1521-1522
THE history of the Conquest of Mexico terminates with the surrender of the capital. But the history of the Conquest is so intimately blended with that of the extraordinary man who achieved it, that there would seem to be an incompleteness in the narrative1 if it were not continued to the close of his personal career. This part of the subject has been very imperfectly treated by preceding writers. I shall therefore avail myself of the authentic2 materials in my possession to give a brief sketch3 of the brilliant but checkered4 fortunes which marked the subsequent career of Cortés.
The first ebullition of triumph was succeeded in the army by very different feelings, as they beheld{130} the scanty5 spoil gleaned6 from the conquered city, and as they brooded over the inadequate7 compensation they were to receive for all their toils8 and sufferings. Some of the soldiers of Narvaez, with feelings of bitter disappointment, absolutely declined to accept their shares. Some murmured audibly against the general, and others against Guatemozin, who, they said, could reveal, if he chose, the place where the treasures were secreted9. The white walls of the barracks were covered with epigrams and pasquinades levelled at Cortés, whom they accused of taking “one-fifth of the booty as commander-in-chief, and another fifth as king.” As Guatemozin refused to make any revelation in respect to the treasure, or rather declared there was none to make, the soldiers loudly insisted on his being put to the torture. But for this act of violence, so contrary to the promise of protection recently made to the Indian prince, Cortés was not prepared; and he resisted the demand, until the men, instigated10, it is said, by the royal treasurer11, Alderete, accused the general of a secret understanding with Guatemozin, and of a design to defraud12 the Spanish sovereigns and themselves. These unmerited taunts13 stung Cortés to the quick, and in an evil hour he delivered the Aztec prince into the hands of his enemies, to work their pleasure on him.
But the hero who had braved death in its most awful forms was not to be intimidated14 by bodily suffering. When his companion, the cacique of Tacuba, who was put to the torture with him, testified his anguish15 by his groans16, Guatemozin coldly
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THE TORTURE OF GUATEMOZIN
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rebuked17 him by exclaiming, “And do you think I, then, am taking my pleasure in my bath?”[137] At length Cortés, ashamed of the base part he was led to play, rescued the Aztec prince from his tormentors before it was too late,—not, however, before it was too late for his own honour, which has suffered an indelible stain from this treatment of his royal prisoner.
All that could be wrung18 from Guatemozin by the extremity19 of his sufferings was the confession20 that much gold had been thrown into the water. But, although the best divers21 were employed, under the eye of Cortés himself, to search the oozy22 bed of the lake, only a few articles of inconsiderable value were drawn23 from it. They had better fortune in searching a pond in Guatemozin’s gardens, where a sun, as it is called, probably one of the Aztec calendar wheels, made of pure gold, of great size and thickness, was discovered. The cacique of Tacuba had confessed that a quantity of treasure was buried in the ground at one of his own villas25. But when the Spaniards carried him to the spot, he alleged26 that “his only motive27 for saying so was the hope of dying on the road!” The soldiers, disappointed in their expectations, now, with the usual caprice of an unlicensed mob, changed their tone, and openly accused their commander of cruelty to his captive. The charge was well deserved,—but not from them.[138]{132}
The tidings of the fall of Mexico were borne on the wings of the wind over the plateau, and down the broad sides of the Cordilleras. Many envoys28 made their appearance from the remote Indian tribes, anxious to learn the truth of the astounding29 intelligence and to gaze with their own eyes on the ruins of the detested30 city. Among these were ambassadors from the kingdom of Michoacán, a powerful and independent state, inhabited by one of the kindred Nahuatlac races, and lying between the Mexican Valley and the Pacific. The embassy was soon followed by the king of the country in person, who came in great state to the Castilian quarters. Cortés received him with equal parade, astonished him by the brilliant evolutions of his cavalry31 and by the thunders of his ordnance32, and escorted him in one of the brigantines round the fallen city, whose pile of smouldering palaces and temples was all that now remained of the once dread33 capital of Anahuac. The Indian monarch34 gazed with silent awe35 on the scene of desolation, and eagerly craved36 the protection of the invincible37 beings who had caused it.[139] His example was followed by ambas{133}sadors from the remote regions which had never yet had intercourse38 with the Spaniards. Cortés, who saw the boundaries of his empire thus rapidly enlarging, availed himself of the favorable dispositions39 of the natives to ascertain41 the products and resources of their several countries.
