1520
WHILE the events related in the preceding chapter were passing, an important change had taken place in the Aztec monarchy3. Montezuma’s brother and successor, Cuitlahua, had suddenly died of the smallpox4, after a brief reign5 of four months,—brief, but glorious, for it had witnessed the overthrow6 of the Spaniards and their expulsion from Mexico.[282] On the death of their warlike chief, the electors were convened7, as usual, to supply the vacant throne. It was an office of great{247} responsibility in the dark hour of their fortunes. The teoteuctli, or high-priest, invoked8 the blessing9 of the supreme10 God on their deliberations. His prayer is still extant. It was the last one ever made on a similar occasion in Anahuac, and a few extracts from it may interest the reader, as a specimen11 of Aztec eloquence12:
“O Lord! thou knowest that the days of our sovereign are at an end, for thou hast placed him beneath thy feet. He abides13 in the place of his retreat; he has trodden the path which we are all to tread; he has gone to the house whither we are all to follow,—the house of eternal darkness, where no light cometh. He is gathered to his rest, and no one henceforth shall disquiet15 him.... All these were the princes, his predecessors17, who sat on the imperial throne, directing the affairs of thy kingdom; for thou art the universal lord and emperor, by whose will and movement the whole world is directed; thou needest not the counsel of another. They laid down the intolerable burden of government, and left it to him, their successor. Yet he sojourned but a few days in his kingdom,—but a few days had we enjoyed his presence, when thou summonedst him away to follow those who had ruled over the land before him. And great cause has he for thankfulness, that thou hast relieved him from so grievous a load, and placed him in tranquillity18 and rest.... Who now shall order matters for the good of the people and the realm? Who shall appoint the judges to administer justice to thy people? Who now shall bid the drum and the flute19 to sound, and gather together the veteran{248} soldiers and the men mighty20 in battle? Our Lord and our Defence! wilt21 thou, in thy wisdom, elect one who shall be worthy22 to sit on the throne of thy kingdom; one who shall bear the grievous burden of government; who shall comfort and cherish thy poor people, even as the mother cherisheth her offspring?... O Lord most merciful! pour forth14 thy light and thy splendor23 over this thine empire!... Order it so that thou shalt be served in all, and through all.”[283]{249}
The choice fell on Quauhtemotzin, or Guatemozin, as euphoniously24 corrupted25 by the Spaniards.[284] He was nephew to the two last monarchs26, and married his cousin, the beautiful princess Tecuichpo, Montezuma’s daughter. “He was not more than twenty-five years old, and elegant in his person for an Indian,” says one who had seen him often; “valiant27, and so terrible that his followers28 trembled in his presence.”[285] He did not shrink from the perilous29 post that was offered to him; and, as he saw the tempest gathering30 darkly around, he prepared to meet it like a man. Though young, he had ample experience in military matters, and had distinguished31 himself above all others in the bloody32 conflicts of the capital. He bore a sort of religious hatred33 to the Spaniards, like that which Hannibal is said to have sworn, and which he certainly cherished, against his Roman foes35.
By means of his spies, Guatemozin made himself acquainted with the movements of the Spaniards and their design to besiege36 the capital. He prepared for it by sending away the useless part of the population, while he called in his potent37 vassals38{250} from the neighborhood. He continued the plans of his predecessor16 for strengthening the defences of the city, reviewed his troops, and stimulated40 them by prizes to excel in their exercises. He made harangues41 to his soldiers to rouse them to a spirit of desperate resistance. He encouraged his vassals throughout the empire to attack the white men wherever they were to be met with, setting a price on their heads, as well as on the persons of all who should be brought alive to him in Mexico.[286] And it was no uncommon43 thing for the Spaniards to find hanging up in the temples of the conquered places the arms and accoutrements of their unfortunate countrymen who had been seized and sent to the capital for sacrifice.[287] Such was the young monarch2 who was now called to the tottering44 throne of the Aztecs; worthy, by his bold and magnanimous nature, to sway the sceptre of his country in the most flourishing period of her renown45, and now, in her distress46, devoting himself in the true spirit of a patriot47 prince to uphold her falling fortunes or bravely perish with them.[288]
We must now return to the Spaniards in Tlascala, where we left them preparing to resume their march on Mexico. Their commander had the satisfaction to see his troops tolerably complete in their{251} appointments; varying, indeed, according to the condition of the different reinforcements which had arrived from time to time, but, on the whole, superior to those of the army with which he had first invaded the country. His whole force fell little short of six hundred men; forty of whom were cavalry48, together with eighty arquebusiers and crossbowmen. The rest were armed with sword and target, and with the copper-headed pike of Chinantla. He had nine cannon49 of a moderate calibre, and was indifferently supplied with powder.[289]
As his forces were drawn50 up in order of march, Cortés rode through the ranks, exhorting51 his soldiers, as usual with him on these occasions, to be true to themselves and the enterprise in which they were embarked52. He told them they were to march against rebels, who had once acknowledged allegiance to the Spanish sovereign;[290] against barbarians53, the enemies of their religion. They were to fight the battles of the Cross and of the crown; to fight their own battles, to wipe away the stain from their arms, to avenge54 their injuries, and the loss of the dear companions who had been butchered on the field or on the accursed altar of sacrifice. Never was there a war which offered higher incentives55 to the Christian56 cavalier; a war which opened{252} to him riches and renown in this life, and an imperishable glory in that to come.[291]
Thus did the politic57 chief touch all the secret springs of devotion, honor, and ambition in the bosoms59 of his martial60 audience, waking the mettle61 of the most sluggish62 before leading him on the perilous emprise. They answered with acclamations that they were ready to die in defence of the Faith, and would either conquer, or leave their bones with those of their countrymen in the waters of the Tezcuco.
