1520
THERE was no longer any question as to the expediency4 of evacuating5 the capital. The only doubt was as to the time of doing so, and the route. The Spanish commander called a council of officers to deliberate on these matters. It was his purpose to retreat on Tlascala, and in that capital to decide, according to circumstances, on his future operations. After some discussion, they agreed on the causeway of Tlacopan as the avenue by which to leave the city. It would, indeed, take them back by a circuitous7 route, considerably8 longer than either of those by which they had approached the capital. But, for that reason, it would be less likely to be guarded, as least suspected; and the causeway itself, being shorter than either of the other entrances, would sooner place the army in comparative security on the main land.
There was some difference of opinion in respect to the hour of departure. The daytime, it was argued by some, would be preferable, since it{159} would enable them to see the nature and extent of their danger and to provide against it. Darkness would be much more likely to embarrass their own movements than those of the enemy, who were familiar with the ground. A thousand impediments would occur in the night, which might prevent their acting9 in concert, or obeying, or even ascertaining10, the orders of the commander. But, on the other hand, it was urged that the night presented many obvious advantages in dealing11 with a foe12 who rarely carried hostilities13 beyond the day. The late active operations of the Spaniards had thrown the Mexicans off their guard, and it was improbable they would anticipate so speedy a departure of their enemies. With celerity and caution they might succeed, therefore, in making their escape from the town, possibly over the causeway, before their retreat should be discovered; and, could they once get beyond that pass of peril14, they felt little apprehension15 for the rest.
These views were fortified16, it is said, by the counsels of a soldier named Botello, who professed17 the mysterious science of judicial18 astrology. He had gained credit with the army by some predictions which had been verified by the events; those lucky hits which make chance pass for calculation with the credulous19 multitude.[164]{160} This man recommended to his countrymen by all means to evacuate the place in the night, as the hour most propitious20 to them, although he should perish in it. The event proved the astrologer better acquainted with his own horoscope than with that of others.[165]
It is possible Botello’s predictions had some weight in determining the opinion of Cortés. Superstition21 was the feature of the age, and the Spanish general, as we have seen, had a full measure of its bigotry23. Seasons of gloom, moreover, dispose the mind to a ready acquiescence24 in the marvellous. It is, however, quite as probable that he made use of the astrologer’s opinion, finding it coincided with his own, to influence that of his men and inspire them with higher confidence. At all events, it was decided25 to abandon the city that very night.
The general’s first care was to provide for the safe transportation of the treasure. Many of the common soldiers had converted their share of the prize, as we have seen, into gold chains, collars, or other ornaments26, which they easily carried about their persons. But the royal fifth, together with that of Cortés himself, and much of the rich booty of the principal cavaliers, had been converted into bars and wedges of solid gold, and deposited in one of the strong apartments of the palace. Cortés delivered the share belonging to the crown to the royal officers, assigning them one of the strongest horses, and a guard of Castilian sol{161}diers, to transport it.[166] Still, much of the treasure, belonging both to the crown and to individuals, was necessarily abandoned, from the want of adequate means of conveyance27. The metal lay scattered28 in shining heaps along the floor, exciting the cupidity29 of the soldiers. “Take what you will of it,” said Cortés to his men. “Better you should have it, than these Mexican hounds.[167] But be careful not to overload30 yourselves. He travels safest in the dark night who travels lightest.” His own more wary31 followers32 took heed33 to his counsel, helping34 themselves to a few articles of least bulk, though it might be, of greatest value.[168] But the troops of Narvaez, pining for riches of which they had heard so much and hitherto seen so little, showed no such discretion35. To them it seemed as{162} if the very mines of Mexico were turned up before them, and, rushing on the treacherous36 spoil, they greedily loaded themselves with as much of it, not merely as they could accommodate about their persons, but as they could stow away in wallets, boxes, or any other means of conveyance at their disposal.[169]
Cortés next arranged the order of march. The van, composed of two hundred Spanish foot, he placed under the command of the valiant37 Gonzalo de Sandoval, supported by Diego de Ordaz, Francisco de Lujo, and about twenty other cavaliers. The rear-guard, constituting the strength of the infantry38, was intrusted to Pedro de Alvarado and Velasquez de Leon. The general himself took charge of the “battle,” or centre, in which went the baggage, some of the heavy guns, most of which, however, remained in the rear, the treasure, and the prisoners. These consisted of a son and two daughters of Montezuma, Cacama, the deposed39 lord of Tezcuco, and several other nobles, whom Cortés retained as important pledges in his future negotiations40 with the enemy. The Tlascalans were distributed pretty equally among the three divisions; and Cortés had under his immediate41 command a hundred picked soldiers, his own veterans most attached to his service, who, with Cristóval de Olid, Francisco de Morla, Alonso de Avila, and two or three other cavaliers, formed a select corps42, to act wherever occasion might require.
