1524-1526
IN the last chapter we have seen that Cristóval de Olid was sent by Cortés to plant a colony in Honduras. The expedition was attended with consequences which had not been foreseen. Made giddy by the possession of power, Olid, when he had reached his place of destination, determined1 to assert an independent jurisdiction2 for himself. His distance from Mexico, he flattered himself, might enable him to do so with impunity3. He misunderstood the character of Cortés, when he supposed that any distance would be great enough to shield a rebel from his vengeance4.
It was long before the general received tidings of Olid’s defection. But no sooner was he satisfied of this than he despatched to Honduras a trusty captain and kinsman5, Francisco de las Casas, with directions to arrest his disobedient officer. Las Casas was wrecked6 on the coast, and fell into Olid’s hands, but eventually suc{176}ceeded in raising an insurrection in the settlement, seized the person of Olid, and beheaded that unhappy delinquent7 in the market-place of Naco.[198]
Of these proceedings8, Cortés learned only what related to the shipwreck9 of his lieutenant10. He saw all the mischievous11 consequences that must arise from Olid’s example, especially if his defection were to go unpunished. He determined to take the affair into his own hands, and to lead an expedition in person to Honduras. He would thus, moreover, be enabled to ascertain12 from personal inspection13 the resources of the country, which were reputed great on the score of mineral wealth, and would perhaps detect the point of communication between the great oceans, which had so long eluded14 the efforts of the Spanish discoverers. He was still further urged to this step by the uncomfortable position in which he had found himself of late in the capital. Several functionaries15 had recently been sent from the mother country for the ostensible16 purpose of administering the colonial revenues. But they served as spies on the general’s conduct, caused him many petty annoyances17, and sent back to court the most malicious18 reports of his purposes and proceedings. Cortés, in short, now that he was made Governor-General of the country, had less real power than when he held no legal commission at all.
The Spanish force which he took with him did not probably exceed a hundred horse and forty or perhaps fifty foot; to which were added about three{177} thousand Indian auxiliaries19.[199] Among them were Guatemozin and the cacique of Tacuba, with a few others of highest rank, whose consideration with their countrymen would make them an obvious nucleus20 round which disaffection might gather. The general’s personal retinue21 consisted of several pages, young men of good family, and among them Montejo, the future conqueror22 of Yucatan; a butler and steward23; several musicians, dancers, jugglers, and buffoons24, showing, it might seem, more of the effeminacy of an Oriental satrap than the hardy25 valor26 of a Spanish cavalier.[200] Yet the imputation27 of effeminacy is sufficiently28 disproved by the terrible march which he accomplished29.
Towards the end of October, 1524, Cortés began his march. As he descended30 the sides of the Cordilleras, he was met by many of his old companions in arms, who greeted their commander with a hearty31 welcome, and some of them left their estates to join the expedition.[201] He halted in the province of Coatzacualco (Huazacualco) until he could receive intelligence respecting his route from the natives of Tabasco. They furnished him with a map, exhibiting the principal places whither the Indian traders who wandered over these wild regions were in the habit of resorting. With the aid of this map,{178} a compass, and such guides as from time to time he could pick up on his journey, he proposed to traverse that broad and level tract32 which forms the base of Yucatan and spreads from the Coatzacualco River to the head of the Gulf33 of Honduras. “I shall give your Majesty,” he begins his celebrated34 Letter to the emperor, describing this expedition, “an account, as usual, of the most remarkable35 events of my journey, every one of which might form the subject of a separate narration36.” Cortés did not exaggerate.[202]{179}
The beginning of the march lay across a low and marshy37 level, intersected by numerous little streams, which form the head-waters of the Rio de Tabasco, and of the other rivers that discharge themselves, to the north, into the Mexican Gulf. The smaller streams they forded, or passed in canoes, suffering their horses to swim across as they held them by the bridle38. Rivers of more formidable size they crossed on floating bridges. It gives one some idea of the difficulties they had to encounter in this way, when it is stated that the Spaniards were obliged to construct no less than fifty of these bridges in a distance of less than a hundred miles![203] One of them was more than nine hundred paces in length. Their troubles were much augmented39 by the difficulty of obtaining subsistence, as the natives frequently set fire to their villages on their approach, leaving to the way-worn adventurers only a pile of smoking ruins.
