitated, to the no small diversion of Cortés and the soldiers. Many of the troops, he said, showed no great partiality for their commander, and were strongly disinclined to a rupture22 with their countrymen; a state of feeling much promoted by the accounts they had received of Cortés, by his own arguments and promises, and by the liberal distribution of the gold with which he had been provided. In addition to these matters, Cortés gathered much important intelligence respecting the position of the enemy’s force and his general plan of operations.
At Tlascala the Spaniards were received with a frank and friendly hospitality.{*} It is not said whether any of the Tlascalan allies had accompanied them from Mexico. If they did, they went no farther than their native city. Cortés requested a reinforcement of six hundred fresh troops to attend him on his present expedition. It was readily granted; but, before the army had proceeded many miles on its route, the Indian auxiliaries23 fell off, one after another, and returned to their city. They had no personal feeling of animosity to gratify in the present instance, as in a war against Mex{51}ico. It may be, too, that, although intrepid24 in a contest with the bravest of the Indian races, they had had too fatal experience of the prowess of the white men to care to measure swords with them again. At any rate, they deserted25 in such numbers that Cortés dismissed the remainder at once, saying, good-humoredly, “He had rather part with them then than in the hour of trial.”
{*} [Most of the accounts state that Cortés did not himself visit Tlascala, but hastened to the coast by a more southerly route. He sent one of his officers to that city to ask for several thousand warriors26. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verd. 91, says, “Embio Cortés a Tlascala a rogar ... quatro mil hombres.”—M.]
The troops soon entered on that wild district in the neighborhood of Perote, strewed28 with the wreck29 of volcanic30 matter, which forms so singular a contrast to the general character of beauty with which the scenery is stamped. It was not long before their eyes were gladdened by the approach of Sandoval and about sixty soldiers from the garrison31 of Vera Cruz, including several deserters from the enemy. It was a most important reinforcement, not more on account of the numbers of the men than of the character of the commander, in every respect one of the ablest captains in the service. He had been compelled to fetch a circuit in order to avoid falling in with the enemy, and had forced his way through thick forests and wild mountain-passes, till he had fortunately, without accident, reached the appointed place of rendezvous33 and stationed himself once more under the banner of his chieftain.[56]
At the same place, also, Cortés was met by Tobillos, a Spaniard whom he had sent to procure34 the lances from Chinantla. They were perfectly35 well{52} made, after the pattern which had been given,—double-headed spears, tipped with copper36, and of great length. Tobillos drilled the men in the exercise of this weapon, the formidable uses of which, especially against horse, had been fully37 demonstrated, towards the close of the last century, by the Swiss battalions38, in their encounters with the Burgundian chivalry39, the best in Europe.[57]
Cortés now took a review of his army,—if so paltry40 a force may be called an army,—and found their numbers were two hundred and sixty-six, only five of whom were mounted. A few muskets41 and cross-bows were sprinkled among them. In defensive42 armor they were sadly deficient43. They were for the most part cased in the quilted doublet of the country, thickly stuffed with cotton, the escaupil, recommended by its superior lightness, but which, though competent to turn the arrow of the Indian, was ineffectual against a musket-ball. Most of this cotton mail was exceedingly out of repair, giving evidence, in its unsightly gaps, of much rude service and hard blows. Few, in this emergency, but would have given almost any price—the best of the gold chains which they wore in tawdry display over their poor habiliments—for a steel morion or cuirass, to take the place of their own hacked44 and battered45 armor.[58]{53}
Under this coarse covering, however, they bore hearts stout46 and courageous47 as ever beat in human bosoms48. For they were the heroes, still invincible49, of many a hard-fought field, where the odds50 had been incalculably against them. They had large experience of the country and of the natives, and knew well the character of their own commander, under whose eye they had been trained till every movement was in obedience51 to him. The whole body seemed to constitute but a single individual, in respect of unity52 of design and of action. Thus its real effective force was incredibly augmented53; and, what was no less important, the humblest soldier felt it to be so.
