1520
OPPOSITE to the Spanish quarters, at only a few rods’ distance, stood the great teocalli of Huitzilopochtli. This pyramidal mound2, with the sanctuaries3 that crowned it, rising altogether to the height of near a hundred and fifty feet, afforded an elevated position that completely commanded the palace of Axayacatl, occupied by the Christians5. A body of five or six hundred Mexicans, many of them nobles and warriors6 of the highest rank, had got possession of the teocalli, whence they discharged such a tempest of arrows on the garrison that no one could leave his defences for a moment without imminent8 danger; while the Mexicans, under shelter of the sanctuaries, were entirely9 covered from the fire of the besieged10. It was obviously necessary to dislodge the enemy, if the Spaniards would remain longer in their quarters.
Cortés assigned this service to his chamberlain, Escobar, giving him a hundred men for the purpose, with orders to storm the teocalli and{128} set fire to the sanctuaries. But that officer was thrice repulsed11 in the attempt, and, after the most desperate efforts, was obliged to return with considerable loss and without accomplishing his object.
Cortés, who saw the immediate12 necessity of carrying the place, determined13 to lead the storming party himself. He was then suffering much from the wound in his left hand, which had disabled it for the present. He made the arm serviceable, however, by fastening his buckler to it,[125] and, thus crippled, sallied out at the head of three hundred chosen cavaliers and several thousand of his auxiliaries15.
In the court-yard of the temple he found a numerous body of Indians prepared to dispute his passage. He briskly charged them; but the flat smooth stones of the pavement were so slippery that the horses lost their footing and many of them fell. Hastily dismounting, they sent back the animals to their quarters, and, renewing the assault, the Spaniards succeeded without much difficulty in dispersing16 the Indian warriors and opening a free passage for themselves to the teocalli. This building, as the reader may remember, was a huge pyramidal structure, about three hundred feet square at the base. A flight of stone steps on the outside, at one of the angles of the mound, led to a platform, or terraced walk, which passed round{129} the building until it reached a similar flight of stairs directly over the preceding, that conducted to another landing as before. As there were five bodies or divisions of the teocalli, it became necessary to pass round its whole extent four times, or nearly a mile, in order to reach the summit, which, it may be recollected17, was an open area, crowned only by the two sanctuaries dedicated18 to the Aztec deities19.[126]
Cortés, having cleared a way for the assault, sprang up the lower stairway, followed by Alvarado, Sandoval, Ordaz, and the other gallant20 cavaliers of his little band, leaving a file of arquebusiers and a strong corps21 of Indian allies to hold the enemy in check at the foot of the monument. On the first landing, as well as on the several galleries above, and on the summit, the Aztec warriors were drawn22 up to dispute his passage. From their elevated position they showered down volleys of lighter23 missiles, together with heavy stones, beams, and burning rafters, which, thundering along the stairway, overturned the ascending24 Spaniards and carried desolation through their ranks. The more fortunate, eluding25 or springing over these obstacles, succeeded in gaining the first terrace; where, throwing themselves on their enemies, they compelled them, after a short resistance, to fall back. The assailants pressed on, effectually supported by a brisk fire of the musketeers from below, which{130} so much galled26 the Mexicans in their exposed situation that they were glad to take shelter on the broad summit of the teocalli.
Cortés and his comrades were close upon their rear, and the two parties soon found themselves face to face on this aerial battle-field, engaged in mortal combat in presence of the whole city, as well as of the troops in the court-yard, who paused, as if by mutual27 consent, from their own hostilities28, gazing in silent expectation on the issue of those above. The area, though somewhat smaller than the base of the teocalli, was large enough to afford a fair field of fight for a thousand combatants. It was paved with broad, flat stones. No impediment occurred over its surface, except the huge sacrificial block, and the temples of stone which rose to the height of forty feet, at the farther extremity29 of the arena30. One of these had been consecrated31 to the Cross. The other was still occupied by the Mexican war-god. The Christian4 and the Aztec contended for their religions under the very shadow of their respective shrines32; while the Indian priests, running to and fro, with their hair wildly streaming over their sable14 mantles33, seemed hovering34 in mid-air, like so many demons35 of darkness urging on the work of slaughter36!
The parties closed with the desperate fury of men who had no hope but in victory. Quarter was neither asked nor given; and to fly was impossible. The edge of the area was unprotected by parapet or battlement. The least slip would be fatal; and the combatants, as they struggled in mortal agony, were sometimes seen to roll over the sheer
[Image unavailble.]