The general had already superintended the con{163}struction of a portable bridge to be laid over the open canals in the causeway. This was given in charge to an officer named Magarino, with forty soldiers under his orders, all pledged to defend the passage to the last extremity43. The bridge was to be taken up when the entire army had crossed one of the breaches44, and transported to the next. There were three of these openings in the causeway, and most fortunate would it have been for the expedition if the foresight46 of the commander had provided the same number of bridges. But the labor47 would have been great, and time was short.[170]
At midnight the troops were under arms, in readiness for the march. Mass was performed by Father Olmedo, who invoked48 the protection of the Almighty49 through the awful perils51 of the night. The gates were thrown open, and on the first of July, 1520, the Spaniards for the last time sallied forth52 from the walls of the ancient fortress53, the scene of so much suffering and such indomitable courage.[171]
The night was cloudy, and a drizzling54 rain,{164} which fell without intermission, added to the obscurity. The great square before the palace was deserted55, as, indeed, it had been since the fall of Montezuma. Steadily56, and as noiselessly as possible, the Spaniards held their way along the great street of Tlacopan, which so lately had resounded57 with the tumult58 of battle. All was now hushed in silence; and they were only reminded of the past by the occasional presence of some solitary59 corpse60, or a dark heap of the slain61, which too plainly told where the strife62 had been hottest. As they passed along the lanes and alleys63 which opened into the great street, or looked down the canals, whose polished surface gleamed with a sort of ebon lustre64 through the obscurity of night, they easily fancied that they discerned the shadowy forms of their foe lurking65 in ambush66 and ready to spring on them. But it was only fancy; and the city slept undisturbed even by the prolonged echoes of the tramp of the horses and the hoarse67 rumbling69 of the artillery70 and baggage-trains. At length, a lighter71 space beyond the dusky line of buildings showed the van of the army that it was emerging on the open causeway. They might well have congratulated themselves on having thus escaped the dangers of an assault in the city itself, and that a brief time would place them in comparative safety on the opposite shore. But the Mexicans were not all asleep.
As the Spaniards drew near the spot where the street opened on the causeway, and were preparing to lay the portable bridge across the uncovered breach45, which now met their eyes, several Indian{165} sentinels, who had been stationed at this, as at the other approaches to the city, took the alarm, and fled, rousing their countrymen by their cries. The priests, keeping their night-watch on the summit of the teocallis, instantly caught the tidings and sounded their shells, while the huge drum in the desolate72 temple of the war-god sent forth those solemn tones, which, heard only in seasons of calamity73, vibrated through every corner of the capital. The Spaniards saw that no time was to be lost. The bridge was brought forward and fitted with all possible expedition. Sandoval was the first to try its strength, and, riding across, was followed by his little body of chivalry74, his infantry, and Tlascalan allies, who formed the first division of the army. Then came Cortés and his squadrons, with the baggage, ammunition75-wagons, and a part of the artillery. But before they had time to defile76 across the narrow passage, a gathering77 sound was heard, like that of a mighty50 forest agitated78 by the winds. It grew louder and louder, while on the dark waters of the lake was heard a plashing noise, as of many oars68. Then came a few stones and arrows striking at random79 among the hurrying troops. They fell every moment faster and more furious, till they thickened into a terrible tempest, while the very heavens were rent with the yells and war-cries of myriads80 of combatants, who seemed all at once to be swarming81 over land and lake!
The Spaniards pushed steadily on through this arrowy sleet82, though the barbarians83, dashing their canoes against the sides of the causeway, clambered{166} up and broke in upon their ranks. But the Christians86, anxious only to make their escape, declined all combat except for self-preservation. The cavaliers, spurring forward their steeds, shook off their assailants and rode over their prostrate87 bodies, while the men on foot with their good swords or the butts88 of their pieces drove them headlong again down the sides of the dike89.