The troops now resumed their march across the table-land, until, reaching the eastern slope, their labors54 were lightened, as they descended towards the broad plains of the tierra caliente, spread out like a boundless55 ocean of verdure below them. At some fifteen leagues’ distance from Cempoalla, where Narvaez, as has been noticed, had established his quarters, they were met by another embassy from that commander. It consisted of the priest, Guevara, Andres de Duero, and two or three others. Duero, the fast friend of Cortés, had been the person most instrumental, originally, in obtaining him his commission from Velasquez. They now greeted each other with a warm embrace, and it was not till after much preliminary conversation on private matters that the secretary disclosed the object of his visit.{54}
He bore a letter from Narvaez, couched in terms somewhat different from the preceding. That officer required, indeed, the acknowledgment of his paramount56 authority in the land, but offered his vessels57 to transport all, who desired it, from the country, together with their treasures and effects, without molestation58 or inquiry59. The more liberal tenor60 of these terms was, doubtless, to be ascribed to the influence of Duero. The secretary strongly urged Cortés to comply with them, as the most favorable that could be obtained, and as the only alternative affording him a chance of safety in his desperate condition. “For, however valiant62 your men may be, how can they expect,” he asked, “to face a force so much superior in numbers and equipment as that of their antagonist63?” But Cortés had set his fortunes on the cast, and he was not the man to shrink from it. “If Narvaez bears a royal commission,” he returned, “I will readily submit to him. But he has produced none. He is a deputy of my rival, Velasquez. For myself, I am a servant of the king; I have conquered the country for him; and for him I and my brave followers will defend it, be assured, to the last drop of our blood. If we fall, it will be glory enough to have perished in the discharge of our duty.”[59]{55}
His friend might have been somewhat puzzled to comprehend how the authority of Cortés rested on a different ground from that of Narvaez; and if they both held of the same superior, the governor of Cuba, why that dignitary should not be empowered to supersede64 his own officer, in case of dissatisfaction, and appoint a substitute.[60] But Cortés here reaped the full benefit of that legal fiction, if it may be so termed, by which his commission, resigned to the self-constituted municipality of Vera Cruz, was again derived65 through that body from the crown. The device, indeed, was too palpable to impose on any but those who chose to be blinded. Most of the army were of this number. To them it seemed to give additional confidence, in the same manner as a strip of painted canvas, when substituted, as it has sometimes been, for a real parapet of stone, has been found not merely to impose on the enemy, but to give a sort of artificial courage to the defenders66 concealed67 behind it.[61]{56}
Duero had arranged with his friend in Cuba, when he took command of the expedition, that he himself was to have a liberal share of the profits. It is said that Cortés confirmed this arrangement at the present juncture69, and made it clearly for the other’s interest that he should prevail in the struggle with Narvaez. This was an important point, considering the position of the secretary.[62] From this authentic70 source the general derived much information respecting the designs of Narvaez, which had escaped the knowledge of Olmedo. On the departure of the envoys, Cortés intrusted them with a letter for his rival, a counterpart of that which he had received from him. This show of negotiation71 intimated a desire on his part to postpone72, if not avoid, hostilities73, which might the better put Narvaez off his guard. In the letter he summoned that commander and his followers to present themselves before him without delay, and to acknowledge his authority as the representative of his sovereign. He should otherwise be compelled to proceed against them as rebels to the crown![63] With this missive, the vaunting tone of which was intended quite as much for his own troops as the enemy, Cortés dismissed the envoys.{57} They returned to disseminate74 among their comrades their admiration75 of the general, and of his unbounded liberality, of which he took care they should experience full measure, and they dilated76 on the riches of his adherents77, who, over their wretched attire78, displayed, with ostentatious profusion79, jewels, ornaments80 of gold, collars, and massive chains winding81 several times round their necks and bodies, the rich spoil of the treasury82 of Montezuma.
The army now took its way across the level plains of the tierra caliente, on which Nature has exhausted83 all the wonders of creation; it was covered more thickly then than at the present day with noble forests, where the towering cottonwood-tree, the growth of ages, stood side by side with the light bamboo or banana, the product of a season, each in its way attesting84 the marvellous fecundity85 of the soil, while innumerable creeping flowers, muffling86 up the giant branches of the trees, waved in bright festoons above their heads, loading the air with odors. But the senses of the Spaniards were not open to the delicious influences of nature. Their minds were occupied by one idea.
Coming upon an open reach of meadow, of some extent, they were at length stopped by a river, or rather stream, called Rio de Canoas, “the River of Canoes,” of no great volume ordinarily, but swollen87 at this time by excessive rains. It had rained hard that day, although at intervals89 the sun had broken forth90 with intolerable fervor91, affording a good specimen92 of those alternations of heat and moisture which give such activity to vegeta{58}tion in the tropics, where the process of forcing seems to be always going on.
The river was about a league distant from the camp of Narvaez. Before seeking out a practical ford61 by which to cross it, Cortés allowed his men to recruit their exhausted strength by stretching themselves on the ground. The shades of evening had gathered round; and the rising moon, wading93 through dark masses of cloud, shone with a doubtful and interrupted light. It was evident that the storm had not yet spent its fury.[64] Cortés did not regret this. He had made up his mind to an assault that very night, and in the darkness and uproar94 of the tempest his movements would be most effectually concealed.