THE STORMING OF THE GREAT TEMPLE
Goupil & Co. Paris
{131}
sides of the precipice37 together.[127] Cortés himself is said to have had a narrow escape from this dreadful fate. Two warriors, of strong, muscular frames, seized on him, and were dragging him violently towards the brink39 of the pyramid. Aware of their intention, he struggled with all his force, and, before they could accomplish their purpose, succeeded in tearing himself from their grasp and hurling40 one of them over the walls with his own arm! The story is not improbable in itself, for Cortés was a man of uncommon41 agility42 and strength. It has been often repeated; but not by contemporary history.[128]
The battle lasted with unintermitting fury for three hours. The number of the enemy was double that of the Christians; and it seemed as if it were a contest which must be determined by numbers and brute43 force, rather than by superior science. But it was not so. The invulnerable armor of the Spaniard, his sword of matchless tem{132}per, and his skill in the use of it, gave him advantages which far outweighed44 the odds45 of physical strength and numbers. After doing all that the courage of despair could enable men to do, resistance grew fainter and fainter on the side of the Aztecs. One after another they had fallen. Two or three priests only survived, to be led away in triumph by the victors. Every other combatant was stretched a corpse46 on the bloody47 arena, or had been hurled48 from the giddy heights. Yet the loss of the Spaniards was not inconsiderable. It amounted to forty-five of their best men; and nearly all the remainder were more or less injured in the desperate conflict.[129]
The victorious49 cavaliers now rushed towards the sanctuaries. The lower story was of stone; the two upper were of wood. Penetrating50 into their recesses51, they had the mortification52 to find the image of the Virgin53 and the Cross removed.[130] But in the other edifice54 they still beheld55 the grim figure of{133} Huitzilopochtli, with his censer of smoking hearts, and the walls of his oratory56 reeking57 with gore,—not improbably of their own countrymen! With shouts of triumph the Christians tore the uncouth58 monster from his niche59, and tumbled him, in the presence of the horror-struck Aztecs, down the steps of the teocalli.{*} They then set fire to the accursed building. The flames speedily ran up the slender towers, sending forth60 an ominous61 light over city, lake, and valley, to the remotest hut among the mountains. It was the funeral pyre of paganism, and proclaimed the fall of that sanguinary religion which had so long hung like a dark cloud over the fair regions of Anahuac![131]
{*} [Sir Arthur Helps speaks, rather oddly, of Cortés having set fire to this image. Neither Cortés himself nor Bernal Diaz mentions any such attempt to burn what is described as a “huge block of basalt, covered with sculptured figures.”—K.]
Having accomplished62 this good work, the Spaniards descended63 the winding65 slopes of the teocalli with more free and buoyant step, as if conscious that the blessing66 of Heaven now rested on their arms. They passed through the dusky files of Indian warriors in the court-yard, too much dismayed by the appalling67 scenes they had witnessed to offer{134} resistance, and reached their own quarters in safety. That very night they followed up the blow by a sortie on the sleeping town, and burned three hundred houses, the horrors of conflagration68 being made still more impressive by occurring at the hour when the Aztecs, from their own system of warfare70, were least prepared for them.[132]
Hoping to find the temper of the natives somewhat subdued71 by these reverses, Cortés now determined, with his usual policy, to make them a vantage-ground for proposing terms of accommodation. He accordingly invited the enemy to a parley72, and, as the principal chiefs, attended by their followers73, assembled in the great square, he mounted the turret74 before occupied by Montezuma, and made signs that he would address them. Marina, as usual, took her place by his side, as his interpreter. The multitude gazed with earnest curiosity on the Indian girl, whose influence with the Spaniards was well known, and whose connection with the general, in particular, had led the Aztecs to designate him by her Mexican name of Malinche.[133] Cortés, speaking through the soft, musical tones of his mistress, told his audience they{135} must now be convinced that they had nothing further to hope from opposition75 to the Spaniards. They had seen their gods trampled76 in the dust, their altars broken, their dwellings77 burned, their warriors falling on all sides. “All this,” continued he, “you have brought on yourselves by your rebellion. Yet, for the affection the sovereign whom you have so unworthily treated still bears you, I would willingly stay my hand, if you will lay down your arms and return once more to your obedience78. But, if you do not,” he concluded, “I will make your city a heap of ruins, and leave not a soul alive to mourn over it!”
But the Spanish commander did not yet comprehend the character of the Aztecs, if he thought to intimidate79 them by menaces. Calm in their exterior80, and slow to move, they were the more difficult to pacify81 when roused; and now that they had been stirred to their inmost depths, it was no human voice that could still the tempest. It may be, however, that Cortés did not so much misconceive the character of the people. He may have felt that an authoritative82 tone was the only one he could assume with any chance of effect in his present position, in which milder and more conciliatory language would, by intimating a consciousness of inferiority, have too certainly defeated its own object.
It was true, they answered, he had destroyed their temples, broken in pieces their gods, massa{136}cred their countrymen. Many more, doubtless, were yet to fall under their terrible swords. But they were content so long as for every thousand Mexicans they could shed the blood of a single white man![134] “Look out,” they continued, “on our terraces and streets; see them still thronged83 with warriors as far as your eyes can reach. Our numbers are scarcely diminished by our losses. Yours, on the contrary, are lessening84 every hour. You are perishing from hunger and sickness. Your provisions and water are failing. You must soon fall into our hands. The bridges are broken down, and you cannot escape!”[135] There will be too few of you left to glut85 the vengeance86 of our gods!” As they concluded, they sent a volley of arrows over the battlements, which compelled the Spaniards to descend64 and take refuge in their defences.
The fierce and indomitable spirit of the Aztecs filled the besieged with dismay. All, then, that they had done and suffered, their battles by day, their vigils by night, the perils87 they had braved, even the victories they had won, were of no avail. It was too evident that they had no longer the spring of ancient superstition88 to work upon in the breasts of the natives, who, like some wild beast that has burst the bonds of his keeper, seemed now{137} to swell89 and exult90 in the full consciousness of their strength. The annunciation respecting the bridges fell like a knell91 on the ears of the Christians. All that they had heard was too true; and they gazed on one another with looks of anxiety and dismay.
