1522-1524
IN less than four years from the destruction of Mexico, a new city had risen on its ruins, which, if inferior to the ancient capital in extent, surpassed it in magnificence and strength. It occupied so exactly the same site as its predecessor4, that the plaza5 mayor, or great square, was the same spot which had been covered by the huge teocalli and the palace of Montezuma; while the principal streets took their departure as before from this central point, and, passing through the whole length of the city, terminated at the principal causeways. Great alterations6, however, took place in the fashion of the architecture. The streets were widened, many of the canals were filled up, and the edifices7 were constructed on a plan better accommodated to European taste and the wants of a European population.
On the site of the temple of the Aztec war-god rose the stately cathedral dedicated8 to St. Fran{152}cis;[158] and, as if to complete the triumphs of the Cross, the foundations were laid with the broken images of the Aztec gods.[159] In a corner of the square, on the ground once covered by the House of Birds, stood a Franciscan convent, a magnificent pile, erected9 a few years after the Conquest by a lay brother, Pedro de Gante, a natural son, it is said, of Charles the Fifth.[160] In an opposite quarter of the same square Cortés caused his own palace to be constructed. It was built of hewn stone, and seven thousand cedar11 beams are said to have been used for the interior.[161] The government afterwards appropriated it to the residence of the viceroys; and the Conqueror13’s descendants, the dukes of Monteleone, were allowed to erect10 a new mansion15 in another part of the plaza,{*} on the spot which, by an ominous16 coincidence, had been covered by the palace of Montezuma.[162]
{*} [The two palaces “were built on the sites of the old and new palaces of Montezuma, located respectively in the western and southeastern parts of the ancient square.” Bancroft, Mexico, ii. 12. “Humboldt’s Essai Politique misleads Prescott about the location of the old palace and places the new where the old really stood.” Ibid.—M.]
The houses occupied by the Spaniards were of stone: combining with elegance17 a solid strength which made them capable of defence like so many{153} fortresses19.[163] The Indian buildings were for the most part of an inferior quality. They were scattered20 over the ancient district of Tlatelolco, where the nation had made its last stand for freedom. This quarter was also provided with a spacious21 cathedral;[164] and thirty inferior churches attested23 the care of the Spaniards for the spiritual welfare of the natives.[165] It was in watching over his Indian flock, and in the care of the hospitals with which the new capital was speedily endowed, that the good Father Olmedo, when oppressed by growing infirmities, spent the evening of his days.[166]
To give greater security to the Spaniards, Cortés caused a strong fortress18 to be erected in a place since known as the Matadero.[167] It was provided with a dock-yard, and the brigantines which had served in the siege of Mexico were long preserved there as memorials of the Conquest. When the fortress was completed, the general, owing to the evil offices of Fonseca, found himself in want of artillery24 and ammunition25 for its defence. He supplied the former deficiency by causing cannon26 to be cast in his own founderies, made of the copper28 which was common in the country, and tin which he obtained with more difficulty from the mines of Tasco. By this means, and a contribution which he received from the shipping29, he contrived30 to mount{154} his walls with seventy pieces of ordnance31. Stone balls, much used in that age, could easily be made; but for the manufacture of his powder, although there was nitre in abundance, he was obliged to seek the sulphur by a perilous32 expedition into the bowels33 of the great volcan.[168] Such were the resources displayed by Cortés, enabling him to supply every deficiency, and to triumph over every obstacle which the malice34 of his enemies had thrown in his path.