Two small detachments were sent into the friendly state of Michoacán, through which country they penetrated42 to the borders of the great Southern ocean. No European had as yet descended44 on its shores so far north of the equator. The Spaniards eagerly advanced into its waters, erected45 a cross on the sandy margin46, and took possession of it, with all the usual formalities, in the name of their Catholic Majesties47. On their return, they visited some of the rich districts towards the north, since celebrated48 for their mineral treasures, and brought back samples of gold and Californian pearls, with an account of their discovery of the ocean. The imagination of Cortés was kindled49, and his soul swelled50 with exultation52, at the splendid prospects53 which their discoveries unfolded. “Most of all,” he writes to the emperor, “do I exult51 in the tidings brought me of the Great Ocean. For in it, as cosmographers, and those learned men who know most about the Indies, inform us, are scattered54 the rich isles55 teeming56 with gold and spices and precious stones.”[140] He at once{134} sought a favorable spot for a colony on the shores of the Pacific, and made arrangements for the construction of four vessels57 to explore the mysteries of these unknown seas. This was the beginning of his noble enterprises for discovery in the Gulf58 of California.
Although the greater part of Anahuac, over-awed by the successes of the Spaniards, had tendered their allegiance, there were some, especially on the southern slopes of the Cordilleras, who showed a less submissive disposition40. Cortés instantly sent out strong detachments under Sandoval and Alvarado to reduce the enemy and establish colonies in the conquered provinces. The highly colored reports which Alvarado, who had a quick scent59 for gold, gave of the mineral wealth of Oaxaca, no doubt operated with Cortés in determining him to select this region for his own particular domain60.
The commander-in-chief, with his little band of Spaniards, now daily recruited by reinforcements from the Islands, still occupied the quarters of Cojohuacan, which they had taken up at the termination of the siege. Cortés did not immediately decide in what quarter of the Valley to establish the new capital which was to take the place of the ancient Tenochtitlan. The situation of the latter, surrounded by water and exposed to occasional inundations, had some obvious disadvantages. But there was no doubt that in some part of the elevated and central plateau of the Valley the new metropolis62 should be built, to which both European and Indian might look up as to the head of the{135} colonial empire of Spain. At length he decided63 on retaining the site of the ancient city, moved to it, as he says, “by its past renown64, and the memory”—not an enviable one, surely—“in which it was held among the nations;” and he made preparations for the reconstruction65 of the capital on a scale of magnificence which should, in his own language, “raise her to the rank of Queen of the surrounding provinces, in the same manner as she had been of yore.”[141]
The labor66 was to be performed by the Indian population, drawn from all quarters of the Valley, and including the Mexicans themselves, great numbers of whom still lingered in the neighborhood of their ancient residence. At first they showed reluctance67, and even symptoms of hostility68, when called to this work of humiliation69 by their conquerors71. But Cortés had the address to secure some of the principal chiefs in his interests, and under their authority and direction the labor of their countrymen was conducted. The deep groves72 of the Valley and the forests of the neighboring hills supplied cedar73, cypress74, and other durable75 woods for the interior of the buildings, and the quarries76 of tetzontli and the ruins of the ancient edifices77 furnished abundance of stone. As there were no beasts of draught78 employed by the Aztecs, an immense number of hands was necessarily required for the work. All within the immediate61 control of Cortés were pressed into the service. The{136} spot so recently deserted79 now swarmed80 with multitudes of Indians of various tribes, and with Europeans, the latter directing, while the others labored81. The prophecy of the Aztecs was accomplished82.[142] And the work of reconstruction went forward with a rapidity like that shown by an Asiatic despot, who concentrates the population of an empire on the erection of a favorite capital.[143]