But the advance of several thousand men, marching, probably, on a front of not more than fifteen or twenty abreast90, necessarily required much time, and the leading files had already reached the second breach in the causeway before those in the rear had entirely91 traversed the first.[172] Here they halted, as they had no means of effecting a passage, smarting all the while under unintermitting volleys from the enemy, who were clustered thick on the waters around this second opening. Sorely distressed92, the van-guard sent repeated messages to the rear to demand the portable bridge. At length the last of the army had crossed, and Magarino and his sturdy followers endeavored to raise the ponderous93 framework. But it stuck fast in the sides of the dike. In vain they strained every nerve. The weight of so many men and horses, and above all of the heavy artillery, had wedged the timbers so firmly in the stones and earth that it was beyond their power to dis{167}lodge them. Still they labored94 amidst a torrent95 of missiles, until, many of them slain, and all wounded, they were obliged to abandon the attempt.
The tidings soon spread from man to man, and no sooner was their dreadful import comprehended than a cry of despair arose, which for a moment drowned all the noise of conflict. All means of retreat were cut off. Scarcely hope was left. The only hope was in such desperate exertions97 as each could make for himself. Order and subordination were at an end. Intense danger produced intense selfishness. Each thought only of his own life. Pressing forward, he trampled98 down the weak and the wounded, heedless whether it were friend or foe. The leading files, urged on by the rear, were crowded on the brink99 of the gulf100. Sandoval, Ordaz, and the other cavaliers dashed into the water. Some succeeded in swimming their horses across. Others failed, and some, who reached the opposite bank, being overturned in the ascent101, rolled headlong with their steeds into the lake. The infantry followed pellmell, heaped promiscuously102 on one another, frequently pierced by the shafts103 or struck down by the war-clubs of the Aztecs; while many an unfortunate victim was dragged half stunned104 on board their canoes, to be reserved for a protracted105 but more dreadful death.[173]
The carnage raged fearfully along the length{168} of the causeway. Its shadowy bulk presented a mark of sufficient distinctness for the enemy’s missiles, which often prostrated106 their own countrymen in the blind fury of the tempest. Those nearest the dike, running their canoes alongside, with a force that shattered them to pieces, leaped on the land, and grappled with the Christians, until both came rolling down the side of the causeway together. But the Aztec fell among his friends, while his antagonist107 was borne away in triumph to the sacrifice. The struggle was long and deadly. The Mexicans were recognized by their white cotton tunics108, which showed faint through the darkness. Above the combatants rose a wild and discordant109 clamor, in which horrid110 shouts of vengeance111 were mingled112 with groans113 of agony, with invocations of the saints and the blessed Virgin114, and with the screams of women;[174] for there were several women, both natives and Spaniards, who had accompanied the Christian85 camp. Among these, one named María de Estrada is particularly noticed for the courage she displayed, battling with broadsword and target like the stanchest of the warriors115.[175]
[Image unavailble.]
THE NOCHE TRISTE
Goupil & Co., Paris
{169}
The opening in the causeway, meanwhile, was filled up with the wreck116 of matter which had been forced into it, ammunition-wagons, heavy guns, bales of rich stuffs scattered over the waters, chests of solid ingots, and bodies of men and horses, till over this dismal117 ruin a passage was gradually formed, by which those in the rear were enabled to clamber to the other side.[176] Cortés, it is said, found a place that was fordable, where, halting, with the water up to his saddle-girths, he endeavored to check the confusion, and lead his followers by a safer path to the opposite bank. But his voice was lost in the wild uproar118, and finally, hurrying on with the tide, he pressed forward with a few trusty cavaliers, who remained near his person, to the van; but not before he had seen his favorite page, Juan de Salazar, struck down, a corpse, by his side. Here he found Sandoval and his companions, halting before the third and last breach, endeavoring to cheer on their followers to surmount119 it. But their resolution faltered120. It was wide and deep; though the passage was not so closely beset121 by the enemy as the preceding ones. The cavaliers again set the example by plunging122 into the water. Horse and foot followed as they could, some swimming, others with dying grasp clinging to the manes and tails of the struggling{170} animals. Those fared best, as the general had predicted, who travelled lightest; and many were the unfortunate wretches123 who, weighed down by the fatal gold which they loved so well, were buried with it in the salt floods of the lake.[177] Cortes, with his gallant124 comrades, Olid, Morla, Sandoval, and some few others, still kept in the advance, leading his broken remnant off the fatal causeway. The din6 of battle lessened125 in the distance; when the rumor126 reached them that the rear-guard would be wholly overwhelmed without speedy relief. It seemed almost an act of desperation; but the generous hearts of the Spanish cavaliers did not stop to calculate danger when the cry for succor127 reached them. Turning their horses’ bridles128, they galloped129 back to the theatre of action, worked their way through the press, swam the canal, and placed themselves in the thick of the mêlée on the opposite bank.[178]
The first gray of the morning was now coming over the waters. It showed the hideous130 confusion of the scene which had been shrouded131 in the obscurity of night. The dark masses of combatants, stretching along the dike, were seen struggling for mastery, until the very causeway on which they stood appeared to tremble, and reel to and fro, as{171} if shaken by an earthquake; while the bosom132 of the lake, as far as the eye could reach, was darkened by canoes crowded with warriors, whose spears and bludgeons, armed with blades of “volcanic glass,” gleamed in the morning light.