The general’s next care was to provide a population for the capital. He invited the Spaniards thither35 by grants of lands and houses, while the Indians, with politic36 liberality, were permitted to live under their own chiefs as before, and to enjoy various immunities37. With this encouragement, the Spanish quarter of the city in the neighborhood of the great square could boast in a few years two thousand families; while the Indian district of Tlatelolco included no less than thirty thousand.[169] The various trades and occupations were resumed; the canals were again covered with barges38; two vast markets in the respective quarters of the capital displayed all the different products and manufactures of the surrounding country; and the city swarmed39 with a busy, industrious40 population, in which the white man and the Indian, the conqueror and the conquered, mingled41 together promiscuously42 in peaceful and picturesque43 confusion. Not{155} twenty years had elapsed since the Conquest, when a missionary44 who visited it had the confidence, or the credulity, to assert that “Europe could not boast a single city so fair and opulent as Mexico.”[170]
The metropolis45 of our day would seem to stand in a different situation from that reared by the Conquerors46; for the waters no longer flow through its streets, nor wash the ample circumference47 of its walls. These waters have retreated within the diminished basin of Tezcuco; and the causeways, which anciently traversed the depths of the lake, are not now to be distinguished48 from the other avenues to the capital. But the city, embellished49, it is true, by the labors51 of successive viceroys, is substantially the same as in the days of the Conquerors; and the massive grandeur52 of the few buildings that remain of the primitive53 period, and the general magnificence and symmetry of its plan, attest22 the far-sighted policy of its founder27, which looked beyond the present to the wants of coming generations.
The attention of Cortés was not confined to the capital. He was careful to establish settlements in every part of the country which afforded a favorable position for them. He founded Zacatula on the shores of the miscalled Pacific, Coliman in the territory of Michoacán, San Estevan on the Atlantic coast, probably not far from the site of Tam{156}pico, Medellin (so called after his own birthplace) in the neighborhood of the modern Vera Cruz, and a port near the river Antigua, from which it derived54 its name. It was designed to take the place of Villa55 Rica, which, as experience has shown, from its exposed situation, afforded no protection to shipping against the winds that sweep over the Mexican Gulf56. Antigua, sheltered within the recesses57 of a bay, presented a more advantageous58 position. Cortés established there a board of trade, connected the settlement by a highway with the capital, and fondly predicted that his new city would become the great emporium of the country.[171] But in this he was mistaken. From some cause, not very obvious, the port of entry was removed, at the close of the sixteenth century, to the modern Vera Cruz, which, without any superiority, probably, of topographical position, or even of salubrity of climate, has remained ever since the great commercial capital of New Spain.
Cortés stimulated60 the settlement of his several colonies by liberal grants of land and municipal privileges. The great difficulty was to induce women to reside in the country; and without them he felt that the colonies, like a tree without roots, must soon perish. By a singular provision, he required every settler, if a married man, to bring over{157} his wife within eighteen months, on pain of forfeiting61 his estate. If he were too poor to do this himself, the government would assist him. Another law imposed the same penalty on all bachelors who did not provide themselves with wives within the same period. The general seems to have considered celibacy62 as too great a luxury for a young country.[172]{158}
His own wife, Do?a Catalina Xuarez, was among those who came over from the Islands to New Spain. According to Bernal Diaz, her coming gave him no particular satisfaction.[173] It is possible; since his marriage with her seems to have been entered into with reluctance63, and her lowly condition and connections stood somewhat in the way of his future advancement64. Yet they lived happily together for several years, according to the testimony65 of Las Casas;[174] and, whatever he may{159} have felt, he had the generosity66, or the prudence67, not to betray his feelings to the world. On landing, Do?a Catalina was escorted by Sandoval to the capital, where she was kindly68 received by her husband, and all the respect paid to her to which she was entitled by her elevated rank. But the climate of the table-land was not suited to her constitution, and she died in three months after her arrival.[175] An event so auspicious69 to his worldly prospects70 did not fail, as we shall see hereafter, to provoke the tongue of scandal to the most malicious71, but, it is scarcely necessary to say, unfounded, inferences.
In the distribution of the soil among the Conquerors, Cortés adopted the vicious system of repartimientos, universally practised among his countrymen. In a letter to the emperor, he states that the superior capacity of the Indians in New Spain had made him regard it as a grievous thing to condemn72 them to servitude, as had been done in the Islands. But, on further trial, he had found the Spaniards so much harassed73 and impoverished74 that they could not hope to maintain themselves in the land without enforcing the services of the natives, and for this reason he had at length waived75 his own scruples76 in compliance77 with their repeated remonstrances78.[176] This was the wretched pretext79 used on the like occasions by his countrymen to cover up this flagrant act of injustice80. The crown,{160} however, in its instructions to the general, disavowed the act and annulled81 the repartimientos.[177] It was all in vain. The necessities, or rather the cupidity82, of the colonists83, easily evaded84 the royal ordinances85.{*} The colonial legislation of Spain{161} shows, in the repetition of enactments86 against slavery, the perpetual struggle that subsisted87 between the crown and the colonists, and the impotence of the former to enforce measures repugnant to the interests, at all events to the avarice88, of the latter. New Spain furnishes no exception to the general fact.
