1520
BEFORE explaining the nature of the tidings alluded2 to in the preceding chapter, it will be necessary to cast a glance over some of the transactions of an earlier period. The vessel3, which, as the reader may remember, bore the envoys5 Puertocarrero and Montejo with the despatches from Vera Cruz, after touching6, contrary to orders, at the northern coast of Cuba, and spreading the news of the late discoveries, held on its way uninterrupted towards Spain, and early in October, 1519, reached the little port of San Lucar. Great was the sensation caused by her arrival and the tidings which she brought; a sensation scarcely inferior to that created by the original discovery of Columbus. For now, for the first time, all the magnificent anticipations7 formed of the World seemed destined8 to be realized.
Unfortunately, there was a person in Seville at this time, named Benito Martin, chaplain of Ve{25}lasquez, the governor of Cuba. No sooner did this man learn the arrival of the envoys, and the particulars of their story, than he lodged9 a complaint with the Casa de Contratacion,—the Royal India House,—charging those on board the vessel with mutiny and rebellion against the authorities of Cuba, as well as with treason to the crown.[28] In consequence of his representations, the ship was taken possession of by the public officers, and those on board were prohibited from removing their own effects, or anything else, from her. The envoys were not even allowed the funds necessary for the expenses of the voyage, nor a considerable sum remitted11 by Cortés to his father, Don Martin. In this embarrassment12 they had no alternative but to present themselves, as speedily as possible, before the emperor, deliver the letters with which they had been charged by the colony, and seek redress13 for their own grievances14. They first sought out Martin Cortés, residing at Medellin, and with him made the best of their way to court.
Charles the Fifth was then on his first visit to Spain after his accession. It was not a long one; long enough, however, to disgust his subjects, and, in a great degree, to alienate15 their affections. He had lately received intelligence of his election to the imperial crown of Germany. From that hour his eyes were turned to that quarter. His stay in{26} the Peninsula was prolonged only that he might raise supplies for appearing with splendor16 on the great theatre of Europe. Every act showed too plainly that the diadem17 of his ancestors was held lightly in comparison with the imperial bauble18 in which neither his countrymen nor his own posterity19 could have the slightest interest. The interest was wholly personal.
Contrary to established usage, he had summoned the Castilian córtes to meet at Compostella, a remote town in the north, which presented no other advantage than that of being near his place of embarkation20.[29] On his way thither22 he stopped some time at Tordesillas, the residence of his unhappy mother, Joanna “the Mad.” It was here that the envoys from Vera Cruz presented themselves before him, in March, 1520. At nearly the same time, the treasures brought over by them reached the court, where they excited unbounded admiration23.[30] Hitherto, the returns from the New World had been chiefly in vegetable products, which, if the surest, are also the slowest sources of wealth. Of gold they had as yet seen but little, and that in its natural state or wrought24 into the rudest trinkets. The courtiers gazed with astonishment25 on the large masses of the precious metal, and the delicate manufacture of the various arti{27}cles, especially of the richly tinted26 feather-work. And, as they listened to the accounts, written and oral, of the great Aztec empire, they felt assured that the Castilian ships had at length reached the golden Indies, which hitherto had seemed to recede27 before them.