The same consequences followed which sometimes take place among the crew of a shipwrecked vessel92. Subordination was lost in the dreadful sense of danger. A spirit of mutiny broke out, especially among the recent levies93 drawn from the army of Narvaez. They had come into the country from no motive94 of ambition, but attracted simply by the glowing reports of its opulence95, and they had fondly hoped to return in a few months with their pockets well lined with the gold of the Aztec monarch96. But how different had been their lot! From the first hour of their landing, they had experienced only trouble and disaster, privations of every description, sufferings unexampled, and they now beheld in perspective a fate yet more appalling. Bitterly did they lament97 the hour when they left the sunny fields of Cuba for these cannibal regions! And heartily98 did they curse their own folly99 in listening to the call of Velasquez, and still more in embarking100 under the banner of Cortés![136]
They now demanded, with noisy vehemence101, to be led instantly from the city, and refused to serve{138} longer in defence of a place where they were cooped up like sheep in the shambles102, waiting only to be dragged to slaughter. In all this they were rebuked103 by the more orderly, soldier-like conduct of the veterans of Cortés. These latter had shared with their general the day of his prosperity, and they were not disposed to desert him in the tempest. It was, indeed, obvious, on a little reflection, that the only chance of safety, in the existing crisis, rested on subordination and union, and that even this chance must be greatly diminished under any other leader than their present one.
Thus pressed by enemies without and by factions104 within, that leader was found, as usual, true to himself. Circumstances so appalling as would have paralyzed a common mind only stimulated105 his to higher action and drew forth all its resources. He combined, what is most rare, singular coolness and constancy of purpose with a spirit of enterprise that might well be called romantic. His presence of mind did not now desert him. He calmly surveyed his condition and weighed the difficulties which surrounded him, before coming to a decision. Independently of the hazard of a retreat in the face of a watchful106 and desperate foe107, it was a deep mortification to surrender up the city where he had so long lorded it as a master; to abandon the rich treasures which he had secured to himself and his followers; to forego the very means by which he had hoped to propitiate108 the favor of his sovereign and secure an amnesty for his irregular proceedings109. This, he well knew, must, after all, be dependent on success. To fly{139} now was to acknowledge himself further removed from the conquest than ever. What a close was this to a career so auspiciously111 begun! What a contrast to his magnificent vaunts! What a triumph would it afford to his enemies! The governor of Cuba would be amply revenged.
But, if such humiliating reflections crowded on his mind, the alternative of remaining, in his present crippled condition, seemed yet more desperate.[137] With his men daily diminishing in strength and numbers, their provisions reduced so low that a small daily ration69 of bread was all the sustenance112 afforded to the soldier under his extraordinary fatigues114,[138] with the breaches115 every day widening in his feeble fortifications, with his ammunition116, in fine, nearly expended117, it would be impossible to maintain the place much longer—and none but men of iron constitutions and tempers, like the Spaniards, could have held it so long—against the enemy. The chief embarrassment118 was as to the time and manner in which it would be expedient119 to evacuate120 the city. The best route seemed to be that of Tlacopan (Tacuba). For the causeway, the most dangerous part of the road, was but two miles long in that direction, and would, therefore, place the fugitives121, much sooner than either of the other great avenues, on terra firma. Before his{140} final departure, however, Cortés proposed to make another sally, in order to reconnoitre the ground, and, at the same time, divert the enemy’s attention from his real purpose by a show of active operations.
For some days his workmen had been employed in constructing a military machine of his own invention. It was called a manta, and was contrived122 somewhat on the principle of the mantelets used in the wars of the Middle Ages. It was, however, more complicated, consisting of a tower made of light beams and planks123, having two chambers124, one over the other. These were to be filled with musketeers, and the sides were provided with loop-holes through which a fire could be kept up on the enemy. The great advantage proposed by this contrivance was to afford a defence to the troops against the missiles hurled from the terraces. These machines, three of which were made, rested on rollers, and were provided with strong ropes, by which they were to be dragged along the streets by the Tlascalan auxiliaries.[139]
The Mexicans gazed with astonishment125 on this{141} warlike machinery126, and, as the rolling fortresses127 advanced, belching129 forth fire and smoke from their entrails, the enemy, incapable130 of making an impression on those within, fell back in dismay. By bringing the mantas under the walls of the houses, the Spaniards were enabled to fire with effect on the mischievous131 tenants132 of the azoteas, and, when this did not silence them, by letting a ladder, or light draw-bridge, fall on the roof from the top of the manta, they opened a passage to the terrace, and closed with the combatants hand to hand. They could not, however, thus approach the higher buildings, from which the Indian warriors threw down such heavy masses of stone and timber as dislodged the planks that covered the machines, or, thundering against their sides, shook the frail133 edifices134 to their foundations, threatening all within with indiscriminate ruin. Indeed, the success of the experiment was doubtful, when the intervention135 of a canal put a stop to their further progress.