{*} [This remark would imply that the instructions were published and some attempts at least made to enforce them. That such was not the case we learn from a remarkable89 private letter of Cortés to the emperor, sent with the “Relacion Quarta,” and bearing the same date,—October 15, 1524. Referring first to an order that the Spanish settlers should be allowed to have free intercourse90 with the Indian population as a means of promoting conversion91, he declines to comply with it on the ground that the effects would be most pernicious. The natives, he says, would be subjected to violence, robbery, and vexations of all kinds. Even with the present rigorous rule forbidding any Spaniard to leave his settlement and go among the Indians without a special license93, the evils resulting from this intercourse were so great that if he and his officers should attend solely94 to their suppression they would be unable to effect it, the territory being so vast. If all the Spaniards now in the country or on their way to it were friars engaged in the work of conversion, entire freedom of intercourse would no doubt be profitable. But, the reverse being the case, such also would be the effect. Most of the Spaniards who came were men of base condition and manners, addicted95 to every sort of vice12 and sin; and if free intercourse were allowed, the natives would be converted to evil rather than to good, and, seeing the difference between what was preached and what was practised, would make a jest of what was taught them by the priests, thinking it was meant merely to bring them into servitude. The injuries done them would lead to rebellion; they would profit by their acquired knowledge to arm themselves better, and being so many and the Spaniards so few, the latter would be cut off singly, as had already happened in many cases, and the greatest work of conversion since the time of the apostles would come to a stop.
Turning then to the emperor’s prohibition96 of the repartimientos, as a thing which his conscience would not suffer, the theologians having declared that since God had made the Indians free their liberty ought not to be taken away, Cortés states that he has not only not complied with this order, but he has kept it secret except from the officials, whom he has forbidden to make it public. His reasons for thus acting97 are as follows: 1st. The Spaniards are unable to live except by the labor50 of the Indians, and if deprived of this they would be obliged to leave the country. 2d. His system of repartimientos is such that by it the Indians are in fact taken out of captivity98, their condition under their former masters having been one of intolerable servitude, in which they were not only deprived of all but the barest means of subsistence, but they and their children were sacrificed to the idols99 in numbers horrible to hear of, it being a certified100 fact that in the great temple of Mexico alone, at a single festival, one of many that were held annually101, eight thousand persons had been sacrificed; all this, with innumerable other wrongs, had now ceased; and the surest punishment which could be inflicted102 on the Indians was the threat to send them back to their former masters. 3d. Enumerating103 the various provisions he has made for obviating104 the evils of the system as practised in the Islands, where, during a residence of twenty years, he had ample knowledge of its workings, he asserts that, in the mode in which it has been established and regulated by him, it will lead not to the diminution105 but to the preservation106 and increase of the natives, besides securing a provision for the settlers and large revenues to the crown, and he contends that the repartimientos, instead of being abrogated107, should be made hereditary108, so that the possessors might have a stronger interest in the proper cultivation of the soil, instead of seeking to extract from it the most that was possible in a given time.
The letter, which concludes by noticing and rejecting some minor109 points in the emperor’s instructions, has been recently discovered, and is perhaps the ablest document that has come down to us with the signature of Cortés. It has been published by Se?or Icazbalceta, in his Col. de Doc. para la Hist. de México, tom. i.—K.]
The Tlascalans, in gratitude110 for their signal services, were exempted111, at the recommendation of Cortés, from the doom112 of slavery. It should be added that the general, in granting the repartimientos, made many humane113 regulations for limiting the power of the master, and for securing as{162} many privileges to the natives as were compatible with any degree of compulsory114 service.[178] These limitations, it is true, were too often disregarded; and in the mining districts, in particular, the situation of the poor Indian was often deplorable. Yet the Indian population, clustering together in their own villages and living under their own magistrates115, have continued to prove by their numbers, fallen as these have below their primitive amount, how far superior was their condition to that in most other parts of the vast colonial empire of Spain.[179] This condition has been gradually ameliorated, under the influence of higher moral views and larger ideas of government, until the servile descendants of the ancient lords of the soil have been permitted, in republican Mexico, to rise—nominally, at least—to a level with the children of their conquerors.
