1519
THE Spaniards had been now a week in Mexico. During this time they had experienced the most friendly treatment from the emperor. But the mind of Cortés was far from easy. He felt that it was quite uncertain how long this amiable2 temper would last. A hundred circumstances might occur to change it. Montezuma might very naturally feel the maintenance of so large a body too burdensome on his treasury3. The people of the capital might become dissatisfied at the presence of so numerous an armed force within their walls. Many causes of disgust might arise betwixt the soldiers and the citizens. Indeed, it was scarcely possible that a rude, licentious4 soldiery, like the Spaniards, could be long kept in subjection without active employment.[397] The danger was even greater with the Tlascalans, a fierce race now brought into daily contact with the nation who held{336} them in loathing6 and detestation. Rumors8 were already rife9 among the allies, whether well founded or not, of murmurs10 among the Mexicans, accompanied by menaces of raising the bridges.[398]
Even should the Spaniards be allowed to occupy their present quarters unmolested, it was not advancing the great object of the expedition. Cortés was not a whit11 nearer gaining the capital, so essential to his meditated12 subjugation13 of the country; and any day he might receive tidings that the crown, or, what he most feared, the governor of Cuba, had sent a force of superior strength to wrest14 from him a conquest but half achieved. Disturbed by these anxious reflections, he resolved to extricate15 himself from his embarrassment16 by one bold stroke. But he first submitted the affair to a council of the officers in whom he most confided17, desirous to divide with them the responsibility of the act, and, no doubt, to interest them more heartily18 in its execution by making it in some measure the result of their combined judgments19.
When the general had briefly20 stated the embarrassments21 of their position, the council was divided in opinion. All admitted the necessity of some instant action. One party were for retiring{337} secretly from the city, and getting beyond the causeways before their march could be intercepted22. Another advised that it should be done openly, with the knowledge of the emperor, of whose good will they had had so many proofs. But both these measures seemed alike impolitic. A retreat under these circumstances, and so abruptly24 made, would have the air of a flight. It would be construed25 into distrust of themselves; and anything like timidity on their part would be sure not only to bring on them the Mexicans, but the contempt of their allies, who would, doubtless, join in the general cry.
As to Montezuma, what reliance could they place on the protection of a prince so recently their enemy, and who, in his altered bearing, must have taken counsel of his fears rather than his inclinations26?
Even should they succeed in reaching the coast, their situation would be little better. It would be proclaiming to the world that, after all their lofty vaunts, they were unequal to the enterprise. Their only hopes of their sovereign’s favor, and of pardon for their irregular proceedings27, were founded on success. Hitherto, they had only made the discovery of Mexico; to retreat would be to leave conquest and the fruits of it to another. In short, to stay and to retreat seemed equally disastrous29.
In his perplexity, Cortés proposed an expedient30 which none but the most daring spirit, in the most desperate extremity31, would have conceived. This was to march to the royal palace and bring Montezuma to the Spanish quarters, by fair means if they could persuade him, by force if necessary,{338}—at all events, to get possession of his person.{*} With such a pledge, the Spaniards would be secure from the assault of the Mexicans, afraid by acts of violence to compromise the safety of their prince. If he came by his own consent, they would be deprived of all apology for doing so. As long as the emperor remained among the Spaniards, it would be easy, by allowing him a show of sovereignty, to rule in his name, until they had taken measures for securing their safety and the success of their enterprise. The idea of employing a sovereign as a tool for the government of his own kingdom, if a new one in the age of Cortés, is certainly not so in ours.[399]
{*} [“An unparalleled transaction. There is nothing like it, I believe, in the annals of the world.” Helps’ Spanish Conquest, ii. 351.—M.]