In this favorable mood there is little doubt the monarch28 would have granted the petition of the envoys, and confirmed the irregular proceedings of the Conquerors29, but for the opposition31 of a person who held the highest office in the Indian department. This was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, formerly32 dean of Seville, now bishop33 of Burgos. He was a man of noble family, and had been intrusted with the direction of the colonial concerns on the discovery of the New World. On the establishment of the Royal Council of the Indies by Ferdinand the Catholic, he had been made its president, and had occupied that post ever since. His long continuance in a position of great importance and difficulty is evidence of capacity for business. It was no uncommon34 thing in that age to find ecclesiastics35 in high civil, and even military, employments. Fonseca appears to have been an active, efficient person, better suited to a secular37 than to a religious vocation38. He had, indeed, little that was religious in his temper; quick to take offence and slow to forgive. His resentments39 seem to have been nourished and perpetuated41 like a part of his own nature. Unfortunately, his peculiar42 position enabled him to display them towards some of the most illustrious men of his time. From pique43 at some real or fancied slight from Colum{28}bus, he had constantly thwarted44 the plans of the great navigator. He had shown the same unfriendly feeling towards the Admiral’s son, Diego, the heir of his honors; and he now, and from this time forward, showed a similar spirit towards the Conqueror30 of Mexico. The immediate45 cause of this was his own personal relations with Velasquez, to whom a near relative was betrothed46.[31]
Through this prelate’s representations, Charles, instead of a favorable answer to the envoys, postponed47 his decision till he should arrive at Coru?a, the place of embarkation.[32] But here he was much pressed by the troubles which his impolitic conduct had raised, as well as by preparations for his voyage. The transaction of the colonial business, which, long postponed, had greatly accumulated on his hands, was reserved for the last week in Spain. But the affairs of the “young admiral” consumed so large a portion of this, that he had no time to give to those of Cortés, except, indeed, to instruct the board at Seville to remit10 to the envoys so much of their funds as was required to defray the charges of the voyage. On the 16th of May, 1520, the impatient monarch bade adieu to his distracted kingdom, without one attempt to settle the dispute between his belligerent48 vassals49 in the New World, and without an effort to pro{29}mote the magnificent enterprise which was to secure to him the possession of an empire. What a contrast to the policy of his illustrious predecessors50, Ferdinand and Isabella![33]
The governor of Cuba, meanwhile, without waiting for support from home, took measures for redress into his own hands. We have seen in a preceding chapter how deeply he was moved by the reports of the proceedings of Cortés, and of the treasures which his vessel was bearing to Spain. Rage, mortification51, disappointed avarice52, distracted his mind. He could not forgive himself for trusting the affair to such hands. On the very week in which Cortés had parted from him to take charge of the fleet, a capitulation had been signed by Charles the Fifth, conferring on Velasquez the title of adelantado, with great augmentation of his original powers.[34] The governor resolved, without loss of time, to send such a force to the Mexican coast as should enable him to assert his new authority to its full extent and to take vengeance53 on his rebellious54 officer. He began his preparations as early as October.[35] At first he{30} proposed to assume the command in person. But his unwieldy size, which disqualified him for the fatigues55 incident to such an expedition, or, according to his own account, tenderness for his Indian subjects, then wasted by an epidemic56, induced him to devolve the command on another.[36]
The person whom he selected was a Castilian hidalgo, named Pánfilo de Narvaez. He had assisted Velasquez in the reduction of Cuba, where his conduct cannot be wholly vindicated57 from the charge of inhumanity which too often attaches to the early Spanish adventurers. From that time he continued to hold important posts under the government, and was a decided59 favorite with Velasquez. He was a man of some military capacity, though negligent60 and lax in his discipline. He possessed61 undoubted courage, but it was mingled62 with an arrogance63, or rather overweening confidence in his own powers, which made him deaf to the suggestions of others more sagacious than himself. He was altogether deficient64 in that prudence65 and calculating foresight66 demanded in a leader who was to cope with an antagonist67 like Cortés.[37]
The governor and his lieutenant68 were unwearied in their efforts to assemble an army. They visited every considerable town in the island, fitting out vessels69, laying in stores and ammunition70, and encouraging volunteers to enlist71 by liberal promises.{31} But the most effectual bounty72 was the assurance of the rich treasures that awaited them in the golden regions of Mexico. So confident were they in this expectation, that all classes and ages vied with one another in eagerness to embark21 in the expedition, until it seemed as if the whole white population would desert the island and leave it to its primitive73 occupants.[38]
The report of these proceedings soon spread through the Islands, and drew the attention of the Royal Audience of St. Domingo. This body was intrusted, at that time, not only with the highest judicial74 authority in the colonies, but with a civil jurisdiction75, which, as “the Admiral” complained, encroached on his own rights. The tribunal saw with alarm the proposed expedition of Velasquez, which, whatever might be its issue in regard to the parties, could not fail to compromise the interests of the crown. They chose accordingly one of their number, the licentiate Ayllon, a man of prudence and resolution, and despatched him to Cuba, with instructions to interpose his authority, and stay, if possible, the proceedings of Velasquez.[39]
On his arrival, he found the governor in the western part of the island, busily occupied in getting the fleet ready for sea. The licentiate explained to him the purport76 of his mission, and the views entertained of the proposed enterprise by{32} the Royal Audience. The conquest of a powerful country like Mexico required the whole force of the Spaniards, and, if one half were employed against the other, nothing but ruin could come of it. It was the governor’s duty, as a good subject, to forego all private animosities, and to sustain those now engaged in the great work by sending them the necessary supplies. He might, indeed, proclaim his own powers and demand obedience77 to them. But, if this were refused, he should leave the determination of his dispute to the authorized78 tribunals, and employ his resources in prosecuting79 discovery in another direction, instead of hazarding all by hostilities80 with his rival.