Whatever disregard he may have shown to the political rights of the natives, Cortés manifested a commendable116 solicitude117 for their spiritual welfare. He requested the emperor to send out holy men to the country; not bishops118 and pampered119 prelates, who too often squandered120 the substance of the{163} Church in riotous121 living, but godly persons, members of religious fraternities, whose lives might be a fitting commentary on their teaching. Thus only, he adds,—and the remark is worthy122 of note,—can they exercise any influence over the natives, who have been accustomed to see the least departure from morals in their own priesthood punished with the utmost rigor92 of the law.[180] In obedience123 to these suggestions, twelve Franciscan friars embarked124 for New Spain, which they reached early in 1524. They were men of unblemished purity of life, nourished with the learning of the cloister125, and, like many others whom the Romish Church has sent forth126 on such apostolic missions, counted all personal sacrifices as little in the sacred cause to which they were devoted127.[181]{164}
The presence of the reverend fathers in the country was greeted with general rejoicing. The inhabitants of the towns through which they passed came out in a body to welcome them; processions were formed of the natives bearing wax tapers128 in their hands, and the bells of the churches rang out a joyous129 peal130 in honor of their arrival. Houses of refreshment131 were provided for them along their route to the capital; and when they entered it they were met by a brilliant cavalcade132 of the principal cavaliers and citizens, with Cortés at their head. The general, dismounting, and bending one knee to the ground, kissed the robes of Father Martin of Valencia, the principal of the fraternity. The natives, filled with amazement133 at the viceroy’s humiliation134 before men whose naked feet and tattered135 garments gave them the aspect of mendicants, henceforth regarded them as beings of a superior nature. The Indian chronicler of Tlascala does not conceal136 his admiration137 of this edifying138 condescension139 of Cortés, which he pronounces “one of the most heroical acts of his life!”[182]{165}
The missionaries lost no time in the good work of conversion. They began their preaching through interpreters, until they had acquired a competent knowledge of the language themselves. They opened schools and founded colleges, in which the native youth were instructed in profane140 as well as Christian learning.{*} The ardor141 of the Indian neophyte142 emulated143 that of his teacher. In a few years every vestige144 of the primitive teocallis was effaced145 from the land. The uncouth146 idols of the country, and, unhappily, the hieroglyphical147 manuscripts, shared the same fate. Yet the missionary and the convert did much to repair these{166} losses by their copious148 accounts of the Aztec institutions, collected from the most authentic150 sources.[183]
{*} [A singular tribute to the thoroughness of the instruction thus given, and the facility with which it was imbibed151, is rendered in a long complaint on the subject addressed to the emperor by Gerónimo Lopez, under date of October 20, 1541. The writer, a person evidently commissioned to send home reports on the condition of the country, denounces the system of education instituted by the Franciscan monks152 as diabolically153 pernicious,—“muy da?oso como el diablo.” He considers that the Indians should at the most be taught to repeat the Pater Noster and Ave Maria, the Creed154 and the Commandments, without any expositions, or any distinction of the persons of the Trinity and their attributes, above all without learning to read and write. Instead of this, they are taught not only these pernicious branches of knowledge, but punctuation155, music,—nay, even grammar! Their natural ability is so great, and the devil is so largely interested in the matter, that they have acquired a skill in forming different kinds of letters which is marvellous, and a great number of them are thus enabled to carry on a correspondence and learn what is going on in the country from one sea to the other. There are boys among them who speak as elegant Latin as Tullius. They have translated and read the whole of the Scriptures,—the same thing that has ruined so many in Spain and given birth to a thousand heresies156. A secular157 ecclesiastic158 told him that, having visited one of the colleges, he found there two hundred students, who stunned159 him with questions about religion, till the place seemed to him hell, and its inmates160 disciples161 of Satan.—Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc. para la Hist, de México, tom, ii.—K.]
