1520
THE settlement of La Villa1 Rica de Vera Cruz was of the last importance to the Spaniards. It was the port by which they were to communicate with Spain; the strong post on which they were to retreat in case of disaster, and which was to bridle2 their enemies and give security to their allies; the point d’appui for all their operations in the country. It was of great moment, therefore, that the care of it should be intrusted to proper hands.
A cavalier, named Alonso de Grado, had been sent by Cortés to take the place made vacant by the death of Escalante. He was a person of greater repute in civil than military matters, and would be more likely, it was thought, to maintain peaceful relations with the natives than a person of more belligerent3 spirit. Cortés made—what was rare with him—a bad choice. He soon received such accounts of troubles in the settlement from the exactions and negligence4 of the new governor, that he resolved to supersede5 him.{359}
He now gave the command to Gonzalo de Sandoval, a young cavalier, who had displayed, through the whole campaign, singular intrepidity6 united with sagacity and discretion7; while the good humor with which he bore every privation, and his affable manners, made him a favorite with all, privates as well as officers. Sandoval accordingly left the camp for the coast. Cortés did not mistake his man a second time.
Notwithstanding the actual control exercised by the Spaniards through their royal captive, Cortés felt some uneasiness when he reflected that it was in the power of the Indians at any time to cut off his communications with the surrounding country and hold him a prisoner in the capital. He proposed, therefore, to build two vessels9 of sufficient size to transport his forces across the lake, and thus to render himself independent of the causeways. Montezuma was pleased with the idea of seeing those wonderful “water-houses,” of which he had heard so much, and readily gave permission to have the timber in the royal forests felled for the purpose. The work was placed under the direction of Martin Lopez, an experienced ship-builder. Orders were also given to Sandoval to send up from the coast a supply of cordage, sails, iron, and other necessary materials, which had been judiciously10 saved on the destruction of the fleet.[424]
The Aztec emperor, meanwhile, was passing his days in the Spanish quarters in no very different manner from what he had been accustomed to in his own palace. His keepers were too well aware{360} of the value of their prize, not to do everything which could make his captivity11 comfortable and disguise it from himself. But the chain will gall12, though wreathed with roses. After Montezuma’s breakfast, which was a light meal of fruits or vegetables, Cortés or some of his officers usually waited on him, to learn if he had any commands for them. He then devoted13 some time to business. He gave audience to those of his subjects who had petitions to prefer or suits to settle. The statement of the party was drawn14 up on the hieroglyphic15 scrolls16, which were submitted to a number of counsellors or judges, who assisted him with their advice on these occasions. Envoys17 from foreign states or his own remote provinces and cities were also admitted, and the Spaniards were careful that the same precise and punctilious18 etiquette19 should be maintained towards the royal puppet as when in the plenitude of his authority.
After business was despatched, Montezuma often amused himself with seeing the Castilian troops go through their military exercises. He, too, had been a soldier, and in his prouder days had led armies in the field. It was very natural he should take an interest in the novel display of European tactics and discipline. At other times he would challenge Cortés or his officers to play at some of the national games. A favorite one was called totoloque, played with golden balls aimed at a target or mark of the same metal. Montezuma usually staked something of value,—precious stones or ingots of gold. He lost with good hu{361}mor; indeed, it was of little consequence whether he won or lost, since he generally gave away his winnings to his attendants.[425] He had, in truth, a most munificent20 spirit. His enemies accused him of avarice21. But, if he were avaricious22, it could have been only that he might have the more to give away.
Each of the Spaniards had several Mexicans, male and female, who attended to his cooking and various other personal offices. Cortés, considering that the maintenance of this host of menials was a heavy tax on the royal exchequer23, ordered them to be dismissed, excepting one to be retained for each soldier. Montezuma, on learning this, pleasantly remonstrated24 with the general on his careful economy, as unbecoming a royal establishment, and, countermanding25 the order, caused additional accommodation to be provided for the attendants, and their pay to be doubled.