This admonition, however sensible and salutary, was not at all to the taste of the governor. He professed81, indeed, to have no intention of coming to hostilities with Cortés. He designed only to assert his lawful82 jurisdiction over territories discovered under his own auspices83. At the same time, he denied the right of Ayllon or of the Royal Audience to interfere84 in the matter. Narvaez was still more refractory85, and, as the fleet was now ready, proclaimed his intention to sail in a few hours. In this state of things, the licentiate, baffled in his first purpose of staying the expedition, determined86 to accompany it in person, that he might prevent, if possible, by his presence, an open rupture87 between the parties.[40]
The squadron consisted of eighteen vessels, large and small. It carried nine hundred men,{33} eighty of whom were cavalry88, eighty more arquebusiers, one hundred and fifty crossbowmen, with a number of heavy guns, and a large supply of ammunition and military stores. There were, besides, a thousand Indians, natives of the island, who went, probably, in a menial capacity.[41] So gallant89 an armada—with one exception,[42]—never before rode in the Indian seas. None to compare with it had ever been fitted out in the Western World.
Leaving Cuba early in March, 1520, Narvaez held nearly the same course as Cortés, and running down what was then called the “island of Yucatan,”[43] after a heavy tempest, in which some of his smaller vessels foundered90, anchored, April 23, off San Juan de Ulua. It was the place where Cortés, also, had first landed; the sandy waste covered by the present city of Vera Cruz.
Here the commander met with a Spaniard, one of those sent by the general from Mexico to ascertain91 the resources of the country, especially its mineral products. This man came on board the fleet, and from him the Spaniards gathered the particulars of all that had occurred since the departure of the envoys from Vera Cruz,—the march into the interior, the bloody92 battles with{34} the Tlascalans, the occupation of Mexico, the rich treasures found in it, and the seizure93 of the monarch, by means of which, concluded the soldier, “Cortés rules over the land like its own sovereign, so that a Spaniard may travel unarmed from one end of the country to the other, without insult or injury.”[44] His audience listened to this marvellous report in speechless amazement94, and the loyal indignation of Narvaez waxed stronger and stronger, as he learned the value of the prize which had been snatched from his employer.
He now openly proclaimed his intention to march against Cortés and punish him for his rebellion. He made this vaunt so loudly, that the natives, who had flocked in numbers to the camp, which was soon formed on shore, clearly comprehended that the new-comers were not friends, but enemies, of the preceding. Narvaez determined, also,—though in opposition to the counsel of the Spaniard, who quoted the example of Cortés,—to establish a settlement on this unpromising spot; and he made the necessary arrangements to organize a municipality. He was informed by the soldier of the existence of the neighboring colony at Villa96 Rica, commanded by Sandoval, and consisting of a few invalids97, who,{35} he was assured, would surrender on the first summons. Instead of marching against the place, however, he determined to send a peaceful embassy to display his powers and demand the submission98 of the garrison99.[45]
These successive steps gave serious displeasure to Ayllon, who saw they must lead to inevitable100 collision with Cortés. But it was in vain he remonstrated101 and threatened to lay the proceedings of Narvaez before the government. The latter, chafed102 by his continued opposition and sour rebuke103, determined to rid himself of a companion who acted as a spy on his movements. He caused him to be seized and sent back to Cuba. The licentiate had the address to persuade the captain of the vessel to change her destination for St. Domingo; and, when he arrived there, a formal report of his proceedings, exhibiting in strong colors the disloyal conduct of the governor and his lieutenant, was prepared, and despatched by the Royal Audience to Spain.[46]
Sandoval meanwhile had not been inattentive to the movements of Narvaez. From the time of his first appearance on the coast, that vigilant104 officer, distrusting the object of the armament, had kept his eye on him. No sooner was he apprised105 of the landing of the Spaniards, than the commander of{36} Villa Rica sent off his few disabled soldiers to a place of safety in the neighborhood. He then put his works in the best posture106 of defence that he could, and prepared to maintain the place to the last extremity107. His men promised to stand by him, and, the more effectually to fortify108 the resolution of any who might falter109, he ordered a gallows110 to be set up in a conspicuous111 part of the town! The constancy of his men was not put to the trial.