Yet the condition of Cortés, notwithstanding the success of his arms, suggested many causes for anxiety. He had not received a word of encouragement from home,—not a word, indeed, of encouragement or censure83. In what light his irregular course was regarded by the government or the nation was still matter of painful uncertainty84. He now prepared another Letter to the emperor, the Third in the published series, written in the same simple and energetic style which has entitled his Commentaries, as they may be called, to a comparison with those of C?sar. It was dated at Cojohuacan, May 15th, 1522, and in it he recapitulated85 the events of the final siege of the capital, and his subsequent operations, accompanied by many sagacious reflections, as usual, on the character and{137} resources of the country. With this letter he purposed to send the royal fifth of the spoils of Mexico, and a rich collection of fabrics86, especially of gold and jewelry87 wrought88 into many rare and fanciful forms. One of the jewels was an emerald, cut in a pyramidal shape, of so extraordinary a size that the base was as broad as the palm of the hand![144] The collection was still further augmented89 by specimens90 of many of the natural products, as well as of animals peculiar91 to the country.[145]{138}
The army wrote a letter to accompany that of Cortes, in which they expatiated92 on his manifold services and besought93 the emperor to ratify94 his proceedings95 and confirm him in his present authority. The important mission was intrusted to two of the general’s confidential97 officers, Qui?ones and Avila. It proved to be unfortunate. The agents touched at the Azores, where Qui?ones lost his life in a brawl98. Avila, resuming his voyage, was captured by a French privateer, and the rich spoils of the Aztecs went into the treasury99 of his Most Christian100 Majesty101. Francis the First gazed with pardonable envy on the treasures which his Imperial rival drew from his colonial domains102; and he intimated his discontent by peevishly103 expressing a desire “to see the clause in Adam’s testament104 which entitled his brothers of Castile and Portugal to divide the New World between them.” Avila found means, through a private hand, of transmitting his letters,{139} the most important part of his charge, to Spain, where they reached the court in safety.[146]
While these events were passing, affairs in Spain had been taking an unfavorable turn for Cortés. It may seem strange that the brilliant exploits of the Conqueror70 of Mexico should have attracted so little notice from the government at home. But the country was at that time distracted by the dismal105 feuds106 of the comunidades. The sovereign was in Germany, too much engrossed107 by the cares of the empire to allow leisure for those of his own kingdom. The reins108 of government were in the hands of Adrian, Charles’s preceptor; a man whose ascetic109 and studious habits better qualified110 him to preside over a college of monks111 than to fill, as he successively did, the most important posts in Christendom,—first as Regent of Castile, afterwards as Head of the Church. Yet the slow and hesitating Adrian could not have so long passed over in silence the important services of Cortés, but for the hostile interference of Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, sustained by Fonseca, bishop113 of Burgos, the chief person in the Spanish colonial department. This prelate, from his elevated station, possessed114 paramount115 authority in all matters relating to the Indies, and he had exerted it from the first, as we have already seen, in a manner most prejudicial to the interests of Cortés. He had now the address to obtain a warrant from the regent, which was designed to ruin the Conqueror at the very moment when his great enterprise had been{140} crowned with success. The instrument, after recapitulating116 the offences of Cortés in regard to Velasquez, appoints a commissioner117 with full power to visit the country, to institute an inquiry118 into the general’s conduct, to suspend him from his functions, and even to seize his person and sequestrate his property, until the pleasure of the Castilian court could be known. The warrant was signed by Adrian, at Burgos, on the 11th of April, 1521, and countersigned119 by Fonseca.[147]
The individual selected for the delicate task of apprehending120 Cortés and bringing him to trial on the theatre of his own discoveries and in the heart of his own camp was named Cristóval de Tápia, veedor, or inspector121, of the gold founderies in St. Domingo. He was a feeble, vacillating man, as little competent to cope with Cortés in civil matters as Narvaez had shown himself to be in military.