On another occasion, a soldier purloined26 some trinkets of gold from the treasure kept in the chamber27, which, since Montezuma’s arrival in the Spanish quarters, had been reopened. Cortés would have punished the man for the theft, but the emperor, interfering28, said to him, “Your countrymen are welcome to the gold and other articles, if you will but spare those belonging to the gods.” Some of the soldiers, making the most of his permission, carried off several hundred loads of fine cotton to their quarters. When this was represented to Montezuma, he only replied,{362} “What I have once given I never take back again.”[426]
While thus indifferent to his treasures, he was keenly sensitive to personal slight or insult. When a common soldier once spoke29 to him angrily, the tears came into the monarch30’s eyes, as it made him feel the true character of his impotent condition. Cortés, on becoming acquainted with it, was so much incensed31 that he ordered the soldier to be hanged, but, on Montezuma’s intercession, commuted32 this severe sentence for a flogging. The general was not willing that any one but himself should treat his royal captive with indignity33. Montezuma was desired to procure34 a further mitigation of the punishment. But he refused, saying “that, if a similar insult had been offered by any one of his subjects to Malinche, he would have resented it in like manner.”[427]
Such instances of disrespect were very rare. Montezuma’s amiable35 and inoffensive manners, together with his liberality, the most popular of virtues36 with the vulgar, made him generally beloved by the Spaniards.[428] The arrogance37 for which he had been so distinguished38 in his prosperous days deserted39 him in his fallen fortunes. His character in captivity seems to have undergone something of that change which takes place in the wild animals{363} of the forest when caged within the walls of the menagerie.
The Indian monarch knew the name of every man in the army, and was careful to discriminate40 his proper rank.[429] For some he showed a strong partiality. He obtained from the general a favorite page, named Orteguilla, who, being in constant attendance on his person, soon learned enough of the Mexican language to be of use to his countrymen. Montezuma took great pleasure, also, in the society of Velasquez de Leon, the captain of his guard, and Pedro de Alvarado, Tonatiuh, or “the Sun,” as he was called by the Aztecs, from his yellow hair and sunny countenance41. The sunshine, as events afterwards showed, could sometimes be the prelude42 to a terrible tempest.
Notwithstanding the care taken to cheat him of the tedium43 of captivity, the royal prisoner cast a wistful glance, now and then, beyond the walls of his residence to the ancient haunts of business or pleasure. He intimated a desire to offer up his devotions at the great temple, where he was once so constant in his worship. The suggestion startled Cortés. It was too reasonable, however, for him to object to it without wholly discarding the appearances which he was desirous to maintain. But he secured Montezuma’s return by sending an escort with him of a hundred and fifty soldiers under the same resolute44 cavaliers who had aided in his seizure45. He told him, also, that in case of any at{364}tempt to escape his life would instantly pay the forfeit46. Thus guarded, the Indian prince visited the teocalli, where he was received with the usual state, and, after performing his devotions, he returned again to his quarters.[430]
It may well be believed that the Spaniards did not neglect the opportunity afforded by his residence with them, of instilling47 into him some notions of the Christian48 doctrine49. Fathers Diaz and Olmedo exhausted50 all their battery of logic51 and persuasion52, to shake his faith in his idols53, but in vain. He, indeed, paid a most edifying54 attention, which gave promise of better things. But the conferences always closed with the declaration that “the God of the Christians55 was good, but the gods of his own country were the true gods for him.”[431] It is said, however, they extorted56 a promise from him that he would take part in no more human sacrifices. Yet such sacrifices were of daily occurrence in the great temples of the capital; and the people were too blindly attached to their bloody57 abominations for the Spaniards to deem it safe, for the present at least, openly to interfere58.
Montezuma showed, also, an inclination59 to engage in the pleasures of the chase, of which he once was immoderately fond. He had large forests reserved for the purpose on the other side of the lake. As the Spanish brigantines were now completed,{365} Cortés proposed to transport him and his suite60 across the water in them. They were of a good size, strongly built. The largest was mounted with four falconets, or small guns. It was protected by a gayly-colored awning61 stretched over the deck, and the royal ensign of Castile floated proudly from the mast. On board of this vessel8, Montezuma, delighted with the opportunity of witnessing the nautical62 skill of the white men, embarked63 with a train of Aztec nobles and a numerous guard of Spaniards. A fresh breeze played on the waters, and the vessel soon left behind it the swarms64 of light pirogues which darkened their surface. She seemed like a thing of life in the eyes of the astonished natives, who saw her, as if disdaining65 human agency, sweeping66 by with snowy pinions67 as if on the wings of the wind, while the thunders from her sides, now for the first time breaking on the silence of this “inland sea,” showed that the beautiful phantom68 was clothed in terror.[432]
The royal chase was well stocked with game; some of which the emperor shot with arrows, and others were driven by the numerous attendants into nets.[433] In these woodland exercises, while he ranged over his wild domain69, Montezuma seemed to enjoy again the sweets of liberty. It was but{366} the shadow of liberty, however; as in his quarters, at home, he enjoyed but the shadow of royalty70. At home or abroad, the eye of the Spaniard was always upon him.