The business of conversion went on prosperously among the several tribes of the great Nahuatlac family. In about twenty years from the first advent162 of the missionaries, one of their body could make the pious149 vaunt that nine millions of converts—a number probably exceeding the population of the country—had been admitted within the Christian fold![184] The Aztec worship was remarkable for its burdensome ceremonial, and prepared its votaries163 for the pomp and splendors164 of the Romish ritual. It was not difficult to pass from the fasts and festivals of the one religion to the fasts and festivals of the other; to transfer their homage165 from the fantastic idols of their own creation to the beautiful forms in sculpture and in painting which decorated the Christian cathedral. It is true, they could have comprehended little of the{167} dogmas of their new faith,{*} and little, it may be, of its vital spirit. But, if the philosopher may smile at the reflection that conversion, under these circumstances, was one of form rather than of substance, the philanthropist will console himself by considering how much the cause of humanity and good morals must have gained by the substitution of these unsullied rites166 for the brutal167 abominations of the Aztecs.
{*} [As little as did Clovis and his Franks, when that doughty168 warrior169 embraced Christianity.—M.]
The Conquerors settled in such parts of the country as best suited their inclinations170. Many occupied the southeastern slopes of the Cordilleras towards the rich valley of Oaxaca. Many more spread themselves over the broad surface of the table-land, which, from its elevated position, reminded them of the plateau of their own Castiles. Here, too, they were in the range of those inexhaustible mines which have since poured their silver deluge171 over Europe. The mineral resources of the land were not, indeed, fully172 explored or comprehended till at a much later period; but some few, as the mines of Zacatecas, Guanaxuato, and Tasco,—the last of which was also known in Montezuma’s time,—had begun to be wrought173 within a generation after the Conquest.[185]
But the best wealth of the first settlers was in the vegetable products of the soil, whether in{168}digenous, or introduced from abroad by the wise economy of Cortés. He had earnestly recommended the crown to require all vessels174 coming to the country to bring over a certain quantity of seeds and plants.[186] He made it a condition of the grants of land on the plateau, that the proprietor175 of every estate should plant a specified176 number of vines on it.[187] He further stipulated177 that no one should get a clear title to his estate until he had occupied it eight years.[188] He knew that permanent residence could alone create that interest in the soil which would lead to its efficient culture, and that the opposite system had caused the impoverishment178 of the best plantations179 in the Islands. His various regulations, some of them not a little distasteful to the colonists, augmented180 the agricultural resources of the country by the addition of the most important European grains and other vegetables, for which the diversified181 climate of New Spain was admirably adapted. The sugar-cane was transplanted from the neighboring islands to the lower level of the country, and, together with indigo182, cotton, and cochineal, formed a{169} more desirable staple183 for the colony than its precious metals. Under the sun of the tropics, the peach, the almond, the orange, the vine, and the olive, before unknown there, flourished in the gardens of the table-land, at an elevation184 twice as great as that at which the clouds are suspended in summer above our heads. The importation of a European fruit or vegetable was hailed by the simple colonists with delight. The first produce of the exotic was celebrated185 by a festival, and the guests greeted each other, as on the appearance of an old familiar friend, who called up the remembrance of the past and the tender associations of their native land.[189]
While thus occupied with the internal economy of the country, Cortés was still bent186 on his great schemes of discovery and conquest. In the preceding chapter we have seen him fitting out a little fleet at Zacatula to explore the shores of the Pacific. It was burnt in the dock-yard when nearly completed. This was a serious calamity187, as most of the materials were to be transported across the country from Villa Rica. Cortés, however, with his usual promptness, took measures to repair the loss. He writes to the emperor that another squadron will soon be got ready at the same port, and, “he doubts not, will put his Majesty188 in possession{170} of more lands and kingdoms than the nation has ever heard of!”[190] This magnificent vaunt shows the common sentiment of the Spaniards at that time, who looked on the Pacific as the famed Indian Ocean, studded with golden islands and teeming189 with the rich treasures of the East.