The commissioner, clothed in his brief authority, landed, in December, at Villa24 Rica. But he was coldly received by the magistrates122 of the city. His credentials123 were disputed, on the ground of some technical informality. It was objected, moreover, that his commission was founded on obvious misrepresentations to the government; and, notwithstanding a most courteous124 and complimentary125 epistle which he received from Cortés, congratulating him, as an old friend, on his arrival, the veedor soon{141} found that he was neither to be permitted to penetrate43 far into the country nor to exercise any control there. He loved money; and, as Cortés knew the weak side of his “old friend,” he proposed to purchase his horses, slaves, and equipage, at a tempting126 price. The dreams of disappointed ambition were gradually succeeded by those of avarice127 and the discomfited128 commissioner consented to re?mbark for Cuba, well freighted with gold, if not with glory, and provided with fresh matter of accusation129 against the high-handed measures of Cortés.[148]
Thus left in undisputed possession of authority, the Spanish commander went forward with vigor130 in his plans for the settlement of his conquests. The Panuchese, a fierce people on the borders of the Panuco, on the Atlantic coast, had taken up arms against the Spaniards. Cortés marched at the head of a considerable force into their country, defeated them in two pitched battles, and, after a severe campaign, reduced the warlike tribe to subjection.
A subsequent insurrection was punished with greater severity. They rose on the Spaniards, massacred five hundred of their oppressors, and menaced with destruction the neighboring settlement of San Estevan. Cortés ordered Sandoval to chastise131 the insurgents132; and that officer, after a cam{142}paign of incredible hardship, completely routed the barbarians133, captured four hundred of their chiefs, and, after the affected134 formalities of a trial, sentenced every man of them to the stake or the gibbet. “By which means,” says Cortés, “God be praised! the safety of the Spaniards was secured, and the province once more restored to tranquillity135 and peace.”[149] He had omitted to mention in his letter his ungenerous treatment of Guatemozin. But the undisguised and na?ve manner, so to speak, in which he details these circumstances to the emperor, shows that he attached no discredit136 to the deed. It was the just recompense of rebellion; a word that has been made the apology for more atrocities137 than any other word,—save religion.
During this interval138 the great question in respect to Cortés and the colony had been brought to a decisive issue. The general must have succumbed139 under the insidious140 and implacable attacks of his enemies, but for the sturdy opposition141 of a few powerful friends zealously142 devoted143 to his interests. Among them may be mentioned his own father, Don Martin Cortés, a discreet144 and efficient person,[150] and the duke de Bejar, a powerful nobleman, who from an early period had warmly espoused145 the cause of Cortés. By their representations the timid regent was at length convinced that{143} the measures of Fonseca were prejudicial to the interests of the crown, and an order was issued interdicting146 him from further interference in any matters in which Cortés was concerned.
While the exasperated147 prelate was chafing148 under this affront149, both the commissioners150 Tápia and Narvaez arrived in Castile. The latter had been ordered to Cojohuacan after the surrender of the capital, where his cringing151 demeanor152 formed a striking contrast to the swaggering port which he had assumed on first entering the country. When brought into the presence of Cortés, he knelt down, and would have kissed his hand, but the latter raised him from the ground, and, during his residence in his quarters, treated him with every mark of respect. The general soon afterwards permitted his unfortunate rival to return to Spain, where he proved, as might have been anticipated, a most bitter and implacable enemy.[151]
These two personages, reinforced by the discontented prelate, brought forward their several charges against Cortés with all the acrimony which mortified153 vanity and the thirst of vengeance154 could inspire. Adrian was no longer in Spain, having been called to the chair of St. Peter; but Charles the Fifth, after his long absence, had returned to his dominions155, in July, 1522. The royal ear was instantly assailed156 with accusations157 of Cortés on the one hand and his vindication158 on the other, till the young monarch, perplexed159, and unable to decide on the merits of the question, referred the whole subject to the decision of a board selected{144} for the purpose. It was drawn partly from the members of his privy160 council, and partly from the Indian department, with the Grand Chancellor161 of Naples as its president, and constituted altogether a tribunal of the highest respectability for integrity and wisdom.[152]
By this learned body a patient and temperate162 hearing was given to the parties. The enemies of Cortés accused him of having seized and finally destroyed the fleet intrusted to him by Velasquez and fitted out at the governor’s expense; of having afterwards usurped163 powers in contempt of the royal prerogative164; of the unjustifiable treatment of Narvaez and Tápia, when they had been lawfully165 commissioned to supersede166 him; of cruelty to the natives, and especially to Guatemozin; of embezzling167 the royal treasures, and remitting168 but a small part of its dues to the crown; of squandering169 the revenues of the conquered countries in useless and wasteful170 schemes, and particularly in rebuilding the capital on a plan of unprecedented171 extravagance; of pursuing, in short, a system of violence and extortion, without respect to the public interest or any other end than his own selfish aggrandizement172.