The army of the allies next passed in review before the general. It is variously estimated by writers from a hundred and ten to a hundred and fifty thousand soldiers! The palpable exaggeration, no less than the discrepancy63, shows that little reliance can be placed on any estimate. It is certain, however, that it was a multitudinous array, consisting not only of the flower of the Tlascalan warriors64, but of those of Cholula, Tepeaca, and the neighboring territories, which had submitted to the Castilian crown.[292]
They were armed, after the Indian fashion, with bows and arrows, the glassy maquahuitl, and the long pike, which formidable weapon Cortés, as we have seen, had introduced among his own troops. They were divided into battalions65, each having its{253} own banner, displaying the appropriate arms or emblem66 of its company. The four great chiefs of the nation marched in the van; three of them venerable for their years, and showing, in the insignia which decorated their persons, the evidence of many a glorious feat67 in arms. The panache68 of many-colored plumes69 floated from their casques, set in emeralds or other precious stones. Their escaupil, or stuffed doublet of cotton, was covered with the graceful70 surcoat of feather-work, and their feet were protected by sandals embossed with gold. Four young pages followed, bearing their weapons, and four others supported as many standards, on which were emblazoned the armorial bearings of the four great divisions of the republic.[293] The Tlascalans, though frugal71 in the extreme, and rude in their way of life, were as ambitious of display in their military attire72 as any of the races on the plateau. As they defiled73 before Cortés, they saluted74 him by waving their banners and by a flourish of their wild music, which the general acknowledged by courteously75 raising his cap as they passed.[294] The Tlascalan warriors, and especially the younger Xicotencatl, their commander, affected76 to imitate their European masters, not merely in their tactics, but in minuter matters of military etiquette78.
Cortés, with the aid of Marina, made a brief address to his Indian allies. He reminded them that he was going to fight their battles against their ancient enemies. He called on them to support him{254} in a manner worthy of their renowned79 republic. To those who remained at home, he committed the charge of aiding in the completion of the brigantines, on which the success of the expedition so much depended; and he requested that none would follow his banner who were not prepared to remain till the final reduction of the capital.[295] This address was answered by shouts, or rather yells, of defiance80, showing the exultation81 felt by his Indian confederates at the prospect82 of at last avenging83 their manifold wrongs and humbling84 their haughty85 enemy.
Before setting out on the expedition, Cortés published a code of ordinances86, as he terms them, or regulations for the army, too remarkable88 to be passed over in silence. The preamble89 sets forth that in all institutions, whether divine or human,—if the latter have any worth,—order is the great law. The ancient chronicles inform us that the greatest captains in past times owed their successes quite as much to the wisdom of their ordinances as to their own valor90 and virtue91. The situation of the Spaniards eminently92 demanded such a code; a mere77 handful of men as they were, in the midst of countless93 enemies, most cunning in the management of their weapons and in the art of war. The instrument then reminds the army that the conversion94 of the heathen is the work most acceptable in the eye of the Almighty95, and one that will be sure to receive his support. It calls on every soldier to regard this as the prime object of the expedition, without which the war would be{255} manifestly unjust, and every acquisition made by it, a robbery.[296]
The general solemnly protests that the principal motive96 which operates in his own bosom58 is the desire to wean the natives from their gloomy idolatry and to impart to them the knowledge of a purer faith; and next, to recover for his master, the emperor, the dominions97 which of right belong to him.[297]
The ordinances then prohibit all blasphemy98 against God or the saints; a vice99 much more frequent among Catholic than Protestant nations, arising, perhaps, less from difference of religion than of physical temperament,—for the warm sun of the South, under which Catholicism prevails, stimulates100 the sensibilities to the more violent expression of passion.[298]
Another law is directed against gaming, to{256} which the Spaniards, in all ages, have been peculiarly addicted102. Cortés, making allowance for the strong national propensity103, authorizes104 it under certain limitations, but prohibits the use of dice105 altogether.[299] Then follow other laws against brawls106 and private combats, against personal taunts107 and the irritating sarcasms108 of rival companies; rules for the more perfect discipline of the troops, whether in camp or the field. Among others is one prohibiting any captain, under pain of death, from charging the enemy without orders; a practice noticed as most pernicious and of too frequent occurrence,—showing the impetuous spirit and want of true military subordination in the bold cavaliers who followed the standard of Cortés.
The last ordinance87 prohibits any man, officer or private, from securing to his own use any of the booty taken from the enemy, whether it be gold, silver, precious stones, feather-work, stuffs, slaves, or other commodity, however or wherever obtained, in the city or in the field, and requires him to bring it forthwith to the presence of the general, or the officer appointed to receive it. The violation109 of this law was punished with death and confiscation110 of{257} property. So severe an edict may be thought to prove that, however much the Conquistador may have been influenced by spiritual considerations, he was by no means insensible to those of a temporal character.[300]
These provisions were not suffered to remain a dead letter. The Spanish commander, soon after their proclamation, made an example of two of his own slaves, whom he hanged for plundering111 the natives. A similar sentence was passed on a soldier for the like offence, though he allowed him to be cut down before the sentence was entirely113 executed. Cortés knew well the character of his followers; rough and turbulent spirits, who required to be ruled with an iron hand. Yet he was not eager to assert his authority on light occasions. The intimacy114 into which they were thrown by their peculiar101 situation, perils115, and sufferings, in which all equally shared, and a common interest in the adventure, induced a familiarity between men and officers, most unfavorable to military discipline. The general’s own manners, frank and liberal, seemed to invite this freedom, which, on ordinary occasions, he made no attempt to repress; perhaps finding it too difficult, or at least impolitic, since it afforded a safety-valve for the spirits of a licentious116 soldiery, that, if violently coerced117, might have burst forth into open mutiny. But the limits of his{258} forbearance were clearly defined; and any attempt to overstep them, or to violate the established regulations of the camp, brought a sure and speedy punishment on the offender118. By thus tempering severity with indulgence, masking an iron will under the open bearing of a soldier, Cortés established a control over his band of bold and reckless adventurers, such as a pedantic119 martinet120, scrupulous121 in enforcing the minuti? of military etiquette, could never have obtained.