The Spaniards now found the assertion of their enemies too well confirmed. The bridge which traversed the opening had been demolished136; and, although the canals which intersected the city were, in general, of no great width or depth, the removal of the bridges not only impeded137 the movements of the general’s clumsy machines, but effectually disconcerted those of his cavalry138. Resolving to abandon the mantas, he gave orders to fill up the chasm139 with stone, timber, and other rubbish drawn from the ruined buildings, and to make a new passageway for the army. While this labor140 was going on, the Aztec slingers and archers141 on the other side of{142} the opening kept up a galling142 discharge on the Christians, the more defenceless from the nature of their occupation. When the work was completed, and a safe passage secured, the Spanish cavaliers rode briskly against the enemy, who, unable to resist the shock of the steel-clad column, fell back with precipitation to where another canal afforded a similar strong position for defence.[140]
There were no less than seven of these canals intersecting the great street of Tlacopan,[141] and at every one the same scene was renewed, the Mexicans making a gallant stand and inflicting143 some loss, at each, on their persevering144 antagonists145. These operations consumed two days, when, after incredible toil146, the Spanish general had the satisfaction to find the line of communication completely re-established through the whole length of the avenue, and the principal bridges placed under strong detachments of infantry147. At this juncture148, when he had driven the foe before him to the farthest extremity of the street, where it touches on the causeway, he was informed that the Mexicans, disheartened by their reverses, desired to open a parley with him respecting the terms of an accommodation, and that their chiefs awaited his return for that purpose at the fortress128. Overjoyed at the intelligence, he instantly rode back,{143} attended by Alvarado, Sandoval, and about sixty of the cavaliers, to his quarters.
The Mexicans proposed that he should release the two priests captured in the temple, who might be the bearers of his terms and serve as agents for conducting the negotiations149. They were accordingly sent with the requisite150 instructions to their countrymen. But they did not return. The whole was an artifice151 of the enemy, anxious to procure152 the liberation of their religious leaders, one of whom was their teoteuctli, or high-priest, whose presence was indispensable in the probable event of a new coronation.
Cortés, meanwhile, relying on the prospects153 of a speedy arrangement, was hastily taking some refreshment154 with his officers, after the fatigues of the day, when he received the alarming tidings that the enemy were in arms again, with more fury than ever; that they had overpowered the detachments posted under Alvarado at three of the bridges and were busily occupied in demolishing155 them. Stung with shame at the facility with which he had been duped by his wily foe, or rather by his own sanguine156 hopes, Cortés threw himself into the saddle, and followed by his brave companions, galloped157 back at full speed to the scene of action. The Mexicans recoiled158 before the impetuous charge of the Spaniards. The bridges were again restored; and Cortés and his chivalry159 rode down the whole extent of the great street, driving the enemy like frightened deer, at the points of their lances. But, before he could return on his steps, he had the mortification to find that the indefatigable{144} foe, gathering160 from the adjoining lanes and streets, had again closed on his infantry, who, worn down by fatigue113, were unable to maintain their position at one of the principal bridges. New swarms161 of warriors now poured in on all sides, overwhelming the little band of Christian cavaliers with a storm of stones, darts162, and arrows, which rattled163 like hail on their armor and on that of their well-barbed horses. Most of the missiles, indeed, glanced harmless from the good panoplies164 of steel, or thick quilted cotton, but, now and then, one better aimed penetrated165 the joints166 of the harness and stretched the rider on the ground.
The confusion became greater around the broken bridge. Some of the horsemen were thrown into the canal, and their steeds floundered wildly about without a rider. Cortés himself, at this crisis, did more than any other to cover the retreat of his followers. While the bridge was repairing, he plunged167 boldly into the midst of the barbarians169, striking down an enemy at every vault170 of his charger, cheering on his own men, and spreading terror through the ranks of his opponents by the well-known sound of his battle-cry. Never did he display greater hardihood, or more freely expose his person, emulating171, says an old chronicler, the feats172 of the Roman Cocles.[142] In{145} this way he stayed the tide of assailants till the last man had crossed the bridge, when, some of the planks having given way, he was compelled to leap a chasm of full six feet in width, amidst a cloud of missiles, before he could place himself in safety.[143] A report ran through the army that the general was slain173. It soon spread through the city, to the great joy of the Mexicans, and reached the fortress, where the besieged were thrown into no less consternation174. But, happily for them, it was false. He, indeed, received two severe contusions on the knee, but in other respects remained uninjured. At no time, however, had he been in such extreme danger; and his escape, and that of his companions, were esteemed175 little less than a miracle. More than one grave historian refers the preservation176 of the Spaniards to the watchful care of their patron Apostle, St. James, who, in these desperate conflicts, was beheld careering on his milk-white steed at the head of the Christian squadrons, with his sword flashing lightning, while a lady robed in white—supposed to be the Virgin—was distinctly seen by his side, throwing dust in the eyes of the infidel! The fact is attested177 both by Spaniards and Mexicans,—by the latter after{146} their conversion178 to Christianity. Surely, never was there a time when the interposition of their tutelar saint was more strongly demanded.[144]
The coming of night dispersed179 the Indian battalions180, which, vanishing like birds of ill omen7 from the field, left the well-contested pass in possession of the Spaniards. They returned, however, with none of the joyous181 feelings of conquerors182 to their citadel183, but with slow step and dispirited, with weapons hacked184, armor battered185, and fainting under the loss of blood, fasting, and fatigue. In this condition they had yet to learn the tidings of a fresh misfortune in the death of Montezuma.[145]{147}