A principal object of this squadron was the discovery of a strait which should connect the Atlantic with the Pacific. Another squadron, consisting of five vessels, was fitted out in the Gulf of Mexico, to take the direction of Florida, with the same view of detecting a strait. For Cortés trusted—we at this day may smile at the illusion—that one might be found in that direction which should conduct the navigator to those waters which had been traversed by the keels of Magellan![191]
The discovery of a strait was the great object to which nautical190 enterprise in that day was directed, as it had been ever since the time of Columbus. It was in the sixteenth century what the discovery of the Northwest passage has been in our own age,—the ignis fatuus of navigators. The vast extent of the American continent had been ascertained191 by the voyages of Cabot in the North, and of Magellan very recently in the South. The proximity192, in certain quarters, of the two great oceans that{171} washed its eastern and western shores had been settled by the discoveries both of Balboa and of Cortés. European scholars could not believe that Nature had worked on a plan so repugnant, apparently193, to the interests of humanity, as to interpose, through the whole length of the great continent, such a barrier to communication between the adjacent waters. The correspondence of men of science,[192] the instructions of the Court, the letters of Cortés, like those of Columbus, touch frequently on this favorite topic. “Your Majesty may be assured,” he writes, “that, as I know how much you have at heart the discovery of this great secret of a strait, I shall postpone194 all interests and projects of my own, some of them of the highest moment, for the fulfilment of this great object.”[193]
It was partly with the same view that the general caused a considerable armament to be equipped and placed under the command of Cristóval de Olid, the brave officer who, as the reader will remember, had charge of one of the great divisions of the besieging195 army. He was to steer196 for Honduras and plant a colony on its northern coast. A detachment of Olid’s squadron was afterwards to cruise along its southern shore towards Darien in search of the mysterious strait. The country was reported to be full of gold; so full that “the fishermen used gold weights for their nets.” The life of the Spanish discoverers was one long day-dream. Illusion after illusion chased one another like the bubbles which the child throws off from his pipe,{172} as bright, as beautiful, and as empty. They lived in a world of enchantment197.[194]
Together with these maritime198 expeditions, Cortés fitted out a powerful expedition by land. It was intrusted to Alvarado, who, with a large force of Spaniards and Indians, was to descend14 the southern slant199 of the Cordilleras and penetrate200 into the countries that lay beyond the rich valley of Oaxaca. The campaigns of this bold and rapacious201 chief terminated in the important conquest of Guatemala. The general required his captains to send him minute accounts of the countries which they visited, the productions of the soil, and their general resources. The result was several valuable and interesting communications.[195] In his instructions for the conduct of these expeditions, he enjoined202 a considerate treatment of the natives, and inculcated a policy which may be called humane, as far as humanity is compatible with a system of subjugation203.[196] Unfortunately, the character of his officers too often rendered these instructions unavailing.{173}
In the prosecution204 of his great enterprises, Cortés, within three short years after the Conquest, had reduced under the dominion205 of Castile an extent of country more than four hundred leagues in length, as he affirms, on the Atlantic coast, and more than five hundred on the Pacific, and, with the exception of a few interior provinces of no great importance, had brought them to a condition of entire tranquillity206.[197] In accomplishing this, he had freely expended207 the revenues of the crown, drawn208 from tributes similar to those which had been anciently paid by the natives to their own sovereigns; and he had, moreover, incurred209 a large debt on his own account, for which he demanded remuneration from the government. The celebrity210 of his name, and the dazzling reports of the conquered countries, drew crowds of adventurers to New Spain, who furnished the general with recruits for his various enterprises.
Whoever would form a just estimate of this remarkable man must not confine himself to the history of the Conquest. His military career, indeed, places him on a level with the greatest captains of his age. But the period subsequent to the Conquest affords different, and in some respects nobler, points of view for the study of his character. For we then see him devising a system of government for the motley and antagonist211 races, so to speak, now first brought under a common do{174}minion; repairing the mischiefs212 of war; and employing his efforts to detect the latent resources of the country and to stimulate59 it to its highest power of production. The narrative213 may seem tame, after the recital214 of exploits as bold and adventurous215 as those of a paladin of romance. But it is only by the perusal216 of this narrative that we can form an adequate conception of the acute and comprehensive genius of Cortés.