The ordinances, dated on the twenty-second of December, were proclaimed to the assembled army on the twenty-sixth. Two days afterwards, the troops were on their march, and Cortés, at the head of his battalions, with colors flying and music playing, issued forth from the gates of the republican capital, which had so generously received him in his distress, and which now, for the second time, supplied him with the means for consummating122 his great enterprise. The population of the city, men, women, and children, hung on the rear of the army, taking a last leave of their countrymen, and imploring123 the gods to crown their arms with victory.
Notwithstanding the great force mustered124 by the Indian confederates, the Spanish general allowed but a small part of them now to attend him. He proposed to establish his headquarters at some place on the Tezcucan lake, whence he could annoy the Aztec capital by reducing the surrounding country, cutting off the supplies, and thus placing the city in a state of blockade.[301]{259}
The direct assault on Mexico itself he intended to postpone125 until the arrival of the brigantines should enable him to make it with the greatest advantage. Meanwhile, he had no desire to encumber126 himself with a superfluous127 multitude, whom it would be difficult to feed; and he preferred to leave them at Tlascala, whence they might convey the vessels128, when completed, to the camp, and aid him in his future operations.
Three routes presented themselves to Cortés by which he might penetrate129 into the Valley. He chose the most difficult, traversing the bold sierra which divides the eastern plateau from the western, and so rough and precipitous as to be scarcely practicable for the march of an army. He wisely judged that he should be less likely to experience annoyance130 from the enemy in this direction, as they might naturally confide131 in the difficulties of the ground for their protection.
The first day, the troops advanced five or six leagues, Cortés riding in the van, at the head of his little body of cavalry. They halted at the village of Tetzmellocan, at the base of the mountain chain which traverses the country, touching132, at its southern limit, the mighty Iztaccihuatl, or “White Woman,”—white with the snows of ages.[302] At this village they met with a friendly reception, and on{260} the following morning began the ascent133 of the sierra.
The path was steep and exceedingly rough. Thick matted bushes covered its surface, and the winter torrents134 had broken it into deep stony135 channels, hardly practicable for the passage of artillery136, while the straggling branches of the trees, flung horizontally across the road, made it equally difficult for cavalry. The cold, as they rose higher, became intense. It was keenly felt by the Spaniards, accustomed of late to a warm, or at least temperate137, climate; though the extreme toil138 with which they forced their way upward furnished the best means of resisting the weather. The only vegetation to be seen in these higher regions was the pine, dark forests of which clothed the sides of the mountains, till even these dwindled139 into a thin and stunted140 growth. It was night before the way-worn soldiers reached the bald crest141 of the sierra, where they lost no time in kindling142 their fires; and, huddling143 round their bivouacs, they warmed their frozen limbs and prepared their evening repast.
With the earliest dawn, the troops were again in motion. Mass was said, and they began their descent, more difficult and painful than their ascent on the day preceding; for, in addition to the natural obstacles of the road, they found it strewn with huge pieces of timber and trees, obviously felled for the purpose by the natives. Cortés ordered up a body of light troops to clear away the impediments, and the army again resumed its march, but{261} with the apprehension144 that the enemy had prepared an ambuscade, to surprise them when they should be entangled145 in the pass. They moved cautiously forward, straining their vision to pierce the thick gloom of the forest, where the wily foe34 might be lurking146. But they saw no living thing, except only the wild inhabitants of the woods, and flocks of the zopilote, the voracious147 vulture of the country, which, in anticipation148 of a bloody banquet, hung, like a troop of evil spirits, on the march of the army.
As they descended149, the Spaniards felt a sensible and most welcome change in the temperature. The character of the vegetation changed with it, and the funereal150 pine, their only companion of late, gave way to the sturdy oak, to the sycamore, and, lower down, to the graceful pepper-tree mingling151 its red berry with the dark foliage152 of the forest; while, in still lower depths, the gaudy-colored creepers might be seen flinging their gay blossoms over the branches and telling of a softer and more luxurious153 climate.
At length the army emerged on an open level, where the eye, unobstructed by intervening wood or hill-top, could range, far and wide, over the Valley of Mexico. There it lay bathed in the golden sunshine, stretched out, as it were, in slumber154, in the arms of the giant hills which clustered, like a phalanx of guardian155 genii, around it. The magnificent vision, new to many of the spectators, filled them with rapture156. Even the veterans of Cortés could not withhold157 their admiration158, though this was soon followed by a bitter feeling, as they re{262}called the sufferings which had befallen them within these beautiful but treacherous159 precincts. It made us feel, says the lion-hearted Conqueror160, in his Letters, that “we had no choice but victory or death; and, our minds once resolved, we moved forward with as light a step as if we had been going on an errand of certain pleasure.”[303]
As the Spaniards advanced, they beheld161 the neighboring hill-tops blazing with beacon-fires showing that the country was already alarmed and mustering162 to oppose them. The general called on his men to be mindful of their high reputation; to move in order, closing up their ranks, and to obey implicitly163 the commands of their officers.[304] At every turn among the hills, they expected to meet the forces of the enemy drawn up to dispute their passage. And, as they were allowed to pass the defiles164 unmolested, and drew near to the open plains, they were prepared to see them occupied by a formidable host, who would compel them to fight over again the battle of Otumba. But, although clouds of dusky warriors were seen, from time to time, hovering165 on the highlands, as if watching their progress, they experienced no interruption till they reached a barranca, or deep ravine, through which flowed a little river, crossed by a bridge partly demolished166. On the opposite side a considerable body{263} of Indians was stationed, as if to dispute the passage; but, whether distrusting their own numbers, or intimidated167 by the steady advance of the Spaniards, they offered them no annoyance, and were quickly dispersed168 by a few resolute169 charges of cavalry. The army then proceeded, without molestation170, to a small town, called Coatepec, where they halted for the night. Before retiring to his own quarters, Cortés made the rounds of the camp, with a few trusty followers, to see that all was safe.[305] He seemed to have an eye that never slumbered171, and a frame incapable172 of fatigue173. It was the indomitable spirit within, which sustained him.[306]
Yet he may well have been kept awake through the watches of the night, by anxiety and doubt. He was now but three leagues from Tezcuco, the far-famed capital of the Acolhuans. He proposed to establish his headquarters, if possible, at this place. Its numerous dwellings174 would afford ample accommodations for his army. An easy communication with Tlascala, by a different route from that which he had traversed, would furnish him with the means of readily obtaining supplies from that friendly country, and for the safe trans{264}portation of the brigantines, when finished, to be launched on the waters of the Tezcuco. But he had good reason to distrust the reception he should meet with in the capital; for an important revolution had taken place there since the expulsion of the Spaniards from Mexico, of which it will be necessary to give some account.