Before disclosing his design, he addressed his men in one of those stirring, soldierly harangues95 to which he had recourse in emergencies of great moment, as if to sound the depths of their hearts, and, where any faltered97, to reanimate them with his own heroic spirit. He briefly98 recapitulated99 the great events of the campaign, the dangers they had surmounted100, the victories they had achieved over the most appalling101 odds, the glorious spoil they had won. But of this they were now to be defrauded102; not by men holding a legal warrant from the crown, but by adventurers, with no better title than that of superior force. They had established a claim on the gratitude103 of their country and their sovereign. This claim was now to be{59} dishonored, their very services were converted into crimes, and their names branded with infamy104 as those of traitors105. But the time had at last come for vengeance106. God would not desert the soldier of the cross. Those whom he had carried victorious107 through greater dangers would not be left to fail now. And, if they should fail, better to die like brave men on the field of battle, than, with fame and fortune cast away, to perish ignominiously108 like slaves on the gibbet. This last point he urged home upon his hearers; well knowing there was not one among them so dull as not to be touched by it.
They responded with hearty109 acclamations, and Velasquez de Leon, and de Lugo, in the name of the rest, assured their commander, if they failed, it should be his fault, not theirs. They would follow wherever he led. The general was fully satisfied with the temper of his soldiers, as he felt that his difficulty lay not in awakening110 their enthusiasm, but in giving it a right direction. One thing is remarkable111. He made no allusion112 to the defection which he knew existed in the enemy’s camp. He would have his soldiers, in this last pinch, rely on nothing but themselves.
He announced his purpose to attack the enemy that very night, when he should be buried in slumber, and the friendly darkness might throw a veil over their own movements and conceal68 the poverty of their numbers. To this the troops, jaded113 though they were by incessant114 marching, and half famished115, joyfully116 assented117. In their situation, suspense118 was the worst of evils. He next dis{60}tributed the commands among his captains. To Gonzalo de Sandoval he assigned the important office of taking Narvaez. He was commanded, as alguacil mayor, to seize the person of that officer as a rebel to his sovereign, and, if he made resistance, to kill him on the spot.[65] He was provided with sixty picked men to aid him in this difficult task, supported by several of the ablest captains, among whom were two of the Alvarados, de Avila, and Ordaz. The largest division of the force was placed under Cristóval de Olid, or, according to some authorities, of Pizarro, one of that family so renowned119 in the subsequent conquest of Peru. He was to get possession of the artillery120, and to cover the assault of Sandoval by keeping those of the enemy at bay who would interfere121 with it. Cortés reserved only a body of twenty men for himself, to act on any point that occasion might require. The watch-word was Espíritu Santo, it being the evening of Whitsunday. Having made these arrangements, he prepared to cross the river.[66]
During the interval88 thus occupied by Cortés, Narvaez had remained at Cempoalla, passing his days in idle and frivolous122 amusement. From this{61} he was at length roused, after the return of Duero, by the remonstrances123 of the old cacique of the city. “Why are you so heedless?” exclaimed the latter; “do you think Malinche is so? Depend on it, he knows your situation exactly, and, when you least dream of it, he will be upon you.”[67]
Alarmed at these suggestions and those of his friends, Narvaez at length put himself at the head of his troops, and, on the very day on which Cortés arrived at the River of Canoes, sallied out to meet him. But, when he had reached this barrier, Narvaez saw no sign of an enemy. The rain, which fell in torrents124, soon drenched126 the soldiers to the skin. Made somewhat effeminate by their long and luxurious127 residence at Cempoalla, they murmured at their uncomfortable situation. “Of what use was it to remain there fighting with the elements? There was no sign of an enemy, and little reason to apprehend128 his approach in such tempestuous weather. It would be wiser to return to Cempoalla, and in the morning they should be all fresh for action, should Cortés make his appearance.”
Narvaez took counsel of these advisers129, or rather of his own inclinations130. Before retracing131 his steps, he provided against surprise by stationing a couple of sentinels at no great distance from the river, to give notice of the approach of Cortés. He also detached a body of forty horse in another direction, by which he thought it not improbable the{62} enemy might advance on Cempoalla. Having taken these precautions, he fell back again before night on his own quarters.
He there occupied the principal teocalli. It consisted of a stone building on the usual pyramidal basis; and the ascent132 was by a flight of steep steps on one of the faces of the pyramid. In the edifice133 or sanctuary134 above he stationed himself with a strong party of arquebusiers and crossbowmen. Two other teocallis in the same area were garrisoned135 by large detachments of infantry136. His artillery, consisting of seventeen or eighteen small guns, he posted in the area below, and protected it by the remainder of his cavalry137. When he had thus distributed his forces, he returned to his own quarters, and soon after to repose138, with as much indifference139 as if his rival had been on the other side of the Atlantic, instead of a neighboring stream.
