1520
CORTéS now felt his authority sufficiently2 assured to demand from Montezuma a formal recognition of the supremacy3 of the Spanish emperor. The Indian monarch4 had intimated his willingness to acquiesce5 in this, on their very first interview. He did not object, therefore, to call together his principal caciques for the purpose. When they were assembled, he made them an address, briefly6 stating the object of the meeting. They were all acquainted, he said, with the ancient tradition that the great Being who had once ruled over the land had declared, on his departure, that he should return at some future time and resume his sway. That time had now arrived. The white men had come from the quarter where the sun rises, beyond the ocean, to which the good deity7 had withdrawn8. They were sent by their master to reclaim10 the obedience11 of his ancient subjects. For himself,{4} he was ready to acknowledge his authority. “You have been faithful vassals12 of mine,” continued Montezuma, “during the many years that I have sat on the throne of my fathers. I now expect that you will show me this last act of obedience by acknowledging the great king beyond the waters to be your lord, also, and that you will pay him tribute in the same manner as you have hitherto done to me.”[1] As he concluded, his voice was nearly stifled13 by his emotion, and the tears fell fast down his cheeks.
His nobles, many of whom, coming from a distance, had not kept pace with the changes which had been going on in the capital, were filled with astonishment14 as they listened to his words and beheld15 the voluntary abasement16 of their master, whom they had hitherto reverenced17 as the omnipotent19 lord of Anahuac. They were the more affected20, therefore, by the sight of his distress21.[2] His will, they told him, had always been their law. It should be so now; and, if he thought the sovereign of the strangers was the ancient lord of their country, they were willing to acknowledge him as such still. The oaths of allegiance were then adminis{5}tered with all due solemnity, attested22 by the Spaniards present, and a full record of the proceedings23 was drawn9 up by the royal notary24, to be sent to Spain.[3] There was something deeply touching25 in the ceremony by which an independent and absolute monarch, in obedience less to the dictates26 of fear than of conscience, thus relinquished28 his hereditary29 rights in favor of an unknown and mysterious power. It even moved those hard men who were thus unscrupulously availing themselves of the confiding31 ignorance of the natives; and, though “it was in the regular way of their own business,” says an old chronicler, “there was not a Spaniard who could look on the spectacle with a dry eye”![4]{6}
The rumor32 of these strange proceedings was soon circulated through the capital and the country. Men read in them the finger of Providence33. The ancient tradition of Quetzalcoatl was familiar to all; and where it had slept scarcely noticed in the memory, it was now revived with many exaggerated circumstances. It was said to be part of the tradition that the royal line of the Aztecs was to end with Montezuma; and his name, the literal signification of which is “sad” or “angry lord,” was construed34 into an omen35 of his evil destiny.[5]
Having thus secured this great feudatory to the crown of Castile, Cortés suggested that it would be well for the Aztec chiefs to send his sovereign such a gratuity36 as would conciliate his good will by convincing him of the loyalty37 of his new vassals.[6] Montezuma consented that his collectors should visit the principal cities and provinces, attended by a number of Spaniards, to receive the customary tributes, in the name of the Castilian sovereign. In a few weeks most of them returned, bringing back large quantities of gold and silver plate, rich stuffs, and the various commodities in which the taxes were usually paid.
To this store Montezuma added, on his own ac{7}count, the treasure of Axayacatl, previously38 noticed, some part of which had been already given to the Spaniards. It was the fruit of long and careful hoarding,—of extortion, it may be,—by a prince who little dreamed of its final destination. When brought into the quarters, the gold alone was sufficient to make three great heaps. It consisted partly of native grains; part had been melted into bars; but the greatest portion was in utensils39, and various kinds of ornaments40 and curious toys, together with imitations of birds, insects, or flowers, executed with uncommon42 truth and delicacy43. There were, also, quantities of collars, bracelets44, wands, fans, and other trinkets, in which the gold and feather-work were richly powdered with pearls and precious stones. Many of the articles were even more admirable for the workmanship than for the value of the materials;[7] such, indeed,—if we may take the report of Cortés to one who would himself have soon an opportunity to judge of its veracity45, and whom it would not be safe to trifle with,—as no monarch in Europe could boast in his dominions46![8]{8}
Magnificent as it was, Montezuma expressed his regret that the treasure was no larger. But he had diminished it, he said, by his former gifts to the white men. “Take it,” he added, “Malinche, and let it be recorded in your annals that Montezuma sent this present to your master.”[9]
The Spaniards gazed with greedy eyes on the display of riches,[10] now their own, which far exceeded all hitherto seen in the New World, and fell nothing short of the El Dorado which their glowing imaginations had depicted47. It may be that they felt somewhat rebuked48 by the contrast which their own avarice49 presented to the princely munificence50 of the barbarian51 chief. At least, they seemed to testify their sense of his superiority by the respectful homage52 which they rendered him, as they poured forth54 the fulness of their gratitude55.[11] They were not so scrupulous30, however, as to manifest any delicacy in appropriating to themselves the donative, a small part of which was to find its way into the royal coffers. They clamored loudly for an immediate56 division of the spoil, which the general would have postponed57 till the tributes from the remoter provinces had been gathered in. The goldsmiths of Azcapozalco were sent{9} for to take in pieces the larger and coarser ornaments, leaving untouched those of more delicate workmanship. Three days were consumed in this labor58, when the heaps of gold were cast into ingots and stamped with the royal arms.