A plausible32 pretext33 for the seizure of the hos{339}pitable monarch34—for the most barefaced35 action seeks to veil itself under some show of decency—was afforded by a circumstance of which Cortés had received intelligence at Cholula.[400] He had left, as we have seen, a faithful officer, Juan de Escalante, with a hundred and fifty men, in garrison36 at Vera Cruz, on his departure for the capital. He had not been long absent when his lieutenant37 received a message from an Aztec chief named Quauhpopoca, governor of a district to the north of the Spanish settlement, declaring his desire to come in person and tender his allegiance to the Spanish authorities at Vera Cruz. He requested that four of the white men might be sent to protect him against certain unfriendly tribes through which his road lay. This was not an uncommon38 request, and excited no suspicion in Escalante. The four soldiers were sent; and on their arrival two of them were murdered by the false Aztec. The other two made their way back to the garrison.[401]
The commander marched at once, with fifty of his men, and several thousand Indian allies, to take vengeance39 on the cacique. A pitched battle followed. The allies fled from the redoubted Mexi{340}cans. The few Spaniards stood firm, and with the aid of their fire-arms and the blessed Virgin40, who was distinctly seen hovering41 over their ranks in the van, they made good the field against the enemy. It cost them dear, however; since seven or eight Christians42 were slain43, and among them the gallant44 Escalante himself, who died of his injuries soon after his return to the fort. The Indian prisoners captured in the battle spoke45 of the whole proceeding28 as having taken place at the instigation of Montezuma.[402]
One of the Spaniards fell into the hands of the natives, but soon after perished of his wounds. His head was cut off and sent to the Aztec emperor. It was uncommonly46 large and covered with hair; and, as Montezuma gazed on the ferocious47 features, rendered more horrible by death, he seemed to read in them the dark lineaments of the destined48 destroyers of his house. He turned from it with a shudder49, and commanded that it should be taken from the city, and not offered at the shrine50 of any of his gods.
Although Cortés had received intelligence of this disaster at Cholula, he had concealed51 it within his own breast, or communicated it to very few only of his most trusty officers, from apprehension{341} of the ill effect it might have on the spirits of the common soldiers.
The cavaliers whom Cortés now summoned to the council were men of the same mettle52 with their leader. Their bold, chivalrous53 spirits seemed to court danger for its own sake. If one or two, less adventurous54, were startled by the proposal he made, they were soon overruled by the others, who, no doubt, considered that a desperate disease required as desperate a remedy.
That night Cortés was heard pacing his apartment to and fro, like a man oppressed by thought or agitated55 by strong emotion. He may have been ripening56 in his mind the daring scheme for the morrow.[403] In the morning the soldiers heard mass as usual, and Father Olmedo invoked57 the blessing58 of Heaven on their hazardous59 enterprise. Whatever might be the cause in which he was embarked60, the heart of the Spaniard was cheered with the conviction that the saints were on his side![404]
Having asked an audience from Montezuma, which was readily granted, the general made the necessary arrangements for his enterprise. The principal part of his force was drawn61 up in the court-yard, and he stationed a considerable detachment in the avenues leading to the palace, to check any attempt at rescue by the populace. He ordered twenty-five or thirty of the soldiers to drop{342} in at the palace, as if by accident, in groups of three or four at a time, while the conference was going on with Montezuma. He selected five cavaliers, in whose courage and coolness he placed most trust, to bear him company; Pedro de Alvarado, Gonzalo de Sandoval, Francisco de Lujo, Velasquez de Leon, and Alonso de Avila,—brilliant names in the annals of the Conquest. All were clad, as well as the common soldiers, in complete armor, a circumstance of too familiar occurrence to excite suspicion.
The little party were graciously received by the emperor, who soon, with the aid of the interpreters, became interested in a sportive conversation with the Spaniards, while he indulged his natural munificence62 by giving them presents of gold and jewels. He paid the Spanish general the particular compliment of offering him one of his daughters as his wife; an honor which the latter respectfully declined, on the ground that he was already accommodated with one in Cuba, and that his religion forbade a plurality.