That stream was now converted by the deluge140 of waters into a furious torrent125. It was with difficulty that a practicable ford could be found. The slippery stones, rolling beneath the feet, gave way at every step. The difficulty of the passage was much increased by the darkness and driving tempest. Still, with their long pikes, the Spaniards contrived141 to make good their footing,—at least, all but two, who were swept down by the fury of the current. When they had reached the opposite side, they had new impediments to encounter, in traversing a road, never good, now made doubly difficult by the deep mire142, and the tangled143 brushwood with which it was overrun.{63}
Here they met with a cross, which had been raised by them on their former march into the interior. They hailed it as a good omen96; and Cortés, kneeling before the blessed sign, confessed his sins, and declared his great object to be the triumph of the holy Catholic faith. The army followed his example, and, having made a general confession144, received absolution from Father Olmedo, who invoked145 the blessing146 of Heaven on the warriors who had consecrated147 their swords to the glory of the Cross. Then rising up and embracing one another, as companions in the good cause, they found themselves wonderfully invigorated and refreshed. The incident is curious, and well illustrates148 the character of the time,—in which war, religion, and rapine were so intimately blended together. Adjoining the road was a little coppice; and Cortés, and the few who had horses, dismounting, fastened the animals to the trees, where they might find some shelter from the storm. They deposited there, too, their baggage, and such superfluous149 articles as would encumber150 their movements. The general then gave them a few last words of advice. “Everything,” said he, “depends on obedience. Let no man, from desire of distinguishing himself, break his ranks. On silence, despatch151, and, above all, obedience to your officers, the success of our enterprise depends.”
Silently and stealthily they held on their way, without beat of drum or sound of trumpet152, when they suddenly came on the two sentinels who had been stationed by Narvaez to give notice of their approach. This had been so noiseless that the ve{64}dettes were both of them surprised on their post, and one only, with difficulty, effected his escape. The other was brought before Cortés. Every effort was made to draw from him some account of the present position of Narvaez. But the man remained obstinately153 silent; and, though threatened with the gibbet, and having a noose154 actually drawn round his neck, his Spartan155 heroism156 was not to be vanquished157. Fortunately, no change had taken place in the arrangements of Narvaez since the intelligence previously158 derived from Duero.
The other sentinel, who had escaped, carried the news of the enemy’s approach to the camp. But his report was not credited by the lazy soldiers whose slumbers159 he had disturbed. “He had been deceived by his fears,” they said, “and mistaken the noise of the storm and the waving of the bushes for the enemy. Cortés and his men were far enough on the other side of the river, which they would be slow to cross in such a night.” Narvaez himself shared in the same blind infatuation, and the discredited160 sentinel slunk abashed161 to his own quarters, vainly menacing them with the consequences of their incredulity.[68]
Cortés, not doubting that the sentinel’s report must alarm the enemy’s camp, quickened his pace. As he drew near, he discerned a light in one of the lofty towers of the city. “It is the quarters of Narvaez,” he exclaimed to Sandoval, “and that light must be your beacon162.” On entering the{65} suburbs, the Spaniards were surprised to find no one stirring, and no symptom of alarm. Not a sound was to be heard, except the measured tread of their own footsteps, half drowned in the howling of the tempest. Still they could not move so stealthily as altogether to elude163 notice, as they defiled164 through the streets of this populous165 city. The tidings were quickly conveyed to the enemy’s quarters, where in an instant all was bustle166 and confusion. The trumpets167 sounded to arms. The dragoons sprang to their steeds, the artillery-men to their guns. Narvaez hastily buckled168 on his armor, called his men around him, and summoned those in the neighboring teocallis to join him in the area. He gave his orders with coolness; for, however wanting in prudence169, he was not deficient in presence of mind, or courage.
All this was the work of a few minutes. But in those minutes the Spaniards had reached the avenue leading to the camp. Cortés ordered his men to keep close to the walls of the buildings, that the cannon-shot might pass between the two files.[69] No sooner had they presented themselves before the enclosure, than the artillery of Narvaez opened a general fire. Fortunately, the pieces were pointed32 so high that most of the balls passed over their heads, and three men only were struck down. They did not give the enemy time to reload. Cortés shouting the watch-word of the night, “Es{66}píritu Santo! Espíritu Santo! Upon them!” in a moment Olid and his division rushed on the artillery-men, whom they pierced or knocked down with their pikes, and got possession of their guns. Another division engaged the cavalry, and made a diversion in favor of Sandoval, who with his gallant170 little band sprang up the great stairway of the temple. They were received with a shower of missiles,—arrows and musket-balls, which, in the hurried aim, and the darkness of the night, did little mischief171. The next minute the assailants were on the platform, engaged hand to hand with their foes172. Narvaez fought bravely in the midst, encouraging his followers. His standard-bearer fell by his side, run through the body. He himself received several wounds; for his short sword was no match for the long pikes of the assailants. At length he received a blow from a spear, which struck out his left eye. “Santa María!” exclaimed the unhappy man, “I am slain173!” The cry was instantly taken up by the followers of Cortés, who shouted “Victory!”