The Indian monarch had rapidly declined, since he had received his injury, sinking, however, quite as much under the anguish186 of a wounded spirit as under disease. He continued in the same moody187 state of insensibility as that already described; holding little communication with those around him, deaf to consolation188, obstinately189 rejecting all medical remedies as well as nourishment190. Perceiving his end approach, some of the cavaliers present in the fortress, whom the kindness of his manners had personally attached to him, were anxious to save the soul of the dying prince from the sad doom191 of those who perish in the darkness of unbelief. They accordingly waited on him, with Father Olmedo at their head, and in the most earnest manner implored192 him to open his eyes to the error of his creed193, and consent to be baptized. But Montezuma—whatever may have been suggested to the contrary—seems never to have faltered194 in his hereditary195 faith, or to have contemplated196 becoming an apostate198; for surely he merits that name in its most odious199 application, who, whether Christian or pagan, renounces200 his religion without conviction of its falsehood.[146] Indeed, it was a too implicit201 reliance on its oracles202 which had led him to give{148} such easy confidence to the Spaniards. His intercourse203 with them had, doubtless, not sharpened his desire to embrace their communion; and the calamities204 of his country he might consider as sent by his gods to punish him for his hospitality to those who had desecrated205 and destroyed their shrines.[147]
When Father Olmedo, therefore, kneeling at his side, with the uplifted crucifix, affectionately besought206 him to embrace the sign of man’s redemption, he coldly repulsed the priest, exclaiming, “I have but a few moments to live, and will not at this hour desert the faith of my fathers.”[148]{149} One thing, however, seemed to press heavily on Montezuma’s mind. This was the fate of his children, especially of three daughters, whom he had by his two wives; for there were certain rites207 of marriage which distinguished208 the lawful209 wife from the concubine. Calling Cortés to his bedside, he earnestly commended these children to his care, as “the most precious jewels that he could leave him.” He besought the general to interest his master, the emperor, in their behalf, and to see that they should not be left destitute210, but be allowed some portion of their rightful inheritance. “Your lord will do this,” he concluded, “if it were only for the friendly offices I have rendered the Spaniards, and for the love I have shown them,—though it has brought me to this condition! But for this I bear them no ill will.”[149] Such, according to Cortés himself, were the words of the dying monarch. Not long after, on the 30th of June, 1520,[150] he expired in the arms of some of his own nobles, who still remained faithful in their attendance on{150} his person. “Thus,” exclaims a native historian, one of his enemies, a Tlascalan, “thus died the unfortunate Montezuma, who had swayed the sceptre with such consummate211 policy and wisdom, and who was held in greater reverence212 and awe213 than any other prince of his lineage, or any, indeed, that ever sat on a throne in this Western World. With him may be said to have terminated the royal line of the Aztecs, and the glory to have passed away from the empire, which under him had reached the zenith of its prosperity.”[151] “The tidings of his death,” says the old Castilian chronicler, Diaz, “were received with real grief by every cavalier and soldier in the army who had had access to his person; for we all loved him as a father,—and no wonder, seeing how good he was.”[152] This simple but emphatic214 testimony215 to his desert, at such a time, is in itself the best refutation of the suspicions occasionally entertained of his fidelity216 to the Christians.[153]{151}
It is not easy to depict217 the portrait of Montezuma in its true colors, since it has been exhibited to us under two aspects, of the most opposite and contradictory218 character. In the accounts gathered of him by the Spaniards on coming into the country, he was uniformly represented as bold and warlike, unscrupulous as to the means of gratifying his ambition, hollow and perfidious219, the terror of his foes220, with a haughty221 bearing which made him feared even by his own people. They found him, on the contrary, not merely affable and gracious, but disposed to waive222 all the advantages of his own position, and to place them on a footing with himself; making their wishes his law; gentle even to{152} effeminacy in his deportment, and constant in his friendship while his whole nation was in arms against them. Yet these traits, so contradictory, were truly enough drawn. They are to be explained by the extraordinary circumstances of his position.
When Montezuma ascended223 the throne, he was scarcely twenty-three years of age. Young, and ambitious of extending his empire, he was continually engaged in war, and is said to have been present himself in nine pitched battles.[154] He was greatly renowned224 for his martial225 prowess, for he belonged to the Quachictin, the highest military order of his nation, and one into which but few even of its sovereigns had been admitted.[155] In later life, he preferred intrigue226 to violence, as more consonant227 to his character and priestly education. In this he was as great an adept228 as any prince of his time, and, by arts not very honorable to himself, succeeded in filching229 away much of the territory of his royal kinsman230 of Tezcuco. Severe in the administration of justice, he made important reforms in the arrangement of the tribunals. He introduced other innovations in the royal household, creating new officers, introducing a lavish231 magnificence and forms of courtly etiquette232 unknown to his ruder predecessors233. He was, in short, most attentive234 to all that concerned the ex{153}terior and pomp of royalty235.[156] Stately and decorous, he was careful of his own dignity, and might be said to be as great an “actor of majesty236” among the barbarian168 potentates237 of the New World as Louis the Fourteenth was among the polished princes of Europe.
He was deeply tinctured, moreover, with that spirit of bigotry238 which threw such a shade over the latter days of the French monarch. He received the Spaniards as the beings predicted by his oracles. The anxious dread38 with which he had evaded239 their proffered240 visit was founded on the same feelings which led him so blindly to resign himself to them on their approach. He felt himself rebuked by their superior genius. He at once conceded all that they demanded,—his treasures, his power, even his person. For their sake, he forsook241 his wonted occupations, his pleasures, his most familiar habits. He might be said to forego his nature, and, as his subjects asserted, to change his sex and become a woman. If we cannot refuse our contempt for the pusillanimity242 of the Aztec monarch, it should be mitigated243 by the consideration that this pusillanimity sprung from his superstition, and that superstition in the savage244 is the substitute for religious principle in the civilized245 man.