When Cortés perceived that a sufficient number of his soldiers were assembled, he changed his playful manner, and in a serious tone briefly acquainted Montezuma with the treacherous64 proceedings in the tierra caliente, and the accusation65 of him as their author. The emperor listened to the charge with surprise, and disavowed the act, which he said could only have been imputed66 to him by his enemies. Cortés expressed his belief in his declaration, but added that, to prove it true, it would be necessary to send for Quauhpopoca and his accom{343}plices, that they might be examined and dealt with according to their deserts. To this Montezuma made no objection. Taking from his wrist, to which it was attached, a precious stone, the royal signet, on which was cut the figure of the Wargod,[405] he gave it to one of his nobles, with orders to show it to the Aztec governor, and require his instant presence in the capital, together with all those who had been accessory to the murder of the Spaniards. If he resisted, the officer was empowered to call in the aid of the neighboring towns to enforce the mandate67.
When the messenger had gone, Cortés assured the monarch that this prompt compliance68 with his request convinced him of his innocence69. But it was important that his own sovereign should be equally convinced of it. Nothing would promote this so much as for Montezuma to transfer his residence to the palace occupied by the Spaniards, till on the arrival of Quauhpopoca the affair could be fully63 investigated. Such an act of condescension70 would, of itself, show a personal regard for the Spaniards, incompatible71 with the base conduct alleged72 against him, and would fully absolve73 him from all suspicion![406]
Montezuma listened to this proposal, and the flimsy reasoning with which it was covered, with looks of profound amazement74. He became pale as death; but in a moment his face flushed with{344} resentment75, as, with the pride of offended dignity, he exclaimed, “When was it ever heard that a great prince, like myself, voluntarily left his own palace to become a prisoner in the hands of strangers!”
Cortés assured him he would not go as a prisoner. He would experience nothing but respectful treatment from the Spaniards, would be surrounded by his own household, and hold intercourse76 with his people as usual. In short, it would be but a change of residence, from one of his palaces to another, a circumstance of frequent occurrence with him. It was in vain. “If I should consent to such a degradation77,” he answered, “my subjects never would.”[407] When further pressed, he offered to give up one of his sons and two of his daughters to remain as hostages with the Spaniards, so that he might be spared this disgrace.
Two hours passed in this fruitless discussion, till a high-mettled cavalier, Velasquez de Leon, impatient of the long delay, and seeing that the attempt, if not the deed, must ruin them, cried out, “Why do we waste words on this barbarian78? We have gone too far to recede79 now. Let us seize him, and, if he resists, plunge80 our swords into his body!”[408] The fierce tone and menacing gestures with which this was uttered alarmed the monarch, who inquired{345} of Marina what the angry Spaniard said. The interpreter explained it in as gentle a manner as she could, beseeching81 him “to accompany the white men to their quarters, where he would be treated with all respect and kindness, while to refuse them would but expose himself to violence, perhaps to death.” Marina, doubtless, spoke to her sovereign as she thought, and no one had better opportunity of knowing the truth than herself.