Disabled, and half mad with agony from his wound, Narvaez was withdrawn174 by his men into the sanctuary. The assailants endeavored to force an entrance, but it was stoutly175 defended. At length a soldier, getting possession of a torch or firebrand, flung it on the thatched roof, and in a few moments the combustible176 materials of which it was composed were in a blaze. Those within were driven out by the suffocating177 heat and smoke. A soldier named Farfan grappled with the wounded commander, and easily brought him to the ground;{67} when he was speedily dragged down the steps, and secured with fetters178. His followers, seeing the fate of their chief, made no further resistance.[70]
During this time, Cortés and the troops of Olid had been engaged with the cavalry, and had discomfited179 them, after some ineffectual attempts on the part of the latter to break through the dense180 array of pikes, by which several of their number were unhorsed and some of them slain. The general then prepared to assault the other teocallis, first summoning the garrisons181 to surrender. As they refused, he brought up the heavy guns to bear on them, thus turning the artillery against its own masters. He accompanied this menacing movement with offers of the most liberal import; an amnesty for the past, and a full participation182 in all the advantages of the Conquest. One of the garrisons was under the command of Salvatierra, the same officer who talked of cutting off the ears of Cortés. From the moment he had learned the fate of his own general, the hero was seized with a violent fit of illness which disabled him from further action. The garrison waited only for one discharge of the ordnance183, when they accepted the terms of capitulation. Cortés, it is said, received, on this occasion, support from an unexpected auxiliary184. The air was filled with the cocuyos,—a species of large beetle185 which emits an intense phosphoric light from its body, strong enough to enable one to read by it. These wandering fires, seen in the darkness of the night, were converted, by the{68} excited imaginations of the besieged186, into an army with matchlocks! Such is the report of an eye-witness.[71] But the facility with which the enemy surrendered may quite as probably be referred to the cowardice187 of the commander, and the disaffection of the soldiers, not unwilling188 to come under the banners of Cortés.
The body of cavalry, posted, it will be remembered, by Narvaez on one of the roads to Cempoalla, to intercept189 his rival, having learned what had been passing, were not long in tendering their submission190. Each of the soldiers in the conquered army was required, in token of his obedience, to deposit his arms in the hands of the alguacils, and to take the oaths to Cortés as Chief Justice and Captain-General of the colony.
The number of the slain is variously reported. It seems probable that not more than twelve perished on the side of the vanquished, and of the victors half that number. The small amount may be explained by the short duration of the action, and the random191 aim of the missiles in the darkness. The number of the wounded was much more considerable.[72]{69}
The field was now completely won. A few brief hours had sufficed to change the condition of Cortés from that of a wandering outlaw192 at the head of a handful of needy193 adventurers, a rebel with a price upon his head, to that of an independent chief, with a force at his disposal strong enough not only to secure his present conquests, but to open a career for still loftier ambition. While the air rung with the acclamations of the soldiery, the victorious general, assuming a deportment corresponding with his change of fortune, took his seat in a chair of state, and, with a rich, embroidered194 mantle195 thrown over his shoulders, received, one by one, the officers and soldiers, as they came to tender their congratulations. The privates were graciously permitted to kiss his hand. The officers he noticed with words of compliment or courtesy; and when Duero, Bermudez, the treasurer196, and some others of the vanquished party, his old friends, presented themselves, he cordially embraced them.[73]
Narvaez, Salvatierra, and two or three of the other hostile leaders were led before him in chains. It was a moment of deep humiliation197 for the{70} former commander, in which the anguish198 of the body, however keen, must have been forgotten in that of the spirit. “You have great reason, Se?or Cortés,” said the discomfited warrior27, “to thank Fortune for having given you the day so easily, and put me in your power.” “I have much to be thankful for,” replied the general; “but for my victory over you, I esteem199 it as one of the least of my achievements since my coming into the country!”[74] He then ordered the wounds of the prisoners to be cared for, and sent them under a strong guard to Vera Cruz.