In answer to these grave charges, the friends of Cortés adduced evidence to show that he had defrayed with his own funds two-thirds of the cost of the expedition. The powers of Velasquez ex{145}tended only to traffic, not to establish a colony. Yet the interest of the crown required the latter. The army had therefore necessarily assumed this power to themselves; but, having done so, they had sent intelligence of their proceedings to the emperor and solicited173 his confirmation174 of them. The rupture175 with Narvaez was that commander’s own fault; since Cortés would have met him amicably176, had not the violent measures of his rival, threatening the ruin of the expedition, compelled him to an opposite course. The treatment of Tápia was vindicated177 on the grounds alleged to that officer by the municipality at Cempoalla. The violence to Guatemozin was laid at the door of Alderete, the royal treasurer, who had instigated the soldiers to demand it. The remittances178 to the crown, it was clearly proved, so far from falling short of the legitimate179 fifth, had considerably180 exceeded it. If the general had expended181 the revenues of the country on costly182 enterprises and public works, it was for the interest of the country that he did so, and he had incurred183 a heavy debt by straining his own credit to the utmost for the same great objects. Neither did they deny that, in the same spirit, he was now rebuilding Mexico on a scale suited to the metropolis of a vast and opulent empire.
They enlarged on the opposition he had experienced throughout his whole career from the governor of Cuba, and still more from the bishop of Burgos, which latter functionary184, instead of affording him the aid to have been expected, had discouraged recruits, stopped his supplies, seques{146}tered such property as from time to time he had sent to Spain, and falsely represented his remittances to the crown as coming from the governor of Cuba. In short, such and so numerous were the obstacles thrown in his path that Cortés had been heard to say “he had found it more difficult to contend against his own countrymen than against the Aztecs.” They concluded with expatiating185 on the brilliant results of his expedition, and asked if the council were prepared to dishonor the man who, in the face of such obstacles and with scarcely other resources than what he found in himself, had won an empire for Castile such as was possessed by no European potentate186![153]
This last appeal was irresistible187. However irregular had been the manner of proceeding96, no one could deny the grandeur188 of the results. There was not a Spaniard that could be insensible to such services, or that would not have cried out “Shame!” at an ungenerous requital189 of them. There were three Flemings in the council; but there seems to have been no difference of opinion in the body. It was decided that neither Velasquez nor Fonseca should interfere112 further in the concerns of New Spain. The difficulties of the former with Cortés were regarded in the nature of a private suit; and, as such, redress190 must be sought by the regular course of law. The acts of Cortés were confirmed in their full extent. He was constituted Governor, Captain-General, and Chief Justice of New{147} Spain, with power to appoint to all offices, civil and military, and to order any person to leave the country whose residence there he might deem prejudicial to the interests of the crown. This judgment191 of the council was ratified192 by Charles the Fifth, and the commission investing Cortés with these ample powers was signed by the emperor at Valladolid, October 15th, 1522. A liberal salary was provided, to enable the governor of New Spain to maintain his office with suitable dignity. The favor of his sovereign was rendered still more welcome by a letter of the same date, written by him to the general, in which, after expatiating on the services of Cortés, he declares it to be his intention to make him such a requital as they well deserve.[154] The principal officers were recompensed with honors and substantial emoluments193; and the troops, together with some privileges grateful to the vanity of the soldier, received the promise of liberal grants of land. The emperor still further complimented them by a letter written to the army with his own hand, in which he acknowledged its services in the fullest manner.[155]