The cavaliers found Alvarado unhorsed, and defending himself with a poor handful of followers against an overwhelming tide of the enemy. His good steed, which had borne him through many a hard fight, had fallen under him.[179] He was himself wounded in several places, and was striving in vain to rally his scattered column, which was driven to the verge133 of the canal by the fury of the enemy, then in possession of the whole rear of the causeway, where they were reinforced every hour by fresh combatants from the city. The artillery in the earlier part of the engagement had not been idle, and its iron shower, sweeping134 along the dike, had mowed135 down the assailants by hundreds. But nothing could resist their impetuosity. The front ranks, pushed on by those behind, were at length forced up to the pieces, and, pouring over them like a torrent, overthrew136 men and guns in one general ruin. The resolute137 charge of the Spanish cavaliers, who had now arrived, created a temporary check, and gave time for their countrymen to make a feeble rally. But they were speedily borne down by the returning flood. Cortés and his companions were compelled to plunge138 again into the lake,—though all did not escape.{172} Alvarado stood on the brink for a moment, hesitating what to do. Unhorsed as he was, to throw himself into the water, in the face of the hostile canoes that now swarmed139 around the opening, afforded but a desperate chance of safety. He had but a second for thought. He was a man of powerful frame, and despair gave him unnatural140 energy. Setting his long lance firmly on the wreck which strewed141 the bottom of the lake, he sprung forward with all his might, and cleared the wide gap at a leap! Aztecs and Tlascalans gazed in stupid amazement142, exclaiming, as they beheld143 the incredible feat22, “This is truly the Tonatiuh,—the child of the Sun!”[180] The breadth of the opening is not given. But it was so great that the valorous captain Diaz, who well remembered the place, says the leap was impossible to any man.[181] Other contemporaries, however, do not discredit144 the story.[182]{173} It was, beyond doubt, matter of popular belief at the time; it is to this day familiarly known to every inhabitant of the capital; and the name of the Salto de Alvarado, “Alvarado’s Leap,” given to the spot, still commemorates145 an exploit which rivalled those of the demi-gods of Grecian fable146.[183]
Cortés and his companions now rode forward to{174} the front, where the troops, in a loose, disorderly manner, were marching off the fatal causeway. A few only of the enemy hung on their rear, or annoyed them by occasional flights of arrows from the lake. The attention of the Aztecs was diverted by the rich spoil that strewed the battle-ground; fortunately for the Spaniards, who, had their enemy pursued with the same ferocity with which he had fought, would, in their crippled condition, have been cut off, probably, to a man. But little molested147, therefore, they were allowed to defile through the adjacent village, or suburbs, it might be called, of Popotla.[184]
The Spanish commander there dismounted from his jaded148 steed, and, sitting down on the steps of an Indian temple, gazed mournfully on the broken files as they passed before him. What a spectacle did they present! The cavalry149, most of them dismounted, were mingled with the infantry, who dragged their feeble limbs along with difficulty; their shattered mail and tattered150 garments dripping with the salt ooze151, showing through their rents many a bruise152 and ghastly wound; their bright arms soiled, their proud crests153 and banners gone, the baggage, artillery, all, in short, that constitutes the pride and panoply154 of glorious war, forever lost. Cortés, as he looked wistfully on{175} their thin and disordered ranks, sought in vain for many a familiar face, and missed more than one dear companion who had stood side by side with him through all the perils of the Conquest. Though accustomed to control his emotions, or, at least, to conceal155 them, the sight was too much for him. He covered his face with his hands, and the tears, which trickled156 down, revealed too plainly the anguish157 of his soul.[185]
He found some consolation158, however, in the sight of several of the cavaliers on whom he most relied. Alvarado, Sandoval, Olid, Ordaz, Avila, were yet safe. He had the inexpressible satisfaction, also, of learning the safety of the Indian interpreter, Marina, so dear to him, and so important to the army. She had been committed, with a daughter of a Tlascalan chief, to several of that nation. She was fortunately placed in the van, and the faithful escort had carried her securely through all the dangers of the night. Aguilar, the other interpreter, had also escaped. And it was with no less satisfaction that Cortés learned the safety of the ship-builder, Martin Lopez.[186] The general’s solicitude159 for the fate of this man, so indispensable, as he proved, to the success of his subsequent operations, showed that, amidst all his affliction, his indomitable spirit was looking forward to the hour of vengeance.