Notwithstanding the proud humility200 of his reply, Cortés could scarcely have failed to regard his victory over Narvaez as one of the most brilliant achievements in his career. With a few scores of followers, badly clothed, worse fed, wasted by forced marches, under every personal disadvantage, deficient in weapons and military stores, he had attacked in their own quarters, routed, and captured the entire force of the enemy, thrice his superior in numbers, well provided with cavalry and artillery, admirably equipped, and complete in all the munitions201 of war! The amount of troops engaged on either side was, indeed, inconsiderable. But the proportions are not affected202 by this; and the relative strength of the parties made a result{71} so decisive one of the most remarkable events in the annals of war.
It is true there were some contingencies203 on which the fortunes of the day depended, that could not be said to be entirely204 within his control. Something was the work of chance. If Velasquez de Leon, for example, had proved false, the expedition must have failed.[75] If the weather, on the night of the attack, had been fair, the enemy would have had certain notice of his approach, and been prepared for it. But these are the chances that enter more or less into every enterprise. He is the skilful205 general who knows how to turn them to account; to win the smiles of Fortune, and make even the elements fight on his side.
If Velasquez de Leon was, as it proved, the very officer whom the general should have trusted with the command, it was his sagacity which originally discerned this and selected him for it. It was his address that converted this dangerous foe into a friend, and one so fast that in the hour of need he{72} chose rather to attach himself to his desperate fortunes than to those of the governor of Cuba, powerful as the latter was, and his near kinsman206. It was the same address which gained Cortés such an ascendency over his soldiers and knit them to him so closely that in the darkest moment not a man offered to desert him.[76] If the success of the assault may be ascribed mainly to the dark and stormy weather which covered it, it was owing to him that he was in a condition to avail himself of this. The shortest possible time intervened between the conception of his plan and its execution. In a very few days he descended by extraordinary marches from the capital to the sea-coast. He came like a torrent from the mountains, pouring on the enemy’s camp, and sweeping207 everything away, before a barrier could be raised to arrest it. This celerity of movement, the result of a clear head and determined208 will, has entered into the strategy of the greatest captains, and forms a prominent feature in their most brilliant military exploits. It was undoubtedly209 in the present instance a great cause of success.
But it would be taking a limited view of the subject to consider the battle which decided210 the fate of Narvaez as wholly fought at Cempoalla. It was begun in Mexico. With that singular power{73} which he exercised over all who came near him, Cortés converted the very emissaries of Narvaez into his own friends and agents. The reports of Guevara and his companions, the intrigues211 of Father Olmedo, and the general’s gold, were all busily at work to shake the loyalty212 of the soldiers, and the battle was half won before a blow had been struck. It was fought quite as much with gold as with steel. Cortés understood this so well that he made it his great object to seize the person of Narvaez. In such an event, he had full confidence that indifference to their own cause and partiality to himself would speedily bring the rest of the army under his banner. He was not deceived. Narvaez said truly enough, therefore, some years after this event, that “he had been beaten by his own troops, not by those of his rival; that his followers had been bribed213 to betray him.”[77] This affords the only explanation of their brief and ineffectual resistance.
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4 defiles | |
v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 );污染;弄脏;纵列行进 | |
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5 bleak | |
adj.(天气)阴冷的;凄凉的;暗淡的 | |
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6 tempestuous | |
adj.狂暴的 | |
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7 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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8 heeded | |
v.听某人的劝告,听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 );变平,使(某物)变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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9 annoyances | |
n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 );烦恼;打扰;使人烦恼的事 | |
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10 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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11 chimerical | |
adj.荒诞不经的,梦幻的 | |
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12 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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13 envoys | |
使节( envoy的名词复数 ); 公使; 谈判代表; 使节身份 | |
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14 ecclesiastic | |
n.教士,基督教会;adj.神职者的,牧师的,教会的 | |
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15 condign | |
adj.应得的,相当的 | |
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16 puffed | |
adj.疏松的v.使喷出( puff的过去式和过去分词 );喷着汽(或烟)移动;吹嘘;吹捧 | |
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17 negligent | |
adj.疏忽的;玩忽的;粗心大意的 | |
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18 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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19 pompous | |
adj.傲慢的,自大的;夸大的;豪华的 | |
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20 conceited | |
adj.自负的,骄傲自满的 | |
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21 braggart | |
n.吹牛者;adj.吹牛的,自夸的 | |
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22 rupture | |
n.破裂;(关系的)决裂;v.(使)破裂 | |
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23 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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24 intrepid | |
adj.无畏的,刚毅的 | |
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25 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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26 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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27 warrior | |
n.勇士,武士,斗士 | |
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28 strewed | |
v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 );散落于;点缀;撒满 | |
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29 wreck | |
n.失事,遇难;沉船;vt.(船等)失事,遇难 | |
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30 volcanic | |
adj.火山的;象火山的;由火山引起的 | |
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31 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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32 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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33 rendezvous | |
n.约会,约会地点,汇合点;vi.汇合,集合;vt.使汇合,使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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34 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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35 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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36 copper | |
n.铜;铜币;铜器;adj.铜(制)的;(紫)铜色的 | |
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37 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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38 battalions | |
n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
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39 chivalry | |
n.骑士气概,侠义;(男人)对女人彬彬有礼,献殷勤 | |
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40 paltry | |
adj.无价值的,微不足道的 | |
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41 muskets | |
n.火枪,(尤指)滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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42 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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43 deficient | |
adj.不足的,不充份的,有缺陷的 | |
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44 hacked | |
生气 | |
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45 battered | |
adj.磨损的;v.连续猛击;磨损 | |
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47 courageous | |
adj.勇敢的,有胆量的 | |
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48 bosoms | |
胸部( bosom的名词复数 ); 胸怀; 女衣胸部(或胸襟); 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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49 invincible | |