Some difficulty occurred in the division of the treasure, from the want of weights, which, strange as it appears, considering their advancement59 in the arts, were, as already observed, unknown to the Aztecs. The deficiency was soon supplied by the Spaniards, however, with scales and weights of their own manufacture, probably not the most exact. With the aid of these they ascertained60 the value of the royal fifth to be thirty-two thousand and four hundred pesos de oro.[12] Diaz swells61 it to nearly four times that amount.[13] But their desire of securing the emperor’s favor makes it improbable that the Spaniards should have defrauded62 the exchequer63 of any part of its due; while, as Cortés was responsible for the sum admitted in his letter, he would be still less likely to overstate it. His estimate may be received as the true one.
The whole amounted, therefore, to one hundred and sixty-two thousand pesos de oro, indepen{10}dently of the fine ornaments and jewelry64, the value of which Cortés computes65 at five hundred thousand ducats more. There were, besides, five hundred marks of silver, chiefly in plate, drinking-cups, and other articles of luxury. The inconsiderable quantity of the silver, as compared with the gold, forms a singular contrast to the relative proportions of the two metals since the occupation of the country by the Europeans.[14] The whole amount of the treasure, reduced to our own currency, and making allowance for the change in the value of gold since the beginning of the sixteenth century, was about six million three hundred thousand dollars, or one million four hundred and seventeen thousand pounds sterling66; a sum large enough to show the incorrectness of the popular notion that little or no wealth was found in Mexico.[15] It was, indeed, small in comparison with{11} that obtained by the conquerors67 of Peru. But few European monarchs68 of that day could boast a larger treasure in their coffers.[16]
The division of the spoil was a work of some difficulty. A perfectly69 equal division of it among the Conquerors would have given them more than three thousand pounds sterling apiece; a magnificent booty! But one-fifth was to be deducted70 for the crown. An equal portion was reserved for the general, pursuant to the tenor71 of his commission. A large sum was then allowed to indemnify him and the governor of Cuba for the charges of the expedition and the loss of the fleet. The garrison72 of Vera Cruz was also to be provided for. Ample compensation was made to the principal cavaliers. The cavalry73, arquebusiers, and crossbowmen each received double pay. So that when the turn of the common soldiers came there remained not more than a hundred pesos de oro for each; a sum so insignificant74, in comparison with their expectations, that several refused to accept it.[17]
Loud murmurs75 now rose among the men. “Was it for this,” they said, “that we left our{12} homes and families, perilled76 our lives, submitted to fatigue77 and famine, and all for so contemptible78 a pittance79? Better to have stayed in Cuba and contented80 ourselves with the gains of a safe and easy traffic. When we gave up our share of the gold at Vera Cruz, it was on the assurance that we should be amply requited81 in Mexico. We have, indeed, found the riches we expected; but no sooner seen, than they are snatched from us by the very men who pledged us their faith!” The malecontents even went so far as to accuse their leaders of appropriating to themselves several of the richest ornaments before the partition had been made; an accusation82 that receives some countenance83 from a dispute which arose between Mexia, the treasurer84 for the crown, and Velasquez de Leon, a relation of the governor, and a favorite of Cortés. The treasurer accused this cavalier of purloining85 certain pieces of plate before they were submitted to the royal stamp. From words the parties came to blows. They were good swordsmen; several wounds were given on both sides, and the affair might have ended fatally, but for the interference of Cortés, who placed both under arrest.