The only invaders112 of the place were a priest, a notary113, and four other Spaniards, selected for the mission, already noticed, by Narvaez. The ecclesiastic36’s name was Guevara. On coming before Sandoval, he made him a formal address, in which he pompously114 enumerated115 the services and claims of Velasquez, taxed Cortés and his adherents116 with rebellion, and demanded of Sandoval to tender his submission, as a loyal subject, to the newly constituted authority of Narvaez.
The commander of La Villa Rica was so much incensed117 at this unceremonious mention of his companions in arms that he assured the reverend envoy4 that nothing but respect for his cloth saved him from the chastisement118 he merited. Guevara now waxed wroth in his turn, and called on the notary to read the proclamation. But Sandoval interposed, promising95 that functionary119 that if he attempted to do so, without first producing a warrant of his authority from the crown, he should be soundly flogged. Guevara lost all command of himself at this, and, stamping on the ground, repeated his orders in a more peremptory120 tone than before. Sandoval was not a man of many words.{37} He simply remarked that the instrument should be read to the general himself in Mexico. At the same time, he ordered his men to procure121 a number of sturdy tamanes, or Indian porters, on whose backs the unfortunate priest and his companions were bound like so many bales of goods. They were then placed under a guard of twenty Spaniards, and the whole caravan122 took its march for the capital. Day and night they travelled, stopping only to obtain fresh relays of carriers; and as they passed through populous123 towns, forests, and cultivated fields, vanishing as soon as seen, the Spaniards, bewildered by the strangeness of the scene, as well as of their novel mode of conveyance124, hardly knew whether they were awake or in a dream. In this way, at the end of the fourth day, they reached the Tezcucan lake in view of the Aztec capital.[47]
Its inhabitants had already been made acquainted with the fresh arrival of white men on the coast. Indeed, directly on their landing, intelligence had been communicated to Montezuma, who is said (it does not seem probable) to have concealed125 it some days from Cortés.[48] At length, inviting126 him to an interview, he told him there was no longer any obstacle to his leaving the country, as a fleet was ready for him. To the inquiries127 of{38} the astonished general, Montezuma replied by pointing to a hieroglyphical128 map sent him from the coast, on which the ships, the Spaniards themselves, and their whole equipment were minutely delineated. Cortés, suppressing all emotions but those of pleasure, exclaimed, “Blessed be the Redeemer for his mercies!” On returning to his quarters, the tidings were received by the troops with loud shouts, the firing of cannon129, and other demonstrations130 of joy. They hailed the new-comers as a reinforcement from Spain. Not so their commander. From the first, he suspected them to be sent by his enemy, the governor of Cuba. He communicated his suspicions to his officers, through whom they gradually found their way among the men. The tide of joy was instantly checked. Alarming apprehensions131 succeeded, as they dwelt on the probability of this suggestion and on the strength of the invaders. Yet their constancy did not desert them; and they pledged themselves to remain true to their cause, and, come what might, to stand by their leader. It was one of those occasions that proved the entire influence which Cortés held over these wild adventurers. All doubts were soon dispelled132 by the arrival of the prisoners from Villa Rica.