It would be useless to encumber40 the page with the names of Indian towns which lay in the route of the army, but which may be now obsolete41, and, at all events, have never found their way into a map of the country.[204] The first considerable place{180} which they reached was Iztapan, pleasantly situated42 in the midst of a fruitful region, on the banks of one of the tributaries43 of the Rio de Tabasco. Such was the extremity44 to which the Spaniards had already, in the course of a few weeks, been reduced by hunger and fatigue45, that the sight of a village in these dreary46 solitudes47 was welcomed by his followers48, says Cortés, “with a shout of joy that was echoed back from all the surrounding woods.” The army was now at no great distance from the ancient city of Palenque, the subject of so much speculation49 in our time. The village of Las Tres Cruzes, indeed, situated between twenty and thirty miles from Palenque, is said still to commemorate50 the passage of the Conquerors51 by the existence of three crosses which they left there. Yet no allusion52 is made to the ancient capital. Was it then the abode53 of a populous54 and flourishing community, such as once occupied it, to judge from the extent and magnificence of its remains55? Or was it, even then, a heap of mouldering56 ruins, buried in a wilderness57 of vegetation, and thus hidden from the knowledge of the surrounding country? If the former, the silence of Cortés is not easy to be explained.
On quitting Iztapan, the Spaniards struck across a country having the same character of a low and marshy soil, checkered58 by occasional patches of cultivation59, and covered with forests of cedar60 and Brazil wood, which seemed absolutely interminable. The overhanging foliage61 threw so{181} deep a shade that, as Cortés says, the soldiers could not see where to set their feet.[205] To add to their perplexity, their guides deserted62 them; and, when they climbed to the summits of the tallest trees, they could see only the same cheerless, interminable line of waving woods. The compass and the map furnished the only clue to extricate63 them from this gloomy labyrinth64; and Cortés and his officers, among whom was the constant Sandoval, spreading out their chart on the ground, anxiously studied the probable direction of their route. Their scanty65 supplies meanwhile had entirely66 failed them, and they appeased67 the cravings of appetite by such roots as they dug out of the earth, or by the nuts and berries that grew wild in the woods. Numbers fell sick, and many of the Indians sank by the way, and died of absolute starvation.
When at length the troops emerged from these dismal68 forests, their path was crossed by a river of great depth, and far wider than any which they had hitherto traversed. The soldiers, disheartened, broke out into murmurs69 against their leader, who was plunging70 them deeper and deeper in a boundless71 wilderness, where they must lay their bones. It was in vain that Cortés encouraged them to construct a floating bridge, which might take them to the opposite bank of the river. It seemed a work of appalling72 magnitude, to which their wasted strength was unequal. He was more successful in his appeal to the Indian auxiliaries, till his own{182} men, put to shame by the ready obedience73 of the latter, engaged in the work with a hearty good will, which enabled them, although ready to drop from fatigue, to accomplish it at the end of four days. It was, indeed, the only expedient74 by which they could hope to extricate themselves from their perilous75 situation. The bridge consisted of one thousand pieces of timber, each of the thickness of a man’s body and full sixty feet long.[206] When we consider that the timber was all standing76 in the forest at the commencement of the labor77, it must be admitted to have been an achievement worthy78 of the Spaniards. The well-compacted beams presented a solid structure which nothing, says Cortés, but fire could destroy. It excited the admiration79 of the natives, who came from a great distance to see it; and “the bridge of Cortés” remained for many a year the enduring monument of that commander’s energy and perseverance80.
The arrival of the army on the opposite bank of the river involved them in new difficulties. The ground was so soft and saturated81 with water that the horses floundered up to their girths, and, sometimes plunging into quagmires82, were nearly buried in the mud. It was with the greatest difficulty that they could be extricated83 by covering the wet soil with the foliage and the boughs84 of trees, when a stream of water, which forced its way through the heart of the morass85, furnished the jaded86 animals with the means of effecting their escape by swim{183}ming.[207] As the Spaniards emerged from these slimy depths, they came on a broad and rising ground, which, by its cultivated fields teeming87 with maize88, agi, or pepper of the country, and the yuca plant, intimated their approach to the capital of the fruitful province of Aculan. It was in the beginning of Lent, 1525, a period memorable89 for an event of which I shall give the particulars from the narrative90 of Cortés.