But, while resigned himself without a struggle to his inglorious fate, there were others who looked on it with very different emotions. Among them was his nephew Cacama, lord of Tezcuco, a young man not more than twenty-five years of age, but who enjoyed great consideration from his high personal qualities, especially his intrepidity of character. He was the same prince who had been sent by Montezuma to welcome the Spaniards on their entrance into the Valley; and, when the question of their reception was first debated in the council, he had advised to admit them honorably as ambassadors of a foreign prince, and, if they should prove different from what they pretended, it would be time enough then to take up arms against them. That time, he thought, had now come.
In a former part of this work, the reader has been made acquainted with the ancient history of the Acolhuan or Tezcucan monarchy71, once the proud rival of the Aztec in power, and greatly its superior in civilization.[434] Under its last sovereign, Nezahualpilli, its territory is said to have been grievously clipped by the insidious72 practices of Montezuma, who fomented73 dissensions and insubordination among his subjects. On the death of the Tezcucan prince, the succession was contested, and a bloody war ensued between his eldest74 son,{367} Cacama, and an ambitious younger brother, Ixtlilxochitl. This was followed by a partition of the kingdom, in which the latter chieftain held the mountain districts north of the capital, leaving the residue75 to Cacama. Though shorn of a large part of his hereditary76 domain, the city was itself so important that the lord of Tezcuco still held a high rank among the petty princes of the Valley. His capital, at the time of the Conquest, contained, according to Cortés, a hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants.[435] It was embellished77 with noble buildings, rivalling those of Mexico itself, and the ruins still to be met with on its ancient site attest78 that it was once the abode79 of princes.[436]
The young Tezcucan chief beheld80 with indignation and no slight contempt the abject81 condition{368} of his uncle. He endeavored to rouse him to manly82 exertion83, but in vain. He then set about forming a league with several of the neighboring caciques to rescue his kinsman84 and to break the detested85 yoke86 of the strangers. He called on the lord of Iztapalapan, Montezuma’s brother, the lord of Tlacopan, and some others of most authority, all of whom entered heartily87 into his views. He then urged the Aztec nobles to join them; but they expressed an unwillingness88 to take any step not first sanctioned by the emperor.[437] They entertained, undoubtedly89, a profound reverence90 for their master; but it seems probable that jealousy91 of the personal views of Cacama had its influence on their determination. Whatever were their motives92, it is certain that by this refusal they relinquished93 the best opportunity ever presented for retrieving94 their sovereign’s independence and their own.
These intrigues96 could not be conducted so secretly as not to reach the ears of Cortés, who, with his characteristic promptness, would have marched at once on Tezcuco and trodden out the spark of “rebellion”[438] before it had time to burst into a{369} flame. But from this he was dissuaded97 by Montezuma, who represented that Cacama was a man of resolution, backed by a powerful force, and not to be put down without a desperate struggle. He consented, therefore, to negotiate, and sent a message of amicable98 expostulation to the cacique. He received a haughty99 answer in return. Cortés rejoined in a more menacing tone, asserting the supremacy100 of his own sovereign, the emperor of Castile. To this Cacama replied, “He acknowledged no such authority; he knew nothing of the Spanish sovereign or his people, nor did he wish to know anything of them.”[439] Montezuma was not more successful in his application to Cacama to come to Mexico and allow him to mediate101 his differences with the Spaniards, with whom he assured the prince he was residing as a friend. But the young lord of Tezcuco was not to be so duped. He understood the position of his uncle, and replied “that when he did visit his capital it would be to rescue it, as well as the emperor himself, and their common gods, from bondage102. He should come, not with his hand in his bosom103, but on his sword,—to drive out the detested strangers who had brought such dishonor on their country!”[440]{370}
Cortés, incensed at this tone of defiance104, would again have put himself in motion to punish it, but Montezuma interposed with his more politic105 arts. He had several of the Tezcucan nobles, he said, in his pay;[441] and it would be easy, through their means, to secure Cacama’s person, and thus break up the confederacy, at once, without bloodshed. The maintaining of a corps106 of stipendiaries in the courts of neighboring princes was a refinement107 which showed that the Western barbarian108 understood the science of political intrigue95 as well as some of his royal brethren on the other side of the water.