The reader will remember that the cacique of that place, named Cacama, was deposed175 by Cortés, during his first residence in the Aztec metropolis176, in consequence of a projected revolt against the Spaniards, and that the crown had been placed on the head of a younger brother, Cuicuitzca. The deposed prince was among the prisoners carried away by Cortés, and perished with the others, in the terrible passage of the causeway, on the noche triste. His brother, afraid, probably, after the flight of the Spaniards, of continuing with his own vassals, whose sympathies were altogether with the Aztecs, accompanied his friends in their retreat, and was so fortunate as to reach Tlascala in safety.
Meanwhile, a second son of Nezahualpilli, named Coanaco, claimed the crown, on his elder brother’s death, as his own rightful inheritance. As he heartily177 joined his countrymen and the Aztecs in their detestation of the white men, his claims were sanctioned by the Mexican emperor. Soon after his accession, the new lord of Tezcuco had an opportunity of showing his loyalty178 to his imperial patron in an effectual manner.
A body of forty-five Spaniards, ignorant of the disasters in Mexico, were transporting thither179 a large quantity of gold, at the very time their coun{265}trymen were on the retreat to Tlascala. As they passed through the Tezcucan territory, they were attacked by Coanaco’s orders, most of them massacred on the spot, and the rest sent for sacrifice to Mexico. The arms and accoutrements of these unfortunate men were hung up as trophies180 in the temples, and their skins, stripped from their dead bodies, were suspended over the bloody shrines181, as the most acceptable offering to the offended deities182.[307]
Some months after this event, the exiled prince, Cuicuitzca, wearied with his residence in Tlascala, and pining for his former royal state, made his way back secretly to Tezcuco, hoping, it would seem, to raise a party there in his favor. But, if such were his expectations, they were sadly disappointed; for no sooner had he set foot in the capital than he was betrayed to his brother, who, by the advice of Guatemozin, put him to death, as a traitor183 to his country.[308] Such was the posture184 of affairs in Tezcuco when Cortés, for the second time, approached its gates; and well might he doubt, not merely the nature of his reception there, but whether he would be permitted to enter it at all, without force of arms.
These apprehensions185 were dispelled186 the following morning, when, before the troops were well{266} under arms, an embassy was announced from the lord of Tezcuco. It consisted of several nobles, some of whom were known to the companions of Cortés. They bore a golden flag in token of amity187, and a present of no great value to Cortés. They brought also a message from the cacique, imploring the general to spare his territories, inviting188 him to take up his quarters in his capital, and promising189 on his arrival to become the vassal39 of the Spanish sovereign.
Cortés dissembled the satisfaction with which he listened to these overtures190, and sternly demanded of the envoys191 an account of the Spaniards who had been massacred, insisting, at the same time, on the immediate192 restitution193 of the plunder112. But the Indian nobles excused themselves by throwing the whole blame upon the Aztec emperor, by whose orders the deed had been perpetrated, and who now had possession of the treasure. They urged Cortés not to enter the city that day, but to pass the night in the suburbs, that their master might have time to prepare suitable accommodations for him. The Spanish commander, however, gave no heed194 to this suggestion, but pushed forward his march, and at noon, on the thirty-first of December, 1520, entered, at the head of his legions, the venerable walls of Tezcuco, “the place of rest,” as not inaptly denominated.[309]
He was struck, as when he before visited this populous195 city, with the solitude196 and silence which{267} reigned197 throughout its streets. He was conducted to the palace of Nezahualpilli,{*} which was assigned as his quarters. It was an irregular pile of low buildings, covering a wide extent of ground, like the royal residence occupied by the troops in Mexico. It was spacious198 enough to furnish accommodations not only for all the Spaniards, says Cortés, but for twice their number.[310] He gave orders, on his arrival, that all regard should be paid to the persons and property of the citizens, and forbade any Spaniard to leave his quarters, under pain of death.
{*} [Nezahualcoytl. According to Ixtlilxochitl, the only authority on this point, it was the palace of Nezahualpilli that was burned by the Tlascalans soon after their arrival.—M.]
His commands were not effectual to suppress some excesses of his Indian allies, if the report of the Tezcucan chronicler be correct, who states that the Tlascalans burned down one of the royal palaces soon after their arrival. It was the depository of the national archives; and the conflagration199, however it may have occurred, may well be deplored200 by the antiquary, who might have found in its hieroglyphic201 records some clue to the migrations202 of the mysterious races which first settled on the highlands of Anahuac.[311]
Alarmed at the apparent desertion of the place,{268} as well as by the fact that none of its principal inhabitants came to welcome him, Cortés ordered some soldiers to ascend203 the neighboring teocalli and survey the city. They soon returned with the report that the inhabitants were leaving it in great numbers, with their families and effects, some in canoes upon the lake, others on foot towards the mountains. The general now comprehended the import of the cacique’s suggestion that the Spaniards should pass the night in the suburbs,—in order to secure time for evacuating204 the city. He feared that the chief himself might have fled. He lost no time in detaching troops to secure the principal avenues, where they were to turn back the fugitives205, and arrest the cacique, if he were among the number. But it was too late. Coanaco was already far on his way across the lake to Mexico.