It is not easy to contemplate197 the fate of Montezuma without feelings of the strongest compas{154}sion;—to see him thus borne along the tide of events beyond his power to avert246 or control; to see him, like some stately tree, the pride of his own Indian forests, towering aloft in the pomp and majesty of its branches, by its very eminence247 a mark for the thunderbolt, the first victim of the tempest which was to sweep over its native hills! When the wise king of Tezcuco addressed his royal relative at his coronation, he exclaimed, “Happy the empire which is now in the meridian248 of its prosperity, for the sceptre is given to one whom the Almighty249 has in his keeping; and the nations shall hold him in reverence!”[157] Alas250! the subject of this auspicious110 invocation lived to see his empire melt away like the winter’s wreath; to see a strange race drop, as it were, from the clouds on his land; to find himself a prisoner in the palace of his fathers, the companion of those who were the enemies of his gods and his people; to be insulted, reviled251, trodden in the dust, by the meanest of his subjects, by those who, a few months previous, had trembled at his glance; drawing his last breath in the halls of the stranger,—a lonely outcast in the heart of his own capital! He was the sad victim of destiny,—a destiny as dark and irresistible252 in its march as that which broods over the mythic legends of antiquity253![158]{155}
Montezuma, at the time of his death, was about forty-one years old, of which he reigned254 eighteen. His person and manners have been already described. He left a numerous progeny255 by his various wives, most of whom, having lost their consideration after the Conquest, fell into obscurity, as they mingled256 with the mass of the Indian population.[159] Two of them, however, a son and a daughter, who embraced Christianity, became the founders257 of noble houses in Spain.[160] The government, willing to show its gratitude258 for the large extent of empire derived259 from their ancestor, conferred on them ample estates and important hereditary honors; and the counts of Montezuma and Tula, intermarrying with the best blood of Castile, intimated by their names and titles their{156} illustrious descent from the royal dynasty of Mexico.[161]
Montezuma’s death was a misfortune to the Spaniards. While he lived, they had a precious pledge in their hands, which, in extremity, they might possibly have turned to account. Now the last link was snapped which connected them with the natives of the country. But, independently of interested feelings, Cortés and his officers were much affected260 by his death, from personal consid{157}erations, and, when they gazed on the cold remains261 of the ill-starred monarch, they may have felt a natural compunction, as they contrasted his late flourishing condition with that to which his friendship for them had reduced him.
The Spanish commander showed all respect for his memory. His body, arrayed in its royal robes, was laid decently on a bier, and borne on the shoulders of his nobles to his subjects in the city. What honors, if any, indeed, were paid to his remains, is uncertain. A sound of wailing262, distinctly heard in the western quarters of the capital, was interpreted by the Spaniards into the moans of a funeral procession, as it bore the body to be laid among those of his ancestors, under the princely shades of Chapoltepec.[162] Others state that it was removed to a burial-place in the city named Copalco, and there burned with the usual solemnities and signs of lamentation263 by his chiefs, but not without some unworthy insults from the Mexican populace.[163] Whatever be the fact, the people, occupied with the stirring scenes in which they were engaged, were probably not long mindful of the monarch who had taken no share in their late patriotic264 movements. Nor is it strange that the very memory of his sepulchre should be effaced265 in the terrible catastrophe266 which afterwards overwhelmed the capital and swept away every landmark267 from its surface.
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1 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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2 mound | |
n.土墩,堤,小山;v.筑堤,用土堆防卫 | |
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3 sanctuaries | |
n.避难所( sanctuary的名词复数 );庇护;圣所;庇护所 | |
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4 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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5 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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6 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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7 omen | |
n.征兆,预兆;vt.预示 | |
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8 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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9 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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10 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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11 repulsed | |
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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12 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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13 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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14 sable | |
n.黑貂;adj.黑色的 | |
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15 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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16 dispersing | |
adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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17 recollected | |
adj.冷静的;镇定的;被回忆起的;沉思默想的v.记起,想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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18 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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19 deities | |
n.神,女神( deity的名词复数 );神祗;神灵;神明 | |
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20 gallant | |
adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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21 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
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22 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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23 lighter | |
n.打火机,点火器;驳船;v.用驳船运送;light的比较级 | |
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24 ascending | |
adj.上升的,向上的 | |
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25 eluding | |
v.(尤指机敏地)避开( elude的现在分词 );逃避;躲避;使达不到 | |
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26 galled | |
v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 );擦伤;烦扰;侮辱 | |
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27 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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28 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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29 extremity | |
n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
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30 arena | |
n.竞技场,运动场所;竞争场所,舞台 | |
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31 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
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32 shrines | |
圣地,圣坛,神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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33 mantles | |
vt.&vi.覆盖(mantle的第三人称单数形式) | |
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34 hovering | |
鸟( hover的现在分词 ); 靠近(某事物); (人)徘徊; 犹豫 | |
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35 demons | |
n.恶人( demon的名词复数 );恶魔;精力过人的人;邪念 | |
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36 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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37 precipice | |
n.悬崖,危急的处境 | |
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38 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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39 brink | |
n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘,边沿 | |
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40 hurling | |
n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的现在分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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41 uncommon | |
adj.罕见的,非凡的,不平常的 | |
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42 agility | |
n.敏捷,活泼 | |
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43 brute | |
n.野兽,兽性 | |
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44 outweighed | |
v.在重量上超过( outweigh的过去式和过去分词 );在重要性或价值方面超过 | |
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45 odds | |
n.让步,机率,可能性,比率;胜败优劣之别 | |
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46 corpse | |
n.尸体,死尸 | |
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47 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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48 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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49 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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50 penetrating | |
adj.(声音)响亮的,尖锐的adj.(气味)刺激的adj.(思想)敏锐的,有洞察力的 | |
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51 recesses | |
n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 );(工作或业务活动的)中止或暂停期间;学校的课间休息;某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 );将(墙)做成凹形,在(墙)上做壁龛;休息,休会,休庭 | |
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52 mortification | |
n.耻辱,屈辱 | |
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53 virgin | |
n.处女,未婚女子;adj.未经使用的;未经开发的 | |
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54 edifice | |
n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿,教室) | |
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55 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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56 oratory | |
n.演讲术;词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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57 reeking | |
v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的现在分词 );散发臭气;发出难闻的气味 (of sth);明显带有(令人不快或生疑的跡象) | |
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58 uncouth | |
adj.无教养的,粗鲁的 | |
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59 niche | |
n.壁龛;合适的职务(环境、位置等) | |
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60 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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61 ominous | |
adj.不祥的,不吉的,预兆的,预示的 | |