One of the convoy133, leaving the party in the suburbs, entered the city, and delivered a letter to the general from Sandoval, acquainting him with all the particulars. Cortés instantly sent to the prisoners, ordered them to be released, and furnished them with horses to make their entrance{39} into the capital,—a more creditable conveyance than the backs of tamanes. On their arrival, he received them with marked courtesy, apologized for the rude conduct of his officers, and seemed desirous by the most assiduous attentions to soothe134 the irritation135 of their minds. He showed his good will still further by lavishing136 presents on Guevara and his associates, until he gradually wrought such a change in their dispositions137 that from enemies he converted them into friends, and drew forth138 many important particulars respecting not merely the designs of their leader, but the feelings of his army. The soldiers, in general, they said, far from desiring a rupture with those of Cortés, would willingly co-operate with them, were it not for their commander. They had no feelings of resentment40 to gratify. Their object was gold. The personal influence of Narvaez was not great, and his arrogance and penurious139 temper had already gone far to alienate from him the affections of his followers140. These hints were not lost on the general.
He addressed a letter to his rival in the most conciliatory terms. He besought141 him not to proclaim their animosity to the world, and, by kindling142 a spirit of insubordination in the natives, unsettle all that had been so far secured. A violent collision must be prejudicial even to the victor, and might be fatal to both. It was only in union that they could look for success. He was ready to greet Narvaez as a brother in arms, to share with him the fruits of conquest, and, if he could produce a royal commission, to submit to his au{40}thority. Cortés well knew he had no such commission to show.[49]
Soon after the departure of Guevara and his comrades,[50] the general determined to send a special envoy of his own. The person selected for this delicate office was Father Olmedo, who, through the campaign, had shown a practical good sense, and a talent for affairs, not always to be found in a person of his spiritual calling. He was intrusted with another epistle to Narvaez, of similar import with the preceding. Cortés wrote, also, to the licentiate Ayllon, with whose departure he was not acquainted, and to Andres de Duero, former secretary of Velasquez, and his own friend, who had come over in the present fleet. Olmedo was instructed to converse143 with these persons in private, as well as with the principal officers and soldiers, and, as far as possible, to infuse into them a spirit of accommodation. To give greater weight to his arguments, he was furnished with a liberal supply of gold.
During this time, Narvaez had abandoned his original design of planting a colony on the sea-coast, and had crossed the country to Cempoalla, where he had taken up his quarters. He was here when Guevara returned and presented the letter of Cortés.
Narvaez glanced over it with a look of contempt,{41} which was changed into one of stern displeasure as his envoy enlarged on the resources and formidable character of his rival, counselling him by all means to accept his proffers144 of amity145. A different effect was produced on the troops, who listened with greedy ears to the accounts given of Cortés, his frank and liberal manners, which they involuntarily contrasted with those of their own commander, the wealth in his camp, where the humblest private could stake his ingot and chain of gold at play, where all revelled146 in plenty, and the life of the soldier seemed to be one long holiday. Guevara had been admitted only to the sunny side of the picture.
The impression made by these accounts was confirmed by the presence of Olmedo. The ecclesiastic delivered his missives, in like manner, to Narvaez, who ran through their contents with feelings of anger which found vent58 in the most opprobrious147 invectives against his rival; while one of his captains, named Salvatierra, openly avowed148 his intention to cut off the rebel’s ears and broil149 them for his breakfast![51] Such impotent sallies did not alarm the stout-hearted friar, who soon entered into communication with many of the officers and soldiers, whom he found better inclined to an accommodation. His insinuating150 eloquence151, backed by his liberal largesses, gradually opened a way into their hearts, and a party was formed under the very eye of their chief, better affected152 to his rival’s interests than to his own. The intrigue153 could not be conducted so secretly as wholly to{42} elude154 the suspicions of Narvaez, who would have arrested Olmedo and placed him under confinement155, but for the interposition of Duero. He put a stop to his further machinations by sending him back again to his master. But the poison was left to do its work.
Narvaez made the same vaunt as at his landing, of his design to march against Cortés and apprehend156 him as a traitor157. The Cempoallans learned with astonishment that their new guests, though the countrymen, were enemies of their former. Narvaez, also, proclaimed his intention to release Montezuma from captivity158 and restore him to his throne. It is said he received a rich present from the Aztec emperor, who entered into a correspondence with him.[52] That Montezuma should have treated him with his usual munificence159, supposing him to be the friend of Cortés, is very probable. But that he should have entered into a secret communication, hostile to the general’s interests, is too repugnant to the whole tenor160 of his conduct to be lightly admitted.