Cortés now determined206 to turn this event to his own account, by placing another ruler on the throne, who should be more subservient207 to his interests. He called a meeting of the few principal persons still remaining in the city, and, by their advice and ostensible208 election, advanced a brother of the late sovereign to the dignity, which they declared vacant. This prince, who consented to be baptized, was a willing instrument in the hands of the Spaniards. He survived but a few months,[312]{269} and was succeeded by another member of the royal house, named Ixtlilxochitl, who, indeed, as general of his armies, may be said to have held the reins209 of government in his hands during his brother’s lifetime. As this person was intimately associated with the Spaniards in their subsequent operations, to the success of which he essentially210 contributed, it is proper to give some account of his early history, which, in truth, is as much enveloped211 in the marvellous as that of any fabulous212 hero of antiquity213.[313]
He was son, by a second queen, of the great Nezahualpilli. Some alarming prodigies214 at his birth, and the gloomy aspect of the planets, led the astrologers who cast his horoscope to advise the king, his father, to take away the infant’s life, since, if he lived to grow up, he was destined215 to unite with the enemies of his country and overturn its institutions and religion. But the old monarch{270} replied, says the chronicler, that “the time had arrived when the sons of Quetzalcoatl were to come from the East to take possession of the land, and, if the Almighty had selected his child to co-operate with them in the work, His will be done.”[314]
As the boy advanced in years, he exhibited a marvellous precocity216 not merely of talent, but of mischievous217 activity, which afforded an alarming prognostic for the future. When about twelve years old, he formed a little corps218 of followers of about his own age, or somewhat older, with whom he practised the military exercises of his nation, conducting mimic219 fights and occasionally assaulting the peaceful burghers and throwing the whole city as well as palace into uproar220 and confusion. Some of his father’s ancient counsellors, connecting this conduct with the predictions at his birth, saw in it such alarming symptoms that they repeated the advice of the astrologers to take away the prince’s life, if the monarch would not see his kingdom one day given up to anarchy221. This unpleasant advice was reported to the juvenile222 offender, who was so much exasperated223 by it that he put himself at the head of a party of his young desperadoes, and, entering the houses of the offending counsellors, dragged them forth and administered to them the garrote,—the mode in which capital punishment was inflicted224 in Tezcuco.{271}
He was seized and brought before his father. When questioned as to his extraordinary conduct, he coolly replied “that he had done no more than he had a right to do. The guilty ministers had deserved their fate, by endeavoring to alienate225 his father’s affections from him, for no other reason than his too great fondness for the profession of arms,—the most honorable profession in the state, and the one most worthy of a prince. If they had suffered death, it was no more than they had intended for him.” The wise Nezahualpilli, says the chronicler, found much force in these reasons; and, as he saw nothing low and sordid226 in the action, but rather the ebullition of a daring spirit, which in after-life might lead to great things, he contented227 himself with bestowing228 a grave admonition on the juvenile culprit.[315] Whether this admonition had any salutary effect on his subsequent demeanor229, we are not informed. It is said, however, that as he grew older he took an active part in the wars of his country, and, when no more than seventeen, had won for himself the insignia of a valiant and victorious230 captain.[316]{272}
On his father’s death, he disputed the succession with his elder brother, Cacama. The country was menaced with a civil war, when the affair was compromised by his brother’s ceding1 to him that portion of his territories which lay among the mountains. On the arrival of the Spaniards, the young chieftain—for he was scarcely twenty years of age—made, as we have seen, many friendly demonstrations231 towards them, induced, no doubt, by his hatred of Montezuma, who had supported the pretensions232 of Cacama.[317] It was not, however, till his advancement233 to the lordship of Tezcuco that he showed the full extent of his good will. From that hour he became the fast friend of the Christians234, supporting them with his personal authority and the whole strength of his military array and resources, which, although much shorn of their ancient splendor since the days of his father, were still considerable, and made him a most valuable ally. His important services have been gratefully commemorated235 by the Castilian historians; and history should certainly not defraud236 him of his just meed of glory,—the melancholy237 glory of having contributed more than any other chieftain of Anahuac to rivet238 the chains of the white man round the necks of his countrymen.
The two pillars on which the story of the Conquest mainly rests are the Chronicles of Gomara and of Bernal Diaz, two individuals having as little resemblance to each other as the courtly and cultivated churchman has to the unlettered soldier.
The first of these, Francisco Lopez de Gomara, was a native of Seville. On the return of Cortés to Spain after the Conquest, Gomara became his chaplain, and on his patron’s death continued in{273} the service of his son, the second Marquis of the Valley. It was then that he wrote his Chronicle; and the circumstances under which it was produced might lead one to conjecture239 that the narrative240 would not be conducted on the strict principles of historic impartiality241. Nor would such a conjecture be without foundation. The history of the Conquest is necessarily that of the great man who achieved it. But Gomara has thrown his hero’s character into so bold relief that it has entirely overshadowed that of his brave companions in arms; and, while he has tenderly drawn the veil over the infirmities of his favorite, he is ever studious to display his exploits in the full blaze of panegyric242. His situation may in some degree excuse his partiality. But it did not vindicate243 him in the eyes of the honest Las Casas, who seldom concludes a chapter of his own narrative of the Conquest without administering a wholesome244 castigation245 to Gomara. He even goes so far as to tax the chaplain with “downright falsehood,” assuring us “that he had neither eyes nor ears but for what his patron chose to dictate246 to him.” That this is not literally247 true is evident from the fact that the narrative was not written till several years after the death of Cortés. Indeed, Gomara derived248 his information from the highest sources; not merely from his patron’s family, but also from the most distinguished actors in the great drama, with whom his position in society placed him in intimate communication.