Meanwhile, the advancing column had reached the neighboring city of Tlacopan (Tacuba), once{176} the capital of an independent principality. There it halted in the great street, as if bewildered and altogether uncertain what course to take; like a herd160 of panic-struck deer, who, flying from the hunters, with the cry of hound and horn still ringing in their ears, look wildly around for some glen or copse in which to plunge for concealment161. Cortés, who had hastily mounted and rode on to the front again, saw the danger of remaining in a populous162 place, where the inhabitants might sorely annoy the troops from the azoteas, with little risk to themselves. Pushing forward, therefore, he soon led them into the country. There he endeavored to reform his disorganized battalions163 and bring them to something like order.[187]
Hard by, at no great distance on the left, rose an eminence164, looking towards a chain of mountains which fences in the Valley on the west. It was called the Hill of Otoncalpolco, and sometimes the Hill of Montezuma.[188] It was crowned with an Indian teocalli, with its large outworks of stone covering an ample space, and by its strong position, which commanded the neighboring plain, promised a good place of refuge for the exhausted165 troops. But the men, disheartened and stupefied by their late reverses, seemed for the moment in{177}capable of further exertion96; and the place was held by a body of armed Indians. Cortés saw the necessity of dislodging them if he would save the remains166 of his army from entire destruction. The event showed he still held a control over their wills stronger than circumstances themselves. Cheering them on, and supported by his gallant cavaliers, he succeeded in infusing into the most sluggish167 something of his own intrepid168 temper, and led them up the ascent in face of the enemy. But the latter made slight resistance, and, after a few feeble volleys of missiles which did little injury, left the ground to the assailants.
It was covered by a building of considerable size, and furnished ample accommodations for the diminished numbers of the Spaniards. They found there some provisions; and more, it is said, were brought to them, in the course of the day, from some friendly Otomi villages in the neighborhood. There was, also, a quantity of fuel in the courts, destined169 to the uses of the temple. With this they made fires to dry their drenched170 garments, and busily employed themselves in dressing171 one another’s wounds, stiff and extremely painful from exposure and long exertion. Thus refreshed, the weary soldiers threw themselves down on the floor and courts of the temple, and soon found the temporary oblivion which Nature seldom denies even in the greatest extremity of suffering.[189]
There was one eye in that assembly, however,{178} which we may well believe did not so speedily close. For what agitating172 thoughts must have crowded on the mind of their commander, as he beheld his poor remnant of followers thus huddled173 together in this miserable174 bivouac! And this was all that survived of the brilliant array with which but a few weeks since he had entered the capital of Mexico! Where now were his dreams of conquest and empire? And what was he but a luckless adventurer, at whom the finger of scorn would be uplifted as a madman? Whichever way he turned, the horizon was almost equally gloomy, with scarcely one light spot to cheer him. He had still a weary journey before him, through perilous175 and unknown paths, with guides of whose fidelity176 he could not be assured. And how could he rely on his reception at Tlascala, the place of his destination,—the land of his ancient enemies, where, formerly177 as a foe, and now as a friend, he had brought desolation to every family within its borders?