From this hour the influence of Fonseca in the Indian department was at an end. He did not{148} long survive his chagrin194, as he died in the following year. No man was in a situation to do more for the prosperity of his country than the bishop of Burgos. For more than thirty years, ever since the first dawn of discovery under Columbus, he had held supreme195 control over colonial affairs; and it lay with him, therefore, in an especial degree, to give ardor196 to enterprise, and to foster the youthful fortunes of the colonies. But he lay like a blight197 upon them. He looked with an evil eye on the most illustrious of the Spanish discoverers, and sought only to throw impediments in their career. Such had been his conduct towards Columbus, and such to Cortés. By a wise and generous policy, he might have placed his name among the great lights of his age. As it was, he only served to bring these into greater lustre198 by contrast with his own dark and malignant199 nature. His career shows the overweening ascendency which the ecclesiastical profession possessed in Castile in the sixteenth century; when it could raise a man to so important a station, for which he was totally unfit, and keep him there after he had proved himself to be so.[156]
The messengers who bore the commission of Cortés to Mexico touched on their way at Cuba, where the tidings were proclaimed by sound of trumpet201. It was a death-blow to the hopes of Velasquez. Exasperated by the failure of his{149} schemes, impoverished202 by the expense of expeditions of which others had reaped the fruits, he had still looked forward to eventual203 redress, and cherished the sweet hope of vengeance,—long delayed. That hope was now gone. There was slight chance of redress, he well knew, in the tedious and thorny204 litigation of the Castilian courts. Ruined in fortune, dishonored before the nation, the haughty205 spirit of the governor was humbled206 in the dust. He would take no comfort, but fell into a solemn melancholy207, and in a few months died—if report be true—of a broken heart.[157]
The portrait usually given of Velasquez is not favorable. Yet Las Casas speaks kindly208 of him, and, when his prejudices are not involved, there can be no better authority. But Las Casas knew him when, in his earlier days, the missionary209 first landed in Cuba. The governor treated him with courtesy, and even confidence; and it was natural that the condescension210 of a man of high family and station should have made its impression on the feelings of the poor ecclesiastic200. In most accounts he is depicted211 as a haughty, irascible person, jealous of authority and covetous212 of wealth. He quarrelled with Grijaiva, Cortés’ predecessor213, apparently214 without cause. With as little reason, he broke with Cortés before he left the port. He proposed objects to himself in their nature incompatible215. He proposed that others should fight his battles, and that he should win the laurels216; that others should make discoveries, and that he should reap the fruits of them. None but a weak mind would have conformed to his conditions, and a weak mind could{150} not have effected his objects. His appointment of Cortés put him in a false position for the rest of his life. His efforts to retrieve217 his position only made things worse. The appointment of Cortés to the command was scarcely a greater error than the subsequent appointment of Narvaez and of Tápia. The life of Velasquez was a series of errors.
Narvaez had no better fate than his friend the governor of Cuba. In the hope of retrieving218 his fortunes, he continued to pursue his adventurous219 career, and embarked220 in an expedition to Honduras. It was his last; and Las Casas, who had little love for the Conquerors, and who had watched the acts of cruelty perpetrated by Narvaez, concludes the notice of his death with the assurance that the “devil took possession of his soul.”
The announcement of the emperor’s commission confirming Cortés in the supreme authority of New Spain was received there with general acclamation. The army rejoiced in having at last secured not merely an amnesty for their irregular proceedings, but a distinct acknowledgment of their services. The nomination221 of Cortés to the supreme command put his mind at ease as to the past, and opened to him a noble theatre for future enterprise. The soldiers congratulated themselves on the broad powers conferred on their commander, and, as they reckoned up their scars and their services, indulged in golden dreams and the most vague and visionary expectations. It is not strange that their expectations should have been disappointed.