These proceedings did not escape the watchful161 eye of Sandoval. He gathered the particulars partly from deserters who fled to Villa Rica, and partly from his own agents, who in the disguise of natives mingled in the enemy’s camp. He sent a{43} full account of them to Cortés, acquainted him with the growing defection of the Indians, and urged him to take speedy measures for the defence of Villa Rica if he would not see it fall into the enemy’s hands. The general felt that it was time to act.
Yet the selection of the course to be pursued was embarrassing in the extreme. If he remained in Mexico and awaited there the attack of his rival, it would give the latter time to gather round him the whole forces of the empire, including those of the capital itself, all willing, no doubt, to serve under the banners of a chief who proposed the liberation of their master. The odds162 were too great to be hazarded.
If he marched against Narvaez, he must either abandon the city and the emperor, the fruit of all his toils163 and triumphs, or, by leaving a garrison to hold them in awe164, must cripple his strength, already far too weak to cope with that of his adversary165. Yet on this latter course he decided. He trusted less, perhaps, to an open encounter of arms than to the influence of his personal address and previous intrigues166, to bring about an amicable167 arrangement. But he prepared himself for either result.
In a preceding chapter it was mentioned that Velasquez de Leon was sent with a hundred and fifty men to plant a colony on one of the great rivers emptying into the Mexican Gulf168. Cortés, on learning the arrival of Narvaez, had despatched a messenger to his officer, to acquaint him with the fact and to arrest his further progress. But Ve{44}lasquez had already received notice of it from Narvaez himself, who, in a letter written soon after his landing, had adjured169 him in the name of his kinsman170, the governor of Cuba, to quit the banners of Cortés and come over to him. That officer, however, had long since buried the feelings of resentment which he had once nourished against his general, to whom he was now devotedly171 attached, and who had honored him throughout the campaign with particular regard. Cortés had early seen the importance of securing this cavalier to his interests. Without waiting for orders, Velasquez abandoned his expedition, and commenced a countermarch on the capital, when he received the general’s commands to await him in Cholula.
Cortés had also sent to the distant province of Chinantla, situated172 far to the southeast of Cholula, for a reinforcement of two thousand natives. They were a bold race, hostile to the Mexicans, and had offered their services to him since his residence in the metropolis173. They used a long spear in battle, longer, indeed, than that borne by the Spanish or German infantry174. Cortés ordered three hundred of their double-headed lances to be made for him, and to be tipped with copper175 instead of itztli. With this formidable weapon he proposed to foil the cavalry of his enemy.
The command of the garrison in his absence he intrusted to Pedro de Alvarado,—the Tonatiuh of the Mexicans,—a man possessed of many commanding qualities, of an intrepid176 though somewhat arrogant177 spirit, and his warm personal friend. He inculcated on him moderation and{45} forbearance. He was to keep a close watch on Montezuma, for on the possession of the royal person rested all their authority in the land. He was to show him the deference178 alike due to his high station and demanded by policy. He was to pay uniform respect to the usages and the prejudices of the people; remembering that though his small force would be large enough to overawe them in times of quiet, yet should they be once roused it would be swept away like chaff179 before the whirlwind.
From Montezuma he exacted a promise to maintain the same friendly relations with his lieutenant which he had preserved towards himself. This, said Cortés, would be most grateful to his own master, the Spanish sovereign. Should the Aztec prince do otherwise, and lend himself to any hostile movement, he must be convinced that he would fall the first victim of it.
The emperor assured him of his continued good will. He was much perplexed180, however, by the recent events. Were the Spaniards at his court, or those just landed, the true representatives of their sovereign? Cortés, who had hitherto maintained a reserve on the subject, now told him that the latter were indeed his countrymen, but traitors181 to his master. As such, it was his painful duty to march against them, and, when he had chastised182 their rebellion, he should return, before his departure from the land, in triumph to the capital. Montezuma offered to support him with five thousand Aztec warriors183; but the general declined it, not choosing to encumber184 him{46}self with a body of doubtful, perhaps disaffected185, auxiliaries186.