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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predecessor
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plaza
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alterations
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edifices
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dedicated
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erect
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cedar
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vice
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conqueror
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descend
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mansion
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ominous
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elegance
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fortress
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fortresses
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spacious
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attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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24
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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30
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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34
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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35
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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36
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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37
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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38
barges
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| 驳船( barge的名词复数 ) | |
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39
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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40
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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41
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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42
promiscuously
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| adv.杂乱地，混杂地 | |
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43
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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44
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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45
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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46
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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47
circumference
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| n.圆周，周长，圆周线 | |
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48
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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49
embellished
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| v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
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50
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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51
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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52
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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53
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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54
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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55
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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56
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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57
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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58
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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59
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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60
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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61
forfeiting
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的现在分词 ) | |
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62
celibacy
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| n.独身(主义) | |
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63
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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64
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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65
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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66
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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67
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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68
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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69
auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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70
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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71
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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72
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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73
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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74
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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75
waived
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| v.宣布放弃( waive的过去式和过去分词 )；搁置；推迟；放弃（权利、要求等） | |
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76
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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77
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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78
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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79
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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80
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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81
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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82
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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83
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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84
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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85
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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86
enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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87
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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89
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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90
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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91
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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92
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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93
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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94
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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95
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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96
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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97
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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98
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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99
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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100
certified
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| a.经证明合格的；具有证明文件的 | |
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101
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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102
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
enumerating
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的现在分词 ) | |
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104
obviating
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| v.避免，消除（贫困、不方便等）( obviate的现在分词 ) | |
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105
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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106
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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107
abrogated
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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108
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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109
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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110
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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111
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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113
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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114
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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115
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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116
commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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117
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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118
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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119
pampered
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| adj.饮食过量的，饮食奢侈的v.纵容，宠，娇养( pamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
riotous
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| adj.骚乱的；狂欢的 | |
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122
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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123
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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124
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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125
cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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126
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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127
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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128
tapers
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| （长形物体的）逐渐变窄( taper的名词复数 )； 微弱的光； 极细的蜡烛 | |
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129
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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130
peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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131
refreshment
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| n.恢复，精神爽快，提神之事物；（复数）refreshments:点心，茶点 | |
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132
cavalcade
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| n.车队等的行列 | |
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133
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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134
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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135
tattered
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| adj.破旧的，衣衫破的 | |
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136
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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137
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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138
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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139
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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140
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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141
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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142
neophyte
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| n.新信徒；开始者 | |
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143
emulated
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| v.与…竞争( emulate的过去式和过去分词 )；努力赶上；计算机程序等仿真；模仿 | |
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144
vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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145
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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146
uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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147
hieroglyphical
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| n.象形文字，象形文字的文章 | |
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148
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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149
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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150
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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151
imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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152
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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153
diabolically
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154
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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155
punctuation
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| n.标点符号，标点法 | |
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156
heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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157
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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158
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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159
stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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160
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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161
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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162
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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163
votaries
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| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
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164
splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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165
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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166
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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167
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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168
doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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169
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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170
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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171
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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172
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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173
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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174
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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175
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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176
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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177
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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178
impoverishment
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| n.贫穷，穷困；贫化 | |
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179
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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180
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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181
diversified
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| adj.多样化的，多种经营的v.使多样化，多样化( diversify的过去式和过去分词 )；进入新的商业领域 | |
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182
indigo
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| n.靛青，靛蓝 | |
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183
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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184
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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185
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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186
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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187
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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188
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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189
teeming
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| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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190
nautical
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| adj.海上的，航海的，船员的 | |
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191
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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192
proximity
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| n.接近，邻近 | |
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193
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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194
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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195
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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196
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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197
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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198
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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199
slant
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| v.倾斜，倾向性地编写或报道；n.斜面，倾向 | |
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200
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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201
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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202
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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203
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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204
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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205
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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206
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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207
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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208
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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209
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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210
celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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211
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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212
mischiefs
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| 损害( mischief的名词复数 )； 危害； 胡闹； 调皮捣蛋的人 | |
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213
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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214
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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215
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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216
perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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