This last appeal shook the resolution of Montezuma. It was in vain that the unhappy prince looked around for sympathy or support. As his eyes wandered over the stern visages and iron forms of the Spaniards, he felt that his hour was indeed come; and, with a voice scarcely audible from emotion, he consented to accompany the strangers,—to quit the palace whither he was never more to return. Had he possessed82 the spirit of the first Montezuma, he would have called his guards around him, and left his life-blood on the threshold, sooner than have been dragged a dishonored captive across it. But his courage sank under circumstances. He felt he was the instrument of an irresistible83 Fate![409]{346}
No sooner had the Spaniards got his consent than orders were given for the royal litter. The nobles who bore and attended it could scarcely believe their senses when they learned their master’s purpose. But pride now came to Montezuma’s aid, and, since he must go, he preferred that it should appear to be with his own free will. As the royal retinue84, escorted by the Spaniards, marched through the street with downcast eyes and dejected mien85, the people assembled in crowds, and a rumor7 rang among them that the emperor was carried off by force to the quarters of the white men. A tumult86 would have soon arisen but for the intervention87 of Montezuma himself, who called out to the people to disperse88, as he was visiting his friends of his own accord; thus sealing his ignominy by a declaration which deprived his subjects of the only excuse for resistance.{*} On reaching the quarters,{347} he sent out his nobles with similar assurances to the mob, and renewed orders to return to their homes.[410]
{*} [Writers of the school of Morgan and Bandelier rightly lay great stress upon the circumstances connected with the capture of Montezuma as tending to prove that the so-called “emperor” had no real power, but was only the agent of the tribe. The Aztec system of government showed startling variations from the ordinary communal89 type, and in another century might have developed into a monarchical90 system, but it was nevertheless still a military democracy. Cortés was quartered in the Tecpan of the tribe, which Tecpan Montezuma had vacated to provide accommodations for his guests. It was not very remarkable91, therefore, that the chief should return to his old quarters. There were no royal guards to defend his person. When he fell into the power of the Spaniards his influence was lost. But the people, whose chief officer he was, were in a quandary92. The Spaniards had learned in their dealings with other tribes that Indians were demoralized and unable to fight when their caciques were taken. (Cicique was the title usually given to Montezuma in the first despatches of Cortés.) According to aboriginal93 customs, prisoners of war were killed, and their offices reverted94 to the tribe. Cortés, when he took Montezuma prisoner, captured both the man and his office. Under ordinary circumstances there could be no vacancy95 in the office until its holder96 died. We shall note later the enormous blunder Cortés made because of his ignorance of Aztec institutions.—M.]
He was received with ostentatious respect by the Spaniards, and selected the suite97 of apartments which best pleased him. They were soon furnished with fine cotton tapestries98, feather-work, and all the elegancies of Indian upholstery. He was attended by such of his household as he chose, his wives and his pages, and was served with his usual pomp and luxury at his meals.{*} He gave audience, as in his own palace, to his subjects, who were admitted to his presence, few, indeed, at a time, under the pretext of greater order and decorum. From the Spaniards themselves he met with a formal deference99. No one, not even the general himself, approached him without doffing100 his casque and rendering101 the obeisance102 due to his rank. Nor did they ever sit in his presence, without being invited by him to do so.[411]
{*} [According to Tápia, his servants brought him at each meal more than four hundred dishes of meat, game, and fish, intermingled with vegetables and fruits: “é debajo de cada plato de los que á sus servidores les parecie que él comerie, venia un braserico con5 lumbre; ... siempre le traian platos nuevos en que comie, é jamas comie en cada plato mas du una vez, ni se vistie ropa mas de una vez; é lavábase el cuerpo cada dia dos veces.” Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc. para la Hist. de México, tom. ii.—K.]{348}
With all this studied ceremony and show of homage103, there was one circumstance which too clearly proclaimed to his people that their sovereign was a prisoner. In the front of the palace a patrol of sixty men was established, and the same number in the rear. Twenty of each corps104 mounted guard at once, maintaining a careful watch, day and night.[412] Another body, under command of Velasquez de Leon, was stationed in the royal antechamber. Cortés punished any departure from duty, or relaxation105 of vigilance, in these sentinels, with the utmost severity.[413] He felt, as indeed every Spaniard must have felt, that the escape of the emperor now would be their ruin. Yet the task of this unintermitting watch sorely added to their fatigues106. “Better this dog of a king should die,” cried a soldier one day, “than that we should wear out our lives in this manner.” The words were uttered in the hearing of Montezuma, who gathered something of their import, and the offender107 was severely108 chastised109 by order of the general.[414] Such instances of disrespect, however, were very rare. Indeed, the amiable deportment of the monarch, who seemed to take pleasure in the society of his jailers, and who never allowed a favor or attention from the meanest soldier to go{349} unrequited, inspired the Spaniards with as much attachment110 as they were capable of feeling—for a barbarian.[415]
Things were in this posture111, when the arrival of Quauhpopoca from the coast was announced. He was accompanied by his son and fifteen Aztec chiefs. He had travelled all the way, borne, as became his high rank, in a litter. On entering Montezuma’s presence, he threw over his dress the coarse robe of nequen, and made the usual humiliating acts of obeisance. The poor parade of courtly ceremony was the more striking when placed in contrast with the actual condition of the parties.