He left in garrison, under Alvarado, one hundred and forty men, two-thirds of his whole force.[53] With these remained all the artillery187, the greater part of the little body of horse, and most of the arquebusiers. He took with him only seventy soldiers, but they were men of the most mettle188 in the army and his stanch189 adherents. They were lightly armed, and encumbered190 with as little baggage as possible. Everything depended on celerity of movement.
Montezuma, in his royal litter borne on the shoulders of his nobles, and escorted by the whole Spanish infantry, accompanied the general to the causeway. There, embracing him in the most cordial manner, they parted, with all the external marks of mutual191 regard. It was about the middle of May, 1520, more than six months since the entrance of the Spaniards into Mexico. During this time they had lorded it over the land with absolute sway. They were now leaving the city in hostile array, not against an Indian foe192, but their own countrymen. It was the beginning of a long career of calamity,—checkered, indeed, by occa{47}sional triumphs,—which was yet to be run before the Conquest could be completed.
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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16
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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17
diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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18
bauble
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| n.美观而无价值的饰物 | |
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19
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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20
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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21
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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22
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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23
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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24
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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25
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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26
tinted
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| adj. 带色彩的 动词tint的过去式和过去分词 | |
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27
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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28
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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29
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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30
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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31
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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32
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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33
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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34
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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35
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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36
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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37
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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38
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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39
resentments
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| （因受虐待而）愤恨，不满，怨恨( resentment的名词复数 ) | |
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40
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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41
perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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42
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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43
pique
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| v.伤害…的自尊心，使生气 n.不满，生气 | |
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44
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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45
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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46
betrothed
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| n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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47
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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48
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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49
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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50
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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51
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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52
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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53
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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54
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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55
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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56
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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57
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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58
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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59
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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60
negligent
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| adj.疏忽的；玩忽的；粗心大意的 | |
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61
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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62
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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63
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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64
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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65
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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66
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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67
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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68
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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69
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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70
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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71
enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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72
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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73
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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74
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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75
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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76
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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77
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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78
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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79
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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80
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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81
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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82
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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83
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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84
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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85
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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86
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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87
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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88
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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89
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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90
foundered
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| v.创始人( founder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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92
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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93
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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94
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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95
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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96
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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97
invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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98
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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99
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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100
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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101
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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102
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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103
rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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104
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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105
apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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106
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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107
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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108
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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109
falter
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| vi.(嗓音)颤抖，结巴地说；犹豫；蹒跚 | |
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110
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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111
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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112
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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113
notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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114
pompously
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| adv.傲慢地，盛大壮观地；大模大样 | |
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115
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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117
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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118
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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119
functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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120
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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121
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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122
caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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123
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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124
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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125
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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126
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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127
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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128
hieroglyphical
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| n.象形文字，象形文字的文章 | |
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129
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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130
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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131
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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132
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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134
soothe
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| v.安慰；使平静；使减轻；缓和；奉承 | |
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135
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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136
lavishing
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的现在分词 ) | |
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137
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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138
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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139
penurious
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| adj.贫困的 | |
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140
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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141
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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142
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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143
converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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144
proffers
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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145
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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146
revelled
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| v.作乐( revel的过去式和过去分词 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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147
opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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148
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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149
broil
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| v.烤，烧，争吵，怒骂；n.烤，烧，争吵，怒骂 | |
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150
insinuating
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| adj.曲意巴结的，暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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151
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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152
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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153
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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154
elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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155
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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156
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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157
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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158
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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159
munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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160
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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162
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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163
toils
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| 网 | |
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164
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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165
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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166
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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167
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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168
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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169
adjured
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| v.（以起誓或诅咒等形式）命令要求( adjure的过去式和过去分词 )；祈求；恳求 | |
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170
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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171
devotedly
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| 专心地； 恩爱地； 忠实地； 一心一意地 | |
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172
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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173
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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174
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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175
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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176
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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177
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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178
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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179
chaff
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| v.取笑，嘲笑；n.谷壳 | |
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180
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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181
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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182
chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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183
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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184
encumber
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| v.阻碍行动，妨碍，堆满 | |
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185
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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186
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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187
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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188
mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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189
stanch
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| v.止住（血等）；adj.坚固的；坚定的 | |
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190
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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191
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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192
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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