The general at this place was informed, by one of the Indian converts in his train, that a conspiracy91 had been set on foot by Guatemozin, with the cacique of Tacuba, and some other of the principal Indian nobles, to massacre92 the Spaniards. They would seize the moment when the army should be entangled93 in the passage of some defile94, or some frightful95 morass like that from which it had just escaped, where, taken at disadvantage, it could be easily overpowered by the superior number of the Mexicans. After the slaughter96 of the troops, the Indians would continue their march to Honduras and cut off the Spanish settlements there. Their success would lead to a rising in the{184} capital, and, indeed, throughout the land, until every Spaniard should be exterminated97, and the vessels98 in the ports be seized, and secured from carrying the tidings across the waters.
No sooner had Cortés learned the particulars of this formidable plot than he arrested Guatemozin and the principal Aztec lords in his train. The latter admitted the fact of the conspiracy, but alleged100 that it had been planned by Guatemozin and that they had refused to come into it. Guatemozin and the chief of Tacuba neither admitted nor denied the truth of the accusation101, but maintained a dogged silence. Such is the statement of Cortés.[208] Bernal Diaz, however, who was present in the expedition, assures us that both Guatemozin and the cacique of Tacuba declared their innocence102. They had indeed, they said, talked more than once together of the sufferings they were then enduring, and had said that death was preferable to seeing so many of their poor followers dying daily around them. They admitted, also, that a project for rising on the Spaniards had been discussed by some of the Aztecs; but Guatemozin had discouraged it from the first, and no scheme of the kind could have been put into execution without his knowledge and consent.[209] These protestations did not avail the unfortunate princes; and Cortés, having satisfied, or affected103 to satisfy, himself of their guilt104, ordered them to immediate105 execution.
When brought to the fatal tree, Guatemozin displayed the intrepid106 spirit worthy of his better days.{185} “I knew what it was,” said he, “to trust to your false promises, Malinche; I knew that you had destined107 me to this fate, since I did not fall by my own hand when you entered my city of Tenochtitlan. Why do you slay108 me so unjustly? God will demand it of you!”[210] The cacique of Tacuba, protesting his innocence, declared that he desired no better lot than to die by the side of his lord. The unfortunate princes, with one or more inferior nobles (for the number is uncertain), were then executed by being hung from the huge branches of a ceiba-tree which overshadowed the road.[211]
Such was the sad end of Guatemozin, the last emperor of the Aztecs, if we might not rather call him “the last of the Aztecs;” since from this time, broken in spirit and without a head, the remnant of the nation resigned itself, almost without a struggle, to the stern yoke109 of its oppressors. Among all the names of barbarian110 princes, there are few entitled to a higher place on the roll of fame than that of Guatemozin. He was young, and his public career was not long; but it was glorious. He was called to the throne in the convulsed and expiring hours of the monarchy111, when the banded nations of Anahuac and the fierce Euro{186}pean were thundering at the gates of the capital. It was a post of tremendous responsibility; but Guatemozin’s conduct fully112 justified113 the choice of him to fill it. No one can refuse his admiration to the intrepid spirit which could prolong a defence of his city while one stone was left upon another; and our sympathies, for the time, are inevitably114 thrown more into the scale of the rude chieftain, thus battling for his country’s freedom, than into that of his civilized115 and successful antagonist116.[212]
In reviewing the circumstances of Guatemozin’s death, one cannot attach much weight to the charge of conspiracy brought against him. That the Indians, brooding over their wrongs and present sufferings, should have sometimes talked of revenge, would not be surprising. But that any chimerical117 scheme of an insurrection, like that above mentioned, should have been set on foot, or even sanctioned, by Guatemozin, is altogether improbable. That prince’s explanation of the affair, as given by Diaz, is, to say the least, quite as deserving of credit as the accusation of the Indian informer.[213] The defect of testimony118 and the distance of time{187} make it difficult for us, at the present day, to decide the question. We have a surer criterion of the truth in the opinion of those who were eye-witnesses of the transaction. It is given in the words of the old chronicler so often quoted. “The execution of Guatemozin,” says Diaz, “was most unjust, and was thought wrong by all of us.”[214]