He then used all his authority and insinuating86 eloquence87 to calm the passions of his men. It was a delicate crisis. He was sorry, he said, to see them so unmindful of the duty of loyal soldiers and cavaliers of the Cross, as to brawl88 like common banditti over their booty. The division, he assured them, had been made on perfectly fair and equitable89 principles. As to his own share, it was no more than was warranted by his commission. Yet,{13} if they thought it too much, he was willing to forego his just claims and divide with the poorest soldier. Gold, however welcome, was not the chief object of his ambition. If it were theirs, they should still reflect that the present treasure was little in comparison with what awaited them hereafter; for had they not the whole country and its mines at their disposal? It was only necessary that they should not give an opening to the enemy, by their discord90, to circumvent91 and to crush them. With these honeyed words, of which he had good store for all fitting occasions, says an old soldier,[18] for whose benefit, in part, they were intended, he succeeded in calming the storm for the present; while in private he took more effectual means, by presents judiciously92 administered, to mitigate93 the discontents of the importunate94 and refractory95. And, although there were a few of more tenacious96 temper, who treasured this in their memories against a future day, the troops soon returned to their usual subordination. This was one of those critical conjunctures which taxed all the address and personal authority of Cortés. He never shrunk from them, but on such occasions was true to himself. At Vera Cruz he had persuaded his followers97 to give up what was but the earnest of future gains. Here he persuaded them to relinquish27 these gains themselves. It was snatching the prey98 from the very jaws99 of the lion. Why did he not turn and rend53 him?
To many of the soldiers, indeed, it mattered{14} little whether their share of the booty were more or less. Gaming is a deep-rooted passion in the Spaniard, and the sudden acquisition of riches furnished both the means and the motive100 for its indulgence. Cards were easily made out of old parchment drum-heads, and in a few days most of the prize-money, obtained with so much toil101 and suffering, had changed hands, and many of the improvident102 soldiers closed the campaign as poor as they had commenced it. Others, it is true, more prudent103, followed the example of their officers, who, with the aid of the royal jewellers, converted their gold into chains, services of plate, and other portable articles of ornament41 or use.[19]
Cortés seemed now to have accomplished104 the great objects of the expedition. The Indian monarch had declared himself the feudatory of the Spanish. His authority, his revenues, were at the disposal of the general. The conquest of Mexico seemed to be achieved, and that without a blow. But it was far from being achieved. One important step yet remained to be taken, towards which the Spaniards had hitherto made little progress,—the conversion105 of the natives. With all the exertions106 of Father Olmedo, backed by the polemic107 talents of the general,[20] neither Montezuma nor his subjects showed any disposition108 to abjure109 the faith of their fathers.[21] The bloody110 exercises of{15} their religion, on the contrary, were celebrated111 with all the usual circumstance and pomp of sacrifice before the eyes of the Spaniards.
Unable further to endure these abominations, Cortés, attended by several of his cavaliers, waited on Montezuma. He told the emperor that the Christians112 could no longer consent to have the services of their religion shut up within the narrow walls of the garrison. They wished to spread its light far abroad, and to open to the people a full participation113 in the blessings114 of Christianity. For this purpose, they requested that the great teocalli should be delivered up as a fit place where their worship might be conducted in the presence of the whole city.
Montezuma listened to the proposal with visible consternation115. Amidst all his troubles he had leaned for support on his own faith, and, indeed, it was in obedience to it that he had shown such deference116 to the Spaniards as the mysterious messengers predicted by the oracles117. “Why,” said he, “Malinche, why will you urge matters to an extremity118, that must surely bring down the ven{16}geance of our gods, and stir up an insurrection among my people, who will never endure this profanation119 of their temples?”[22]
Cortés, seeing how greatly he was moved, made a sign to his officers to withdraw. When left alone with the interpreters, he told the emperor that he would use his influence to moderate the zeal120 of his followers, and persuade them to be contented with one of the sanctuaries121 of the teocalli. If that were not granted, they should be obliged to take it by force, and to roll down the images of his false deities122 in the face of the city. “We fear not for our lives,” he added, “for, though our numbers are few, the arm of the true God is over us.” Montezuma, much agitated123, told him that he would confer with the priests.
The result of the conference was favorable to the Spaniards, who were allowed to occupy one of the sanctuaries as a place of worship. The tidings spread great joy throughout the camp. They might now go forth in open day and publish their religion to the assembled capital. No time was lost in availing themselves of the permission. The sanctuary124 was cleansed125 of its disgusting impurities126. An altar was raised, surmounted127 by a crucifix and the image of the Virgin128. Instead of the gold and jewels which blazed on the neighboring pagan shrine129, its walls were decorated with fresh garlands of flowers; and an old soldier was sta{17}tioned to watch over the chapel130 and guard it from intrusion.