adj.不可征服的,难以制服的 | |
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50 odds | |
n.让步,机率,可能性,比率;胜败优劣之别 | |
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51 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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52 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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53 Augmented | |
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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54 labors | |
v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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55 boundless | |
adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
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56 paramount | |
a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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57 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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58 molestation | |
n.骚扰,干扰,调戏;折磨 | |
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59 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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60 tenor | |
n.男高音(歌手),次中音(乐器),要旨,大意 | |
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61 Ford | |
n.浅滩,水浅可涉处;v.涉水,涉过 | |
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62 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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63 antagonist | |
n.敌人,对抗者,对手 | |
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64 supersede | |
v.替代;充任 | |
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65 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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66 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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67 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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68 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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69 juncture | |
n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
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70 authentic | |
a.真的,真正的;可靠的,可信的,有根据的 | |
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71 negotiation | |
n.谈判,协商 | |
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72 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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73 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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74 disseminate | |
v.散布;传播 | |
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75 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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76 dilated | |
adj.加宽的,扩大的v.(使某物)扩大,膨胀,张大( dilate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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78 attire | |
v.穿衣,装扮[同]array;n.衣着;盛装 | |
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79 profusion | |
n.挥霍;丰富 | |
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80 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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81 winding | |
n.绕,缠,绕组,线圈 | |
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82 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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83 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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84 attesting | |
v.证明( attest的现在分词 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
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85 fecundity | |
n.生产力;丰富 | |
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86 muffling | |
v.压抑,捂住( muffle的现在分词 );用厚厚的衣帽包着(自己) | |
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87 swollen | |
adj.肿大的,水涨的;v.使变大,肿胀 | |
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88 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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89 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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90 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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91 fervor | |
n.热诚;热心;炽热 | |
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92 specimen | |
n.样本,标本 | |
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93 wading | |
(从水、泥等)蹚,走过,跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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94 uproar | |
n.骚动,喧嚣,鼎沸 | |
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95 harangues | |
n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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96 omen | |
n.征兆,预兆;vt.预示 | |
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97 faltered | |
(嗓音)颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 ); 支吾其词; 蹒跚; 摇晃 | |
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98 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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99 recapitulated | |
v.总结,扼要重述( recapitulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100 surmounted | |
战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 ); 克服(困难); 居于…之上; 在…顶上 | |
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101 appalling | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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102 defrauded | |
v.诈取,骗取( defraud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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104 infamy | |
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
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105 traitors | |
卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 ); 叛徒; 背叛者; 背信弃义的人 | |
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106 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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107 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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108 ignominiously | |
adv.耻辱地,屈辱地,丢脸地 | |
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109 hearty | |
adj.热情友好的;衷心的;尽情的,纵情的 | |
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110 awakening | |
n.觉醒,醒悟 adj.觉醒中的;唤醒的 | |
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111 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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112 allusion | |
n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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113 jaded | |
adj.精疲力竭的;厌倦的;(因过饱或过多而)腻烦的;迟钝的 | |
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114 incessant | |
adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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115 famished | |
adj.饥饿的 | |
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116 joyfully | |
adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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117 assented | |
同意,赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118 suspense | |
n.(对可能发生的事)紧张感,担心,挂虑 | |
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119 renowned | |
adj.著名的,有名望的,声誉鹊起的 | |
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120 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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121 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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122 frivolous | |
adj.轻薄的;轻率的 | |
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123 remonstrances | |
n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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124 torrents | |
n.倾注;奔流( torrent的名词复数 );急流;爆发;连续不断 | |
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125 torrent | |
n.激流,洪流;爆发,(话语等的)连发 | |
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126 drenched | |
adj.湿透的;充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 );在某人(某物)上大量使用(某液体) | |
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127 luxurious | |
adj.精美而昂贵的;豪华的 | |
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128 apprehend | |
vt.理解,领悟,逮捕,拘捕,忧虑 | |
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129 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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130 inclinations | |
倾向( inclination的名词复数 ); 倾斜; 爱好; 斜坡 | |
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131 retracing | |
v.折回( retrace的现在分词 );回忆;回顾;追溯 | |
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132 ascent | |
n.(声望或地位)提高;上升,升高;登高 | |
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133 edifice | |
n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿,教室) | |