Yet these agitating and gloomy reflections, which might have crushed a common mind, had no power over that of Cortés; or, rather, they only served to renew his energies and quicken his perceptions, as the war of the elements purifies and gives elasticity178 to the atmosphere. He looked with an unblenching eye on his past reverses; but, confident in his own resources, he saw a light through the gloom which others could not. Even in the shattered relics179 which lay around him, resembling in their haggard aspect and wild attire180 a horde181 of famished182 outlaws183, he discerned the materials out of which to reconstruct his ruined fortunes.{179} In the very hour of discomfiture184 and general despondency, there is no doubt that his heroic spirit was meditating185 the plan of operations which he afterwards pursued with such dauntless constancy.
The loss sustained by the Spaniards on this fatal night, like every other event in the history of the Conquest, is reported with the greatest discrepancy186. If we believe Cortés’ own letter, it did not exceed one hundred and fifty Spaniards and two thousand Indians. But the general’s bulletins, while they do full justice to the difficulties to be overcome and the importance of the results, are less scrupulous187 in stating the extent either of his means or of his losses. Thoan Cano, one of the cavaliers present, estimates the slain at eleven hundred and seventy Spaniards and eight thousand allies. But this is a greater number than we have allowed for the whole army. Perhaps we may come nearest the truth by taking the computation of Gomara, who was the chaplain of Cortés, and who had free access, doubtless, not only to the general’s papers, but to other authentic188 sources of information. According to him, the number of Christians killed and missing was four hundred and fifty, and that of natives four thousand. This, with the loss sustained in the conflicts of the previous week, may have reduced the former to something more than a third, and the latter to a fourth, or perhaps fifth, of the original force with which they entered the capital.[190] The brunt of the action fell on{180} the rear-guard, few of whom escaped. It was formed chiefly of the soldiers of Narvaez, who fell the victims, in some measure, of their cupidity.[191] Forty-six of the cavalry were cut off, which with previous losses reduced the number in this branch of the service to twenty-three, and some of these in very poor condition. The greater part of the treasure, the baggage, the general’s papers, including his accounts, and a minute diary of transactions since leaving Cuba,—which, to posterity189 at least, would have been of more worth than the{181} gold,—had been swallowed up by the waters.[192] The ammunition, the beautiful little train of artillery with which Cortés had entered the city, were all gone. Not a musket190 even remained, the men having thrown them away, eager to disencumber themselves of all that might retard191 their escape on that disastrous192 night. Nothing, in short, of their military apparatus193 was left, but their swords, their crippled cavalry, and a few damaged cross-bows, to assert the superiority of the European over the barbarian84.
The prisoners, including, as already noticed, the children of Montezuma and the cacique of Tezcuco, all perished by the hands of their ignorant countrymen, it is said, in the indiscriminate fury of the assault. There were, also, some persons of consideration among the Spaniards whose names were inscribed194 on the same bloody195 roll of slaughter. Such was Francisco de Morla, who fell by the side of Cortés on returning with him to the rescue. But the greatest loss was that of Juan Velasquez de Leon, who, with Alvarado, had command of the rear. It was the post of danger on that night, and he fell, bravely defending it, at an early part of the retreat. He was an excellent officer, possessed196 of many knightly197 qualities, though somewhat haughty198 in his bearing, being one of the best-connected cavaliers in the army. The near relation of the governor of Cuba, he looked coldly, at first,{182} on the pretensions199 of Cortés; but, whether from a conviction that the latter had been wronged, or from personal preference, he afterwards attached himself zealously200 to his leader’s interests. The general requited201 this with a generous confidence, assigning him, as we have seen, a separate and independent command, where misconduct, or even a mistake, would have been fatal to the expedition. Velasquez proved himself worthy202 of the trust; and there was no cavalier in the army, with the exception, perhaps, of Sandoval and Alvarado, whose loss would have been so deeply deplored203 by the commander. Such were the disastrous results of this terrible passage of the causeway; more disastrous than those occasioned by any other reverse which has stained the Spanish arms in the New World; and which have branded the night on which it happened, in the national annals, with the name of the noche triste, “the sad or melancholy night.”