The materials thus obtained he arranged with a symmetry little understood by the chroniclers of the time. Instead of their rambling249 incoherencies, his style displays an elegant brevity; it is as clear as it is concise250. If the facts are somewhat too thickly crowded on the reader, and occupy the mind too busily for reflection, they at least all tend to a determinate point, and the story, instead of dragging its slow length along till our patience and interest are exhausted251, steadily252 maintains its onward253 march. In short, the execution of the work is not only superior to that of most contemporary narratives254, but, to a certain extent, may aspire255 to the rank of a classical composition.
Owing to these circumstances, Gomara’s History soon obtained general circulation and celebrity256; and, while many a letter of Cortés, and the more elaborate compositions of Oviedo and Las Casas, were suffered to slumber in manuscript, Gomara’s writings were printed and reprinted in his own day, and translated into various languages of Europe. The first edition of the Crónica de la Nueva-Espa?a appeared at Medina, in 1553; it was republished at Antwerp the following year. It has since been incorporated in Barcia’s collection, and lastly, in 1826, made its appearance on this side of the water from the Mexican press. The circumstances attending this last edition are curious. The Mexican government appropriated a small sum to defray the expense of translating what was supposed to be an original chronicle of Chimalpain, an Indian writer who lived at the close of the sixteenth century. The care of the translation was committed to the laborious258 Bustamante. But this{274} scholar had not proceeded far in his labor257 when he ascertained259 that the supposed original was itself an Aztec translation of Gomara’s Chronicle. He persevered260, however, in his editorial labors261, until he had given to the public an American edition of Gomara. It is a fact more remarkable that the editor in his different compilations262 constantly refers to this same work as the Chronicle of Chimalpain.
The other authority to which I have adverted263 is Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a native of Medina del Campo in Old Castile. He was born of a poor and humble264 family, and in 1514 came over to seek his fortunes in the New World. He embarked as a common soldier under Cordova in the first expedition to Yucatan. He accompanied Grijalva in the following year to the same quarter, and finally enlisted265 under the banner of Cortés. He followed this victorious chief in his first march up the great plateau; descended with him to make the assault on Narvaez; shared the disasters of the noche triste; and was present at the siege and surrender of the capital. In short, there was scarcely an event or an action of importance in the whole war in which he did not bear a part. He was engaged in a hundred and nineteen different battles and rencontres, in several of which he was wounded, and in more than one narrowly escaped falling into the enemy’s hands. In all these Bernal Diaz displayed the old Castilian valor, and a loyalty which made him proof against the mutinous266 spirit that too often disturbed the harmony of the camp. On every occasion he was found true to his commander and to the cause in which he was embarked. And his fidelity267 is attested268 not only by his own report, but by the emphatic269 commendations of his general; who selected him on this account for offices of trust and responsibility, which furnished the future chronicler with access to the best means of information in respect to the Conquest.
On the settlement of the country, Bernal Diaz received his share of the repartimientos of land and laborers270. But the arrangement was not to his satisfaction; and he loudly murmurs271 at the selfishness of his commander, too much engrossed272 by the care for his own emoluments273 to think of his followers. The division of spoil is usually an unthankful office. Diaz had been too long used to a life of adventure to be content with one of torpid274 security. He took part in several expeditions conducted by the captains of Cortés, and he accompanied that chief in his terrible passage through the forests of Honduras. At length, in 1568, we find the veteran established as regidor of the city of Guatemala, peacefully employed in recounting the valorous achievements of his youth. It was then nearly half a century after the Conquest. He had survived his general and nearly all his ancient companions in arms. Five only remained of that gallant275 band who had accompanied Cortés on his expedition from Cuba; and those five, to borrow the words of the old chronicler, were “poor, aged42, and infirm, with children and grandchildren looking to them for support, but with scarcely the means of affording{275} it,—ending their days, as they had begun them, in toil and trouble.” Such was the fate of the Conquerors276 of golden Mexico.
The motives277 which induced Bernal Diaz to take up his pen at so late a period of life were to vindicate for himself and his comrades that share of renown in the Conquest which fairly belonged to them. Of this they had been deprived, as he conceived, by the exaggerated reputation of their general; owing, no doubt, in part, to the influence of Gomara’s writings. It was not, however, till he had advanced beyond the threshold of his own work that Diaz met with that of the chaplain. The contrast presented by his own homely278 diction to the clear and polished style of his predecessor filled him with so much disgust that he threw down his pen in despair. But, when he had read further, and saw the gross inaccuracies and what he deemed disregard of truth in his rival, he resumed his labors, determined to exhibit to the world a narrative which should at least have the merit of fidelity. Such was the origin of the Historia verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva-Espa?a.
The chronicler may be allowed to have succeeded in his object. In reading his pages, we feel that, whatever are the errors into which he has fallen, from oblivion of ancient transactions, or from unconscious vanity,—of which he had full measure,—or from credulity, or any other cause, there is nowhere a wilful279 perversion280 of truth. Had he attempted it, indeed, his very simplicity281 would have betrayed him. Even in relation to Cortés, while he endeavors to adjust the true balance between his pretensions and those of his followers, and while he freely exposes his cunning or cupidity282, and sometimes his cruelty, he does ample justice to his great and heroic qualities. With all his defects, it is clear that he considers his own chief as superior to any other of ancient or modern times. In the heat of remonstrance283, he is ever ready to testify his loyalty and personal attachment284. When calumnies285 assail286 his commander, or he experiences unmerited slight or indignity287, the loyal chronicler is prompt to step forward and shield him. In short, it is evident that, however much he may at times censure288 Cortés, he will allow no one else to do it.