When these arrangements were completed, the whole army moved in solemn procession up the winding131 ascent132 of the pyramid. Entering the sanctuary, and clustering round its portals, they listened reverentially to the service of the mass, as it was performed by the fathers Olmedo and Diaz. And, as the beautiful Te Deum rose towards heaven, Cortés and his soldiers, kneeling on the ground, with tears streaming from their eyes, poured forth their gratitude to the Almighty133 for this glorious triumph of the Cross.[23]
It was a striking spectacle,—that of these rude warriors134 lifting up their orisons on the summit of this mountain temple, in the very capital of heathendom, on the spot especially dedicated135 to its unhallowed mysteries. Side by side, the Spaniard{18} and the Aztec knelt down in prayer; and the Christian hymn136 mingled137 its sweet tones of love and mercy with the wild chant raised by the Indian priest in honor of the war-god of Anahuac! It was an unnatural138 union, and could not long abide139.
A nation will endure any outrage140 sooner than that on its religion. This is an outrage both on its principles and its prejudices; on the ideas instilled141 into it from childhood, which have strengthened with its growth, until they become a part of its nature,—which have to do with its highest interests here, and with the dread142 hereafter. Any violence to the religious sentiment touches all alike, the old and the young, the rich and the poor, the noble and the plebeian143. Above all, it touches the priests, whose personal consideration rests on that of their religion, and who, in a semi-civilized state of society, usually hold an unbounded authority. Thus it was with the Brahmins of India, the Magi of Persia, the Roman Catholic clergy144 in the Dark Ages, the priests of Ancient Egypt and Mexico.
The people had borne with patience all the injuries and affronts145 hitherto put on them by the Spaniards. They had seen their sovereign dragged as a captive from his own palace, his ministers butchered before his eyes, his treasure seized and appropriated, himself in a manner deposed146 from his royal supremacy. All this they had seen, without a struggle to prevent it. But the profanation of their temples touched a deeper feeling,{19} of which the priesthood were not slow to take advantage.[24]
The first intimation of this change of feeling was gathered from Montezuma himself. Instead of his usual cheerfulness, he appeared grave and abstracted, and instead of seeking, as he was wont147, the society of the Spaniards, seemed rather to shun148 it. It was noticed, too, that conferences were more frequent between him and the nobles, and especially the priests. His little page, Orteguilla, who had now picked up a tolerable acquaintance with the Aztec, contrary to Montezuma’s usual practice, was not allowed to attend him at these meetings. These circumstances could not fail to awaken149 most uncomfortable apprehensions151 in the Spaniards.
Not many days elapsed, however, before Cortés received an invitation, or rather a summons, from the emperor to attend him in his apartment. The general went with some feelings of anxiety and distrust, taking with him Olid, captain of the guard, and two or three other trusty cavaliers. Montezuma received them with cold civility, and, turning to the general, told him that all his pre{20}dictions had come to pass. The gods of his country had been offended by the violation152 of their temples. They had threatened the priests that they would forsake153 the city if the sacrilegious strangers were not driven from it, or rather sacrificed on the altars in expiation154 of their crimes.[25] The monarch assured the Christians it was from regard for their safety that he communicated this; and, “if you have any regard for it yourselves,” he concluded, “you will leave the country without delay. I have only to raise my finger, and every Aztec in the land will rise in arms against you.” There was no reason to doubt his sincerity155. For Montezuma, whatever evils had been brought on him by the white men, held them in reverence18 as a race more highly gifted than his own, while for several, as we have seen, he had conceived an attachment156, flowing, no doubt, from their personal attentions and deference to himself.
Cortés was too much master of his feelings to show how far he was startled by this intelligence. He replied, with admirable coolness, that he should regret much to leave the capital so precipitately,{21} when he had no vessels157 to take him from the country. If it were not for this, there could be no obstacle to his leaving it at once. He should also regret another step to which he should be driven, if he quitted it under these circumstances,—that of taking the emperor along with him.