By the contrivance of these faithless nobles, Cacama was induced to hold a conference, relative to the proposed invasion, in a villa which overhung the Tezcucan lake, not far from his capital. Like most of the principal edifices109, it was raised so as to admit the entrance of boats beneath it. In the midst of the conference, Cacama was seized by the conspirators110, hurried on board a bark in readiness for the purpose, and transported to Mexico. When brought into Montezuma’s presence, the high-spirited chief abated111 nothing of his proud and lofty bearing. He taxed his uncle with his perfidy112, and a pusillanimity113 so unworthy of his former character and of the royal house from which he was descended114. By the emperor he was referred{371} to Cortés, who, holding royalty but cheap in an Indian prince, put him in fetters115.[442]
There was at this time in Mexico a brother of Cacama, a stripling much younger than himself. At the instigation of Cortés, Montezuma, pretending that his nephew had forfeited116 the sovereignty by his late rebellion, declared him to be deposed117, and appointed Cuicuitzca in his place. The Aztec sovereigns had always been allowed a paramount118 authority in questions relating to the succession. But this was a most unwarrantable exercise of it. The Tezcucans acquiesced119, however, with a ready ductility120, which showed their allegiance hung but lightly on them, or, what is more probable, that they were greatly in awe121 of the Spaniards; and the new prince was welcomed with acclamations to his capital.[443]
Cortés still wanted to get into his hands the other chiefs who had entered into the confederacy with Cacama. This was no difficult matter. Montezuma’s authority was absolute, everywhere but in his own palace. By his command, the caciques{372} were seized, each in his own city, and brought in chains to Mexico, where Cortés placed them in strict confinement122 with their leader.[444]
He had now triumphed over all his enemies. He had set his foot on the necks of princes; and the great chief of the Aztec empire was but a convenient tool in his hands for accomplishing his purposes. His first use of this power was to ascertain123 the actual resources of the monarchy. He sent several parties of Spaniards, guided by the natives, to explore the regions where gold was obtained. It was gleaned124 mostly from the beds of rivers, several hundred miles from the capital.
His next object was to learn if there existed any good natural harbor for shipping125 on the Atlantic coast, as the road of Vera Cruz left no protection against the tempests that at certain seasons swept over these seas. Montezuma showed him a chart on which the shores of the Mexican Gulf126 were laid down with tolerable accuracy.[445] Cortés, after carefully inspecting it, sent a commission, consisting of ten Spaniards, several of them pilots, and some Aztecs, who descended to Vera Cruz and made a careful survey of the coast for nearly sixty leagues south of that settlement, as far as the great river Coatzacualco, which seemed to offer the best—indeed, the only—accommodations for a safe{373} and suitable harbor. A spot was selected as the site of a fortified127 post, and the general sent a detachment of a hundred and fifty men under Velasquez de Leon to plant a colony there.
He also obtained a grant of an extensive tract128 of land in the fruitful province of Oaxaca, where he proposed to lay out a plantation129 for the crown. He stocked it with the different kinds of domesticated130 animals peculiar131 to the country, and with such indigenous132 grains and plants as would afford the best articles for export. He soon had the estate under such cultivation133 that he assured his master, the emperor Charles the Fifth, it was worth twenty thousand ounces of gold.
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1
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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8
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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judiciously
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| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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hieroglyphic
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| n.象形文字 | |
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scrolls
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| n.（常用于录写正式文件的）纸卷( scroll的名词复数 )；卷轴；涡卷形（装饰）；卷形花纹v.（电脑屏幕上）从上到下移动（资料等），卷页( scroll的第三人称单数 )；（似卷轴般）卷起；（像展开卷轴般地）将文字显示于屏幕 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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etiquette
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munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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exchequer
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remonstrated
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countermanding
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purloined
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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interfering
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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commuted
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| 通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿 | |
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indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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discriminate
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| v.区别，辨别，区分；有区别地对待 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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prelude
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| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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tedium
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| n.单调；烦闷 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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instilling
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| v.逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instil的现在分词 )；逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instill的现在分词 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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56
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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57
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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58
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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60
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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61
awning
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| n.遮阳篷；雨篷 | |
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62
nautical
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| adj.海上的，航海的，船员的 | |
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63
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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64
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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disdaining
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| 鄙视( disdain的现在分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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66
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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67
pinions
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| v.抓住[捆住]（双臂）( pinion的第三人称单数 ) | |
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phantom
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| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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70
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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71
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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72
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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73
fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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75
residue
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| n.残余，剩余，残渣 | |
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76
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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embellished
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| v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
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attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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79
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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82
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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84
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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85
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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86
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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88
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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90
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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retrieving
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| n.检索（过程），取还v.取回( retrieve的现在分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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97
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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99
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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100
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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101
mediate
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| vi.调解，斡旋；vt.经调解解决；经斡旋促成 | |
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102
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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103
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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104
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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105
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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106
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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107
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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108
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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109
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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110
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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111
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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112
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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113
pusillanimity
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| n.无气力，胆怯 | |
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114
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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115
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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116
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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118
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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119
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
ductility
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| n.展延性，柔软性，顺从；韧性；塑性；展性 | |
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121
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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122
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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123
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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124
gleaned
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| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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125
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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126
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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127
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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128
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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129
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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130
domesticated
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| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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132
indigenous
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| adj.土产的，土生土长的，本地的 | |
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133
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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