The Aztec governor was coldly received by his{350} master, who referred the affair (had he the power to do otherwise?) to the examination of Cortés. It was, doubtless, conducted in a sufficiently112 summary manner. To the general’s query113, whether the cacique was the subject of Montezuma, he replied, “And what other sovereign could I serve?” implying that his sway was universal.[416] He did not deny his share in the transaction, nor did he seek to shelter himself under the royal authority till sentence of death was passed on him and his followers114, when they all laid the blame of their proceedings on Montezuma.[417] They were condemned115 to be burnt alive in the area before the palace. The funeral piles were made of heaps of arrows, javelins116, and other weapons, drawn by the emperor’s permission from the arsenals117 round the great teocalli, where they had been stored to supply means of defence in times of civic118 tumult or insurrection. By this politic23 precaution Cortés proposed to remove a ready means of annoyance119 in case of hostilities120 with the citizens.
To crown the whole of these extraordinary proceedings, Cortés, while preparations for the execution were going on, entered the emperor’s apartment, attended by a soldier bearing fetters121 in his{351} hands. With a severe aspect, he charged the monarch with being the original contriver122 of the violence offered to the Spaniards, as was now proved by the declaration of his own instruments. Such a crime, which merited death in a subject, could not be atoned123 for, even by a sovereign, without some punishment. So saying, he ordered the soldier to fasten the fetters on Montezuma’s ankles. He coolly waited till it was done, then, turning his back on the monarch, quitted the room.
Montezuma was speechless under the infliction124 of this last insult. He was like one struck down by a heavy blow, that deprives him of all his faculties125. He offered no resistance. But, though he spoke not a word, low, ill-suppressed moans, from time to time, intimated the anguish126 of his spirit. His attendants, bathed in tears, offered him their consolations127. They tenderly held his feet in their arms, and endeavored, by inserting their shawls and mantles128, to relieve them from the pressure of the iron. But they could not reach the iron which had penetrated129 into his soul. He felt that he was no more a king.
Meanwhile, the execution of the dreadful doom130 was going forward. The whole Spanish force was under arms, to check any interruption that might be offered by the Mexicans. But none was attempted. The populace gazed in silent wonder, regarding it as the sentence of the emperor. The manner of the execution, too, excited less surprise, from their familiarity with similar spectacles, aggravated131, indeed, by additional horrors, in their own diabolical132 sacrifices. The Aztec lord and his{352} companions, bound hand and foot to the blazing piles, submitted without a cry or a complaint to their terrible fate. Passive fortitude133 is the virtue134 of the Indian warrior135; and it was the glory of the Aztec, as of the other races on the North American continent, to show how the spirit of the brave man may triumph over torture and the agonies of death.
When the dismal136 tragedy was ended, Cortés re-entered Montezuma’s apartment. Kneeling down, he unclasped his shackles137 with his own hand, expressing at the same time his regret that so disagreeable a duty as that of subjecting him to such a punishment had been imposed on him. This last indignity138 had entirely139 crushed the spirit of Montezuma; and the monarch whose frown, but a week since, would have made the nations of Anahuac tremble to their remotest borders, was now craven enough to thank his deliverer for his freedom, as for a great and unmerited boon140![418]
Not long after, the Spanish general, conceiving that his royal captive was sufficiently humbled141, expressed his willingness that he should return, if he inclined, to his own palace. Montezuma declined it; alleging142, it is said, that his nobles had more than once importuned143 him to resent his injuries by tak{353}ing arms against the Spaniards, and that, were he in the midst of them, it would be difficult to avoid it, or to save his capital from bloodshed and anarchy144.[419] The reason did honor to his heart, if it was the one which influenced him. It is probable that he did not care to trust his safety to those haughty145 and ferocious chieftains, who had witnessed the degradation of their master, and must despise his pusillanimity146, as a thing unprecedented147 in an Aztec monarch. It is also said that, when Marina conveyed to him the permission of Cortés, the other interpreter, Aguilar, gave him to understand the Spanish officers never would consent that he should avail himself of it.[420]
Whatever were his reasons, it is certain that he declined the offer; and the general, in a well-feigned or real ecstasy148, embraced him, declaring “that he loved him as a brother, and that every Spaniard would be zealously149 devoted150 to his interests, since he had shown himself so mindful of theirs!” Honeyed words, “which,” says the shrewd old chronicler who was present, “Montezuma was wise enough to know the worth of.”