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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checkered
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| adj.有方格图案的 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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6
gleaned
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| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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toils
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| 网 | |
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secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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defraud
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| vt.欺骗，欺诈 | |
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taunts
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| 嘲弄的言语，嘲笑，奚落( taunt的名词复数 ) | |
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intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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oozy
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| adj.软泥的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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26
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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27
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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28
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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29
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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30
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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32
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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33
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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34
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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35
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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36
craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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37
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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38
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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39
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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40
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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41
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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42
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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43
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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44
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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45
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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46
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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47
majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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48
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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49
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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50
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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51
exult
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| v.狂喜，欢腾；欢欣鼓舞 | |
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52
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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53
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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54
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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55
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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56
teeming
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|
| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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57
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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58
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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59
scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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60
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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61
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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62
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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63
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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64
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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65
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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66
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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67
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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68
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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69
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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70
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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71
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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72
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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73
cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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74
cypress
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| n.柏树 | |
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75
durable
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| adj.持久的，耐久的 | |
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76
quarries
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| n.（采）石场( quarry的名词复数 )；猎物（指鸟，兽等）；方形石；（格窗等的）方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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77
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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78
draught
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|
| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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79
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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80
swarmed
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|
| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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81
labored
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|
| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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82
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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83
censure
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|
| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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84
uncertainty
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|
| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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85
recapitulated
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|
| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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86
fabrics
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|
| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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87
jewelry
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|
| n.（jewllery）（总称）珠宝 | |
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88
wrought
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|
| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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89
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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90
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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91
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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92
expatiated
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|
| v.详述，细说( expatiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
besought
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|
| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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94
ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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95
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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96
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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97
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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98
brawl
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| n.大声争吵，喧嚷；v.吵架，对骂 | |
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99
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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100
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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101
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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102
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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103
peevishly
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| adv．暴躁地 | |
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104
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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105
dismal
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|
| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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106
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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107
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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108
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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109
ascetic
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| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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110
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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111
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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112
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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113
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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114
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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115
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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116
recapitulating
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| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的现在分词 ) | |
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117
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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118
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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119
countersigned
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| v.连署，副署，会签 （文件）( countersign的过去式 ) | |
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120
apprehending
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的现在分词 )； 理解 | |
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121
inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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122
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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123
credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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124
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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125
complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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126
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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127
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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128
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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129
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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130
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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131
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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132
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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133
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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134
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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135
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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136
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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137
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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138
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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139
succumbed
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|
| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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140
insidious
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|
| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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141
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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142
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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143
devoted
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|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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144
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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145
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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146
interdicting
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| v.禁止（行动）( interdict的现在分词 )；禁用；限制 | |
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147
exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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148
chafing
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|
| n.皮肤发炎v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的现在分词 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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149
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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150
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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151
cringing
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| adj.谄媚，奉承 | |
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152
demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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153
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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154
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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155
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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156
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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157
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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158
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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159
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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160
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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161
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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162
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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163
usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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164
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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165
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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166
supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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167
embezzling
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| v.贪污，盗用（公款）( embezzle的现在分词 ) | |
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168
remitting
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的现在分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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169
squandering
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的现在分词 ) | |
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170
wasteful
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| adj.（造成）浪费的，挥霍的 | |
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171
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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172
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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173
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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174
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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175
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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176
amicably
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| adv.友善地 | |
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177
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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178
remittances
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| n.汇寄( remittance的名词复数 )；汇款，汇款额 | |
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179
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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180
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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181
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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182
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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183
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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184
functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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185
expatiating
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| v.详述，细说( expatiate的现在分词 ) | |
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186
potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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187
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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188
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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189
requital
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| n.酬劳；报复 | |
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190
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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191
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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192
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
emoluments
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| n.报酬，薪水( emolument的名词复数 ) | |
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194
chagrin
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| n.懊恼；气愤；委屈 | |
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195
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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196
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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197
blight
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| n.枯萎病；造成破坏的因素；vt.破坏，摧残 | |
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198
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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199
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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200
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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201
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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202
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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203
eventual
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| adj.最后的，结局的，最终的 | |
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204
thorny
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| adj.多刺的，棘手的 | |
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205
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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206
humbled
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| adj. 卑下的，谦逊的，粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下，贬低 | |
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207
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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208
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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209
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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210
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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211
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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212
covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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213
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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214
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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215
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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216
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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217
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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218
retrieving
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| n.检索（过程），取还v.取回( retrieve的现在分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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219
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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220
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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221
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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