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1
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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4
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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5
evacuating
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| 撤离，疏散( evacuate的现在分词 )； 排空（胃肠），排泄（粪便）； （从危险的地方）撤出，搬出，撤空 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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7
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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8
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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10
ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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16
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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18
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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19
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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20
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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21
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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22
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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23
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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24
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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25
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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26
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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27
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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28
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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29
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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30
overload
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| vt.使超载；n.超载 | |
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31
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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32
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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33
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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34
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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35
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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36
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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37
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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38
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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39
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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40
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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41
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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42
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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43
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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44
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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45
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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46
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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47
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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48
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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49
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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50
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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51
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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52
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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53
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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54
drizzling
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| 下蒙蒙细雨，下毛毛雨( drizzle的现在分词 ) | |
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55
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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56
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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57
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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58
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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59
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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60
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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61
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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62
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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63
alleys
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| 胡同，小巷( alley的名词复数 )； 小径 | |
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64
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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65
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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66
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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67
hoarse
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| adj.嘶哑的，沙哑的 | |
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68
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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69
rumbling
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| n. 隆隆声, 辘辘声 adj. 隆隆响的 动词rumble的现在分词 | |
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70
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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71
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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72
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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73
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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74
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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75
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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76
defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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77
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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78
agitated
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|
| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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79
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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80
myriads
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|
| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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81
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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82
sleet
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|
| n.雨雪；v.下雨雪，下冰雹 | |
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83
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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84
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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85
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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86
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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87
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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88
butts
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| 笑柄( butt的名词复数 )； （武器或工具的）粗大的一端； 屁股； 烟蒂 | |
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89
dike
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| n.堤，沟；v.开沟排水 | |
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90
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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91
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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92
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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93
ponderous
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|
| adj.沉重的，笨重的，(文章)冗长的 | |
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94
labored
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|
| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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95
torrent
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|
| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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96
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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97
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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98
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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99
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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100
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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101
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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102
promiscuously
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| adv.杂乱地，混杂地 | |
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103
shafts
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|
| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
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104
stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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105
protracted
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|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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106
prostrated
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| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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107
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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108
tunics
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| n.（动植物的）膜皮( tunic的名词复数 )；束腰宽松外衣；一套制服的短上衣；（天主教主教等穿的）短祭袍 | |
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109
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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110
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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111
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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112
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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113
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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114
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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115
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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116
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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117
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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118
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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119
surmount
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| vt.克服；置于…顶上 | |
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120
faltered
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| （嗓音）颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 )； 支吾其词； 蹒跚； 摇晃 | |
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121
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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122
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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123
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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124
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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125
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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126
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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127
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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128
bridles
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| 约束( bridle的名词复数 )； 限动器； 马笼头； 系带 | |
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129
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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130
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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131
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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132
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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133
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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134
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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135
mowed
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| v.刈，割( mow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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137
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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138
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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139
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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140
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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141
strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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142
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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143
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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144
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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145
commemorates
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| n.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的名词复数 )v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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146
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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147
molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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148
jaded
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| adj.精疲力竭的；厌倦的；（因过饱或过多而）腻烦的；迟钝的 | |
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149
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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150
tattered
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| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
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151
ooze
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| n.软泥，渗出物；vi.渗出，泄漏；vt.慢慢渗出，流露 | |
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152
bruise
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| n.青肿，挫伤；伤痕；vt.打青；挫伤 | |
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153
crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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154
panoply
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| n.全副甲胄，礼服 | |
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155
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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156
trickled
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| v.滴( trickle的过去式和过去分词 )；淌；使)慢慢走；缓慢移动 | |
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157
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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158
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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159
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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160
herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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161
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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162
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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163
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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164
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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165
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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166
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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167
sluggish
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| adj.懒惰的，迟钝的，无精打采的 | |
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168
intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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169
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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170
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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171
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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172
agitating
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| 搅动( agitate的现在分词 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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173
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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174
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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175
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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176
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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177
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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178
elasticity
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| n.弹性，伸缩力 | |
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179
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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180
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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181
horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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182
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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183
outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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184
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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185
meditating
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| a.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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186
discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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187
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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188
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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189
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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190
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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191
retard
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| n.阻止，延迟；vt.妨碍，延迟，使减速 | |
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192
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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193
apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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194
inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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195
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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196
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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197
knightly
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| adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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198
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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199
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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200
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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201
requited
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| v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 )；酬谢；回报；报复 | |
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202
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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203
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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