The events recorded in this chapter are certainly some of the most extraordinary on the page of history. That a small body of men, like the Spaniards, should have entered the palace of a mighty151 prince, have seized his person in the midst of his vassals152, have borne him off a captive to their quarters,—that they should have put to an ignominious153 death before his face his high officers, for execut{354}ing, probably, his own commands, and have crowned the whole by putting the monarch in irons like a common malefactor,—that this should have been done, not to a drivelling dotard in the decay of his fortunes, but to a proud monarch in the plenitude of his power, in the very heart of his capital, surrounded by thousands and tens of thousands, who trembled at his nod and would have poured out their blood like water in his defence,—that all this should have been done by a mere154 handful of adventurers, is a thing too extravagant155, altogether too improbable, for the pages of romance! It is, nevertheless, literally156 true. Yet we shall not be prepared to acquiesce157 in the judgments of contemporaries who regarded these acts with admiration158. We may well distrust any grounds on which it is attempted to justify159 the kidnapping of a friendly sovereign,—by those very persons, too, who were reaping the full benefit of his favors.
To view the matter differently, we must take the position of the Conquerors160 and assume with them the original right of conquest. Regarded from this point of view, many difficulties vanish. If conquest were a duty, whatever was necessary to effect it was right also. Right and expedient become convertible161 terms. And it can hardly be denied that the capture of the monarch was expedient, if the Spaniards would maintain their hold on the empire.[421]{355}
The execution of the Aztec governor suggests other considerations. If he were really guilty of the perfidious162 act imputed to him by Cortés, and if Montezuma disavowed it, the governor deserved death, and the general was justified163 by the law of nations in inflicting164 it.[422] It is by no means so clear, however, why he should have involved so many in this sentence; most, perhaps all, of whom must have acted under his authority. The cruel manner of the death will less startle those who are familiar with the established penal165 codes in most civilized166 nations in the sixteenth century.
But, if the governor deserved death, what pretence167 was there for the outrage168 on the person of Montezuma? If the former was guilty, the latter surely was not. But, if the cacique only acted in obedience169 to orders, the responsibility was transferred to the sovereign who gave the orders. They could not both stand in the same category.
It is vain, however, to reason on the matter on any abstract principles of right and wrong, or to suppose that the Conquerors troubled themselves with the refinements170 of casuistry. Their standard of right and wrong, in reference to the natives, was a very simple one. Despising them as an outlawed171 race, without God in the world, they, in common{356} with their age, held it to be their “mission” (to borrow the cant172 phrase of our own day) to conquer and to convert. The measures they adopted certainly facilitated the first great work of conquest. By the execution of the caciques they struck terror not only into the capital, but throughout the country. It proclaimed that not a hair of a Spaniard was to be touched with impunity173! By rendering Montezuma contemptible174 in his own eyes and those of his subjects, Cortés deprived him of the support of his people and forced him to lean on the arm of the stranger. It was a politic proceeding,—to which few men could have been equal who had a touch of humanity in their natures.