Montezuma was evidently troubled by this last suggestion. He inquired how long it would take to build the vessels, and finally consented to send a sufficient number of workmen to the coast, to act under the orders of the Spaniards; meanwhile, he would use his authority to restrain the impatience158 of the people, under the assurance that the white men would leave the land when the means for it were provided. He kept his word. A large body of Aztec artisans left the capital with the most experienced Castilian shipbuilders, and, descending159 to Vera Cruz, began at once to fell the timber and build a sufficient number of ships to transport the Spaniards back to their own country. The work went forward with apparent alacrity160. But those who had the direction of it, it is said, received private instructions from the general to interpose as many delays as possible, in hopes of receiving in the mean time such reinforcements from Europe as would enable him to maintain his ground.[26]{22}
The whole aspect of things was now changed in the Castilian quarters. Instead of the security and repose161 in which the troops had of late indulged, they felt a gloomy apprehension150 of danger, not the less oppressive to the spirits that it was scarcely visible to the eye;—like the faint speck162 just descried163 above the horizon by the voyager in the tropics, to the common gaze seeming only a summer cloud, but which to the experienced mariner164 bodes165 the coming of the hurricane. Every precaution that prudence166 could devise was taken to meet it. The soldier, as he threw himself on his mats for repose, kept on his armor. He ate, drank, slept, with his weapons by his side. His horse stood ready caparisoned, day and night, with the bridle167 hanging at the saddle-bow. The guns were carefully planted so as to command the great avenues. The sentinels were doubled, and every man, of whatever rank, took his turn in mounting guard. The garrison was in a state of siege.[27] Such was{23} the uncomfortable position of the army when, in the beginning of May, 1520, six months after their arrival in the capital, tidings came from the coast which gave greater alarm to Cortés than even the menaced insurrection of the Aztecs.
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1
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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5
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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6
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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7
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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8
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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abasement
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| n.滥用 | |
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reverenced
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| v.尊敬，崇敬( reverence的过去式和过去分词 )；敬礼 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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gratuity
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| n.赏钱，小费 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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utensils
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| 器具，用具，器皿( utensil的名词复数 )； 器物 | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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44
bracelets
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| n.手镯，臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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45
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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46
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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47
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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48
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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50
munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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51
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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52
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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53
rend
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| vt.把…撕开，割裂；把…揪下来，强行夺取 | |
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54
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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55
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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56
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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57
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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58
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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59
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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60
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
swells
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| 增强( swell的第三人称单数 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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62
defrauded
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| v.诈取，骗取( defraud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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64
jewelry
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| n.（jewllery）（总称）珠宝 | |
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65
computes
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| v.计算，估算( compute的第三人称单数 ) | |
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66
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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67
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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68
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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69
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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70
deducted
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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72
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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73
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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74
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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75
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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76
perilled
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| 置…于危险中（peril的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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77
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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78
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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79
pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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80
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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81
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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82
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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83
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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84
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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85
purloining
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| v.偷窃( purloin的现在分词 ) | |
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86
insinuating
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| adj.曲意巴结的，暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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87
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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88
brawl
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| n.大声争吵，喧嚷；v.吵架，对骂 | |
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89
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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90
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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91
circumvent
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| vt.环绕，包围；对…用计取胜，智胜 | |
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92
judiciously
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| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
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93
mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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94
importunate
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| adj.强求的；纠缠不休的 | |
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95
refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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96
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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97
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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98
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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99
jaws
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| n.口部；嘴 | |
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100
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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101
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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102
improvident
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| adj.不顾将来的，不节俭的，无远见的 | |
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103
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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104
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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105
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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106
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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107
polemic
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| n.争论，论战 | |
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108
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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109
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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110
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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111
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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112
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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113
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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114
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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115
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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116
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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117
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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118
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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119
profanation
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| n.亵渎 | |
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120
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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121
sanctuaries
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| n.避难所( sanctuary的名词复数 )；庇护；圣所；庇护所 | |
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122
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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123
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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124
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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125
cleansed
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| 弄干净，清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
impurities
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| 不纯( impurity的名词复数 )； 不洁； 淫秽； 杂质 | |
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127
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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128
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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129
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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130
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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131
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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132
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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133
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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134
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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135
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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136
hymn
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌 | |
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137
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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138
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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139
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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140
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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141
instilled
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| v.逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instill的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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143
plebeian
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| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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144
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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145
affronts
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| n.（当众）侮辱，（故意）冒犯( affront的名词复数 )v.勇敢地面对( affront的第三人称单数 )；相遇 | |
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146
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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147
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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148
shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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149
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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150
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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151
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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152
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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153
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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154
expiation
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| n.赎罪，补偿 | |
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155
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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156
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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157
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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158
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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159
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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160
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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161
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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162
speck
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| n.微粒，小污点，小斑点 | |
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163
descried
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| adj.被注意到的，被发现的，被看到的 | |
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164
mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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165
bodes
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的第三人称单数 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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166
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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167
bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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