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62 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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63 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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64 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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65 winding | |
n.绕,缠,绕组,线圈 | |
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66 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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67 appalling | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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68 conflagration | |
n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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69 ration | |
n.定量(pl.)给养,口粮;vt.定量供应 | |
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70 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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71 subdued | |
adj. 屈服的,柔和的,减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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72 parley | |
n.谈判 | |
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73 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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74 turret | |
n.塔楼,角塔 | |
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75 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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76 trampled | |
踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯 | |
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77 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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78 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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79 intimidate | |
vt.恐吓,威胁 | |
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80 exterior | |
adj.外部的,外在的;表面的 | |
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81 pacify | |
vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒);抚慰 | |
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82 authoritative | |
adj.有权威的,可相信的;命令式的;官方的 | |
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83 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84 lessening | |
减轻,减少,变小 | |
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85 glut | |
n.存货过多,供过于求;v.狼吞虎咽 | |
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86 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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87 perils | |
极大危险( peril的名词复数 ); 危险的事(或环境) | |
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88 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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89 swell | |
vi.膨胀,肿胀;增长,增强 | |
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90 exult | |
v.狂喜,欢腾;欢欣鼓舞 | |
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91 knell | |
n.丧钟声;v.敲丧钟 | |
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92 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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93 levies | |
(部队)征兵( levy的名词复数 ); 募捐; 被征募的军队 | |
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94 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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95 opulence | |
n.财富,富裕 | |
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96 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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97 lament | |
n.悲叹,悔恨,恸哭;v.哀悼,悔恨,悲叹 | |
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98 heartily | |
adv.衷心地,诚恳地,十分,很 | |
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99 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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100 embarking | |
乘船( embark的现在分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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101 vehemence | |
n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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102 shambles | |
n.混乱之处;废墟 | |
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103 rebuked | |
责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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105 stimulated | |
a.刺激的 | |
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106 watchful | |
adj.注意的,警惕的 | |
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107 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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108 propitiate | |
v.慰解,劝解 | |
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109 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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110 auspicious | |
adj.吉利的;幸运的,吉兆的 | |
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111 auspiciously | |
adv.吉利; 繁荣昌盛; 前途顺利; 吉祥 | |
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112 sustenance | |
n.食物,粮食;生活资料;生计 | |
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113 fatigue | |
n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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114 fatigues | |
n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 );杂役;厌倦;(士兵穿的)工作服 | |
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115 breaches | |
破坏( breach的名词复数 ); 破裂; 缺口; 违背 | |
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116 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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117 expended | |
v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 );使用(钱等)做某事;用光;耗尽 | |
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118 embarrassment | |
n.尴尬;使人为难的人(事物);障碍;窘迫 | |
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119 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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120 evacuate | |
v.遣送;搬空;抽出;排泄;大(小)便 | |
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121 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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122 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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123 planks | |
(厚)木板( plank的名词复数 ); 政纲条目,政策要点 | |
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124 chambers | |
n.房间( chamber的名词复数 );(议会的)议院;卧室;会议厅 | |
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125 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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126 machinery | |
n.(总称)机械,机器;机构 | |
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127 fortresses | |
堡垒,要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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128 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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129 belching | |
n. 喷出,打嗝 动词belch的现在分词形式 | |
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130 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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131 mischievous | |
adj.调皮的,恶作剧的,有害的,伤人的 | |
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132 tenants | |
n.房客( tenant的名词复数 );佃户;占用者;占有者 | |
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133 frail | |
adj.身体虚弱的;易损坏的 | |
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134 edifices | |
n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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135 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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136 demolished | |
v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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137 impeded | |
阻碍,妨碍,阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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139 chasm | |
n.深坑,断层,裂口,大分岐,利害冲突 | |
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140 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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141 archers | |
n.弓箭手,射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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142 galling | |
adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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143 inflicting | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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144 persevering | |
a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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145 antagonists | |
对立[对抗] 者,对手,敌手( antagonist的名词复数 ); 对抗肌; 对抗药 | |
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146 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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147 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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148 juncture | |
n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
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149 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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150 requisite | |
adj.需要的,必不可少的;n.必需品 | |
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151 artifice | |
n.妙计,高明的手段;狡诈,诡计 | |
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152 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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153 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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154 refreshment | |
n.恢复,精神爽快,提神之事物;(复数)refreshments:点心,茶点 | |
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155 demolishing | |
v.摧毁( demolish的现在分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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156 sanguine | |
adj.充满希望的,乐观的,血红色的 | |
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157 galloped | |
(使马)飞奔,奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 ); 快速做[说]某事 | |
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158 recoiled | |
v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 );退缩;报应;返回 | |
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159 chivalry | |
n.骑士气概,侠义;(男人)对女人彬彬有礼,献殷勤 | |
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160 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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161 swarms | |
蜂群,一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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162 darts | |
n.掷飞镖游戏;飞镖( dart的名词复数 );急驰,飞奔v.投掷,投射( dart的第三人称单数 );向前冲,飞奔 | |
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163 rattled | |
慌乱的,恼火的 | |
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164 panoplies | |
n.全套礼服( panoply的名词复数 );盛装;全副甲胄;雄伟的阵式 | |
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165 penetrated | |
adj. 击穿的,鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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166 joints | |