A good criterion of the moral sense of the actors in these events is afforded by the reflections of Bernal Diaz, made some fifty years, it will be remembered, after the events themselves, when the fire of youth had become extinct, and the eye, glancing back through the vista175 of half a century, might be supposed to be unclouded by the passions and prejudices which throw their mist over the present. “Now that I am an old man,” says the veteran, “I often entertain myself with calling to mind the heroical deeds of early days, till they are as fresh as the events of yesterday. I think of the seizure of the Indian monarch, his confinement176 in irons, and the execution of his officers, till all these things seem actually passing before me. And, as I ponder on our exploits, I feel that it was not of ourselves that we performed them, but that it was the providence177 of God which guided us. Much{357} food is there here for meditation178!”[423] There is so, indeed, and for a meditation not unpleasing, as we reflect on the advance, in speculative179 morality at least, which the nineteenth century has made over the sixteenth. But should not the consciousness of this teach us charity? Should it not make us the more distrustful of applying the standard of the present to measure the actions of the past?
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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loathing
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| n.厌恶，憎恨v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的现在分词)；极不喜欢 | |
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rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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briefly
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embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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22
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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23
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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24
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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25
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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26
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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27
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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28
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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29
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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30
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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31
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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32
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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33
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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34
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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35
barefaced
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| adj.厚颜无耻的，公然的 | |
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36
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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37
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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38
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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39
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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40
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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41
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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42
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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43
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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44
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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45
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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46
uncommonly
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| adv. 稀罕(极，非常) | |
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47
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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48
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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49
shudder
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| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
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50
shrine
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|
| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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51
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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52
mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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53
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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54
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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55
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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56
ripening
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的现在分词 )；熟化；熟成 | |
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57
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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58
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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59
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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60
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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61
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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62
munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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63
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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64
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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65
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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66
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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68
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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69
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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70
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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71
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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72
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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73
absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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74
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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75
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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76
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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77
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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78
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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79
recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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80
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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81
beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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82
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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83
irresistible
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|
| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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84
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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85
mien
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| n.风采；态度 | |
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86
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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87
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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88
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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89
communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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90
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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91
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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92
quandary
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| n.困惑，进迟两难之境 | |
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93
aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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94
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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95
vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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96
holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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97
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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98
tapestries
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| n.挂毯( tapestry的名词复数 )；绣帷，织锦v.用挂毯（或绣帷）装饰( tapestry的第三人称单数 ) | |
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99
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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100
doffing
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| n.下筒，落纱v.脱去，（尤指）脱帽( doff的现在分词 ) | |
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101
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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102
obeisance
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| n.鞠躬，敬礼 | |
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103
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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104
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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105
relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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106
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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107
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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108
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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109
chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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110
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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111
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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112
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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113
query
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| n.疑问，问号，质问；vt.询问，表示怀疑 | |
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114
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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115
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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116
javelins
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| n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
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117
arsenals
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| n.兵工厂，军火库( arsenal的名词复数 )；任何事物的集成 | |
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118
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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119
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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120
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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121
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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122
contriver
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| 发明者，创制者，筹划者 | |
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123
atoned
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| v.补偿，赎（罪）( atone的过去式和过去分词 )；补偿，弥补，赎回 | |
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124
infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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125
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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126
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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127
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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128
mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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129
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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130
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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131
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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132
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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133
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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134
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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135
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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136
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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137
shackles
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| 手铐( shackle的名词复数 )； 脚镣； 束缚； 羁绊 | |
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138
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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139
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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140
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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141
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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142
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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143
importuned
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| v.纠缠，向（某人）不断要求( importune的过去式和过去分词 )；（妓女）拉（客） | |
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144
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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145
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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146
pusillanimity
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| n.无气力，胆怯 | |
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147
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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148
ecstasy
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| n.狂喜，心醉神怡，入迷 | |
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149
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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150
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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152
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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153
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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154
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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155
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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156
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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157
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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158
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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159
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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160
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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161
convertible
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| adj.可改变的，可交换，同意义的；n.有活动摺篷的汽车 | |
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162
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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163
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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164
inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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165
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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166
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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167
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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168
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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169
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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170
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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171
outlawed
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| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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172
cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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173
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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174
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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175
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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176
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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177
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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178
meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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179
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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