Bernal Diaz, the untutored child of nature, is a most true and literal copyist of nature. He transfers the scenes of real life by a sort of daguerreotype289 process, if I may so say, to his pages. He is among chroniclers what De Foe is among novelists. He introduces us into the heart of the camp, we huddle290 round the bivouac with the soldiers, loiter with them on their wearisome marches, listen to their stories, their murmurs of discontent, their plans of conquest, their hopes, their triumphs, their disappointments. All the picturesque291 scenes and romantic incidents of the campaign are reflected in his page as in a mirror. The lapse292 of fifty years has had no power over the spirit of the veteran. The fire of youth glows in every line of his rude history; and, as he calls up the scenes of the past, the remembrance of the brave companions who are gone gives, it may be, a warmer coloring to the picture than if it had been made at an{276} earlier period. Time, and reflection, and the apprehensions for the future, which might steal over the evening of life, have no power over the settled opinions of his earlier days. He has no misgivings293 as to the right of conquest, or as to the justice of the severities inflicted on the natives. He is still the soldier of the Cross; and those who fell by his side in the fight were martyrs294 for the faith. “Where are now my companions?” he asks; “they have fallen in battle or been devoured295 by the cannibal, or been thrown to fatten296 the wild beasts in their cages! they whose remains297 should rather have been gathered under monuments emblazoned with their achievements, which deserve to be commemorated in letters of gold; for they died in the service of God and of his Majesty298, and to give light to those who sat in darkness,—and also to acquire that wealth which most men covet299.” The last motive—thus tardily300 and incidentally expressed—may be thought by some to furnish a better key than either of the preceding to the conduct of the Conquerors. It is, at all events, a specimen of that na?veté which gives an irresistible301 charm to the old chronicler, and which, in spite of himself, unlocks his bosom, as it were, and lays it open to the eye of the reader.
It may seem extraordinary that after so long an interval302, the incidents of his campaigns should have been so freshly remembered. But we must consider that they were of the most strange and romantic character, well fitted to make an impression on a young and susceptible303 imagination. They had probably been rehearsed by the veteran again and again to his family and friends, until every passage of the war was as familiar to his mind as the “tale of Troy” to the Greek rhapsodist, or the interminable adventures of Sir Lancelot or Sir Gawain to the Norman minstrel. The throwing of his narrative into the form of chronicle was but repeating it once more.
The literary merits of the work are of a very humble order; as might be expected from the condition of the writer. He has not even the art to conceal304 his own vulgar vanity, which breaks out with a truly comic ostentation305 in every page of the narrative. And yet we should have charity for this, when we find that it is attended with no disposition306 to depreciate307 the merits of others, and that its display may be referred in part to the singular simplicity of the man. He honestly confesses his infirmity, though, indeed, to excuse it. “When my chronicle was finished,” he says, “I submitted it to two licentiates, who were desirous of reading the story, and for whom I felt all the respect which an ignorant man naturally feels for a scholar. I besought308 them, at the same time, to make no change or correction in the manuscript, as all there was set down in good faith. When they had read the work, they much commended me for my wonderful memory. The language, they said, was good old Castilian, without any of the flourishes and finicalities so much affected by our fine writers. But they remarked that it would have been as well if I had not praised myself and my comrades so liberally, but had left{277} that to others. To this I answered that it was common for neighbors and kindred to speak kindly309 of one another; and, if we did not speak well of ourselves, who would? Who else witnessed our exploits and our battles,—unless, indeed, the clouds in the sky, and the birds that were flying over our heads?”
Notwithstanding the liberal encomiums passed by the licentiates on our author’s style, it is of a very homely texture310, abounding311 in colloquial312 barbarisms, and seasoned occasionally by the piquant313 sallies of the camp. It has the merit, however, of clearly conveying the writer’s thoughts, and is well suited to their simple character. His narrative is put together with even less skill than is usual among his craft, and abounds314 in digressions and repetitions, such as vulgar gossips are apt to use in telling their stories. But it is superfluous to criticise315 a work by the rules of art which was written manifestly in total ignorance of those rules, and which, however we may criticise it, will be read and re-read by the scholar and the schoolboy, while the compositions of more classic chroniclers sleep undisturbed on their shelves.
In what, then, lies the charm of the work? In that spirit of truth which pervades316 it; which shows us situations as they were, and sentiments as they really existed in the heart of the writer. It is this which imparts a living interest to his story, and which is more frequently found in the productions of the untutored penman solely317 intent upon facts, than in those of the ripe and fastidious scholar occupied with the mode of expressing them.
It was by a mere chance that this inimitable chronicle was rescued from the oblivion into which so many works of higher pretensions have fallen in the Peninsula. For more than sixty years after its composition the manuscript lay concealed318 in the obscurity of a private library, when it was put into the hands of Father Alonso Remon, Chronicler-General of the Order of Mercy. He had the sagacity to discover, under its rude exterior319, its high value in illustrating320 the history of the Conquest. He obtained a license321 for the publication of the work, and under his auspices322 it appeared at Madrid in 1632,—the edition used in the preparation of these volumes.