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134 sanctuary | |
n.圣所,圣堂,寺庙;禁猎区,保护区 | |
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135 garrisoned | |
卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 ); 派部队驻防 | |
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136 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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137 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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138 repose | |
v.(使)休息;n.安息 | |
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139 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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140 deluge | |
n./vt.洪水,暴雨,使泛滥 | |
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141 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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142 mire | |
n.泥沼,泥泞;v.使...陷于泥泞,使...陷入困境 | |
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143 tangled | |
adj. 纠缠的,紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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144 confession | |
n.自白,供认,承认 | |
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145 invoked | |
v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 );行使(权利等);祈求救助;恳求 | |
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146 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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147 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
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148 illustrates | |
给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 ); 说明; 表明; (用示例、图画等)说明 | |
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149 superfluous | |
adj.过多的,过剩的,多余的 | |
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150 encumber | |
v.阻碍行动,妨碍,堆满 | |
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151 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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152 trumpet | |
n.喇叭,喇叭声;v.吹喇叭,吹嘘 | |
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153 obstinately | |
ad.固执地,顽固地 | |
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154 noose | |
n.绳套,绞索(刑);v.用套索捉;使落入圈套;处以绞刑 | |
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155 spartan | |
adj.简朴的,刻苦的;n.斯巴达;斯巴达式的人 | |
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156 heroism | |
n.大无畏精神,英勇 | |
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157 vanquished | |
v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 );战胜;克服;抑制 | |
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158 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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159 slumbers | |
睡眠,安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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160 discredited | |
不足信的,不名誉的 | |
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161 abashed | |
adj.窘迫的,尴尬的v.使羞愧,使局促,使窘迫( abash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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162 beacon | |
n.烽火,(警告用的)闪火灯,灯塔 | |
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163 elude | |
v.躲避,困惑 | |
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164 defiled | |
v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 );污染;弄脏;纵列行进 | |
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165 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
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166 bustle | |
v.喧扰地忙乱,匆忙,奔忙;n.忙碌;喧闹 | |
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167 trumpets | |
喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 ); 小号; 喇叭形物; (尤指)绽开的水仙花 | |
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168 buckled | |
a. 有带扣的 | |
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169 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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170 gallant | |
adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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171 mischief | |
n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
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172 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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173 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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174 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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175 stoutly | |
adv.牢固地,粗壮的 | |
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176 combustible | |
a. 易燃的,可燃的; n. 易燃物,可燃物 | |
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177 suffocating | |
a.使人窒息的 | |
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178 fetters | |
n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 );束缚v.给…上脚镣,束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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179 discomfited | |
v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词);使狼狈;使挫折;挫败 | |
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180 dense | |
a.密集的,稠密的,浓密的;密度大的 | |
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181 garrisons | |
守备部队,卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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182 participation | |
n.参与,参加,分享 | |
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183 ordnance | |
n.大炮,军械 | |
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184 auxiliary | |
adj.辅助的,备用的 | |
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185 beetle | |
n.甲虫,近视眼的人 | |
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186 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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187 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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188 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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189 intercept | |
vt.拦截,截住,截击 | |
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190 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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191 random | |
adj.随机的;任意的;n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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192 outlaw | |
n.歹徒,亡命之徒;vt.宣布…为不合法 | |
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193 needy | |
adj.贫穷的,贫困的,生活艰苦的 | |
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194 embroidered | |
adj.绣花的 | |
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195 mantle | |
n.斗篷,覆罩之物,罩子;v.罩住,覆盖,脸红 | |
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196 treasurer | |
n.司库,财务主管 | |
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197 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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198 anguish | |
n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦,烦恼 | |
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199 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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200 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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201 munitions | |
n.军火,弹药;v.供应…军需品 | |
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202 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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203 contingencies | |
n.偶然发生的事故,意外事故( contingency的名词复数 );以备万一 | |
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204 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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205 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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206 kinsman | |
n.男亲属 | |
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207 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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208 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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209 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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210 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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211 intrigues | |
n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 );神秘气氛;引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 );激起…的好奇心 | |
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212 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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213 bribed | |
v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂 | |
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