接头( joint的名词复数 ); 关节; 公共场所(尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所) (非正式); 一块烤肉 (英式英语) | |
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167 plunged | |
v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 );暴跌;骤降;突降 | |
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168 barbarian | |
n.野蛮人;adj.野蛮(人)的;未开化的 | |
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169 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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170 vault | |
n.拱形圆顶,地窖,地下室 | |
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171 emulating | |
v.与…竞争( emulate的现在分词 );努力赶上;计算机程序等仿真;模仿 | |
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172 feats | |
功绩,伟业,技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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173 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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174 consternation | |
n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
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175 esteemed | |
adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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176 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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177 attested | |
adj.经检验证明无病的,经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
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178 conversion | |
n.转化,转换,转变 | |
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179 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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180 battalions | |
n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
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181 joyous | |
adj.充满快乐的;令人高兴的 | |
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182 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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183 citadel | |
n.城堡;堡垒;避难所 | |
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184 hacked | |
生气 | |
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185 battered | |
adj.磨损的;v.连续猛击;磨损 | |
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186 anguish | |
n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦,烦恼 | |
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187 moody | |
adj.心情不稳的,易怒的,喜怒无常的 | |
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188 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
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189 obstinately | |
ad.固执地,顽固地 | |
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190 nourishment | |
n.食物,营养品;营养情况 | |
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191 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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192 implored | |
恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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194 faltered | |
(嗓音)颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 ); 支吾其词; 蹒跚; 摇晃 | |
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195 hereditary | |
adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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196 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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197 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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198 apostate | |
n.背叛者,变节者 | |
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199 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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200 renounces | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的第三人称单数 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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201 implicit | |
a.暗示的,含蓄的,不明晰的,绝对的 | |
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202 oracles | |
神示所( oracle的名词复数 ); 神谕; 圣贤; 哲人 | |
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203 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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204 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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205 desecrated | |
毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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206 besought | |
v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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207 rites | |
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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208 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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209 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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210 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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211 consummate | |
adj.完美的;v.成婚;使完美 [反]baffle | |
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212 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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213 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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214 emphatic | |
adj.强调的,着重的;无可置疑的,明显的 | |
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215 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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216 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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217 depict | |
vt.描画,描绘;描写,描述 | |
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218 contradictory | |
adj.反驳的,反对的,抗辩的;n.正反对,矛盾对立 | |
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219 perfidious | |
adj.不忠的,背信弃义的 | |
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220 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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221 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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222 waive | |
vt.放弃,不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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223 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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224 renowned | |
adj.著名的,有名望的,声誉鹊起的 | |
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225 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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226 intrigue | |
vt.激起兴趣,迷住;vi.耍阴谋;n.阴谋,密谋 | |
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227 consonant | |
n.辅音;adj.[音]符合的 | |
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228 adept | |
adj.老练的,精通的 | |
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229 filching | |
v.偷(尤指小的或不贵重的物品)( filch的现在分词 ) | |
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230 kinsman | |
n.男亲属 | |
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231 lavish | |
adj.无节制的;浪费的;vt.慷慨地给予,挥霍 | |
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232 etiquette | |
n.礼仪,礼节;规矩 | |
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233 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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234 attentive | |
adj.注意的,专心的;关心(别人)的,殷勤的 | |
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235 royalty | |
n.皇家,皇族 | |
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236 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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237 potentates | |
n.君主,统治者( potentate的名词复数 );有权势的人 | |
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238 bigotry | |
n.偏见,偏执,持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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239 evaded | |
逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 ); 避开; 回避; 想不出 | |
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240 proffered | |
v.提供,贡献,提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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241 forsook | |
forsake的过去式 | |
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242 pusillanimity | |
n.无气力,胆怯 | |
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243 mitigated | |
v.减轻,缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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244 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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245 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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246 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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247 eminence | |
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
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248 meridian | |
adj.子午线的;全盛期的 | |
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249 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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250 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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251 reviled | |
v.辱骂,痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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252 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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253 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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254 reigned | |
vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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255 progeny | |
n.后代,子孙;结果 | |
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256 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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257 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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258 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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259 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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260 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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261 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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262 wailing | |
v.哭叫,哀号( wail的现在分词 );沱 | |
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263 lamentation | |
n.悲叹,哀悼 | |
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264 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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265 effaced | |
v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 );抹去;超越;使黯然失色 | |
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266 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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267 landmark | |
n.陆标,划时代的事,地界标 | |
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