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1
ceding
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的现在分词 ) | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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smallpox
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| n.天花 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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abides
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| 容忍( abide的第三人称单数 )； 等候； 逗留； 停留 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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disquiet
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| n.担心，焦虑 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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flute
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| n.长笛；v.吹笛 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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wilt
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| v.(使)植物凋谢或枯萎；(指人)疲倦，衰弱 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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euphoniously
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| adj.悦耳的 | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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harangues
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| n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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45
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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52
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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incentives
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| 激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 )； 刺激； 诱因； 动机 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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sluggish
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| adj.懒惰的，迟钝的，无精打采的 | |
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discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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panache
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| n.羽饰；假威风，炫耀 | |
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69
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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70
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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71
frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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72
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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73
defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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74
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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75
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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76
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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77
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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78
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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79
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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80
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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81
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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82
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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83
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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84
humbling
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| adj.令人羞辱的v.使谦恭( humble的现在分词 )；轻松打败（尤指强大的对手）；低声下气 | |
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85
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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86
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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87
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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88
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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89
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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90
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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91
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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92
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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93
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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94
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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95
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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96
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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97
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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98
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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99
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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100
stimulates
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| v.刺激( stimulate的第三人称单数 )；激励；使兴奋；起兴奋作用，起刺激作用，起促进作用 | |
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101
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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102
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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103
propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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104
authorizes
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的名词复数 ) | |
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105
dice
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|
| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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106
brawls
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| 吵架，打架( brawl的名词复数 ) | |
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107
taunts
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| 嘲弄的言语，嘲笑，奚落( taunt的名词复数 ) | |
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108
sarcasms
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，挖苦( sarcasm的名词复数 ) | |
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109
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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110
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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111
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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112
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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113
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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114
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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115
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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116
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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117
coerced
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| v.迫使做( coerce的过去式和过去分词 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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118
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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119
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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120
martinet
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| n.要求严格服从纪律的人 | |
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121
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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122
consummating
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| v.使结束( consummate的现在分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
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123
imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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124
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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125
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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126
encumber
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| v.阻碍行动，妨碍，堆满 | |
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127
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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128
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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129
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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130
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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131
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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132
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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133
ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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134
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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135
stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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136
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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137
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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138
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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139
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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141
crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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142
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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143
huddling
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| n. 杂乱一团, 混乱, 拥挤 v. 推挤, 乱堆, 草率了事 | |
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144
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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145
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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147
voracious
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| adj.狼吞虎咽的，贪婪的 | |
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148
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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149
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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150
funereal
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| adj.悲哀的；送葬的 | |
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151
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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152
foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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153
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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154
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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155
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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156
rapture
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| n.狂喜；全神贯注；着迷；v.使狂喜 | |
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157
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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158
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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159
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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160
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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161
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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162
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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163
implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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164
defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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165
hovering
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| 鸟( hover的现在分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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166
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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167
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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168
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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169
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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170
molestation
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| n.骚扰，干扰，调戏；折磨 | |
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171
slumbered
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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172
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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173
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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174
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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175
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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176
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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177
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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178
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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179
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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180
trophies
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| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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181
shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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182
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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183
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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184
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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185
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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186
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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187
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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188
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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189
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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190
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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191
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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192
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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193
restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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194
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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195
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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196
solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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197
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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198
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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199
conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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200
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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201
hieroglyphic
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| n.象形文字 | |
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202
migrations
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| n.迁移，移居( migration的名词复数 ) | |
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203
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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204
evacuating
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| 撤离，疏散( evacuate的现在分词 )； 排空（胃肠），排泄（粪便）； （从危险的地方）撤出，搬出，撤空 | |
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205
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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206
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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207
subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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208
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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209
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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210
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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211
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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212
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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213
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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214
prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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215
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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216
precocity
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| n.早熟，早成 | |
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217
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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218
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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219
mimic
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| v.模仿，戏弄；n.模仿他人言行的人 | |
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220
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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221
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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222
juvenile
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| n.青少年，少年读物；adj.青少年的，幼稚的 | |
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223
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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224
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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225
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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226
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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227
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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228
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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229
demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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230
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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231
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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232
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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233
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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234
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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235
commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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236
defraud
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| vt.欺骗，欺诈 | |
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237
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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238
rivet
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| n.铆钉；vt.铆接，铆牢；集中(目光或注意力) | |
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239
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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240
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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241
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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242
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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243
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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244
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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245
castigation
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| n.申斥，强烈反对 | |
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246
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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247
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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248
derived
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|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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249
rambling
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| adj.[建]凌乱的，杂乱的 | |
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250
concise
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|
| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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251
exhausted
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|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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252
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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253
onward
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|
| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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254
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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255
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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256
celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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257
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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258
laborious
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|
| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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259
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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260
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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261
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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262
compilations
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| n.编辑，编写( compilation的名词复数 )；编辑物 | |
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263
adverted
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| 引起注意（advert的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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264
humble
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|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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265
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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266
mutinous
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|
| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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267
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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268
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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269
emphatic
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|
| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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270
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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271
murmurs
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|
| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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272
engrossed
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|
| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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273
emoluments
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| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
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274
torpid
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| adj.麻痹的，麻木的，迟钝的 | |
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275
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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276
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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277
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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278
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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279
wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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280
perversion
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| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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281
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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282
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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283
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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284
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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285
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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286
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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287
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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288
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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289
daguerreotype
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| n.银板照相 | |
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290
huddle
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| vi.挤作一团；蜷缩；vt.聚集；n.挤在一起的人 | |
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291
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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292
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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293
misgivings
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|
| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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294
martyrs
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|
| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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295
devoured
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|
| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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296
fatten
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| v.使肥，变肥 | |
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297
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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298
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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299
covet
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| vt.垂涎；贪图(尤指属于他人的东西) | |
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300
tardily
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| adv.缓慢 | |
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301
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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302
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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303
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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304
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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305
ostentation
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| n.夸耀，卖弄 | |
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306
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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307
depreciate
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| v.降价，贬值，折旧 | |
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308
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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309
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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310
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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311
abounding
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|
| adj.丰富的，大量的v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的现在分词 ) | |
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312
colloquial
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| adj.口语的，会话的 | |
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313
piquant
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| adj.辛辣的，开胃的，令人兴奋的 | |
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314
abounds
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的第三人称单数 ) | |
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315
criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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316
pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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317
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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318
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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319
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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320
illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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321
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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