The most probable explanation of the affair seems to be that Guatemozin was a troublesome and, indeed, formidable captive. Thus much is intimated by Cortés himself, in his Letter to the emperor.[215] The fallen sovereign of Mexico, by the ascendency of his character, as well as by his previous station, maintained an influence over his countrymen which would have enabled him with a breath, as it were, to rouse their smothered119, not extinguished, animosity into rebellion. The Spaniards, during the first years after the Conquest, lived in constant apprehension120 of a rising of the Aztecs. This is evident from numerous passages in the writings of the time. It was under the same apprehension that Cortés consented to embarrass himself with his royal captive on this dreary expedition. And in such distrust did he hold him that, even while in Mexico, he neither rode abroad, nor{188} walked to any great distance, according to Gomara, without being attended by Guatemozin.[216]
Parties standing in such relations to each other could have been the objects only of mutual121 distrust and aversion. The forlorn condition of the Spaniards on the present march, which exposed them in a peculiar122 degree to any sudden assault from their wily Indian vassals123, increased the suspicions of Cortés. Thus predisposed to think ill of Guatemozin, the general lent a ready ear to the first accusation against him. Charges were converted into proofs, and condemnation124 followed close upon the charges. By a single blow he proposed to rid himself and the state forever of a dangerous enemy,—the more dangerous, that he was an enemy in disguise. Had he but consulted his own honor and his good name, Guatemozin’s head was the last on which he should have suffered an injury to fall. “He should have cherished him,” to borrow the homely125 simile126 of his encomiast, Gomara, “like gold in a napkin, as the best trophy127 of his victories.”[217]
Whatever may have been the real motives128 of his conduct in this affair, it seems to have left the mind of Cortés but ill at ease. For a long time he was moody129 and irritable130, and found it difficult to sleep at night. On one occasion, as he was pacing an upper chamber131 of a teocalli in which he was quartered, he missed his footing in the dark, and{189} was precipitated132 from a height of some twelve feet to the ground, which occasioned him a severe contusion on the head,—a thing too palpable to be concealed133, though he endeavored, says the gossiping Diaz, to hide the knowledge of it, as well as he could, from the soldiers.[218]
It was not long after the sad scene of Guatemozin’s execution that the wearied troops entered the head town of the great province of Aculan; a thriving community of traders, who carried on a profitable traffic with the farthest quarters of Central America. Cortés notices in general terms the excellence134 and beauty of the buildings, and the hospitable135 reception which he experienced from the inhabitants.
After renewing their strength in these comfortable quarters, the Spaniards left the capital of Aculan, the name of which is to be found on no map, and held on their toilsome way in the direction of what is now called the Lake of Peten. It was then the property of an emigrant137 tribe of the hardy Maya family, and their capital stood on an island in the lake, “with its houses and lofty teocallis glistening138 in the sun,” says Bernal Diaz, “so that it might be seen for the distance of two leagues.”[219] These edifices139, built by one of the races of Yucatan, displayed, doubtless, the same peculiarities140 of construction as the remains still to be seen in that remarkable peninsula. But, whatever may have been their architectural merits, they are disposed of in a brief sentence by the Conquerors.{190}
The inhabitants of the island showed a friendly spirit, and a docility141 unlike the warlike temper of their countrymen of Yucatan. They willingly listened to the Spanish missionaries142 who accompanied the expedition, as they expounded143 the Christian144 doctrines145 through the intervention146 of Marina. The Indian interpreter was present throughout this long march, the last in which she remained at the side of Cortés. As this, too, is the last occasion on which she will appear in these pages, I will mention, before parting with her, an interesting circumstance that occurred when the army was traversing the province of Coatzacualco. This, it may be remembered, was the native country of Marina, where her infamous147 mother sold her, when a child, to some foreign traders, in order to secure her inheritance to a younger brother. Cortés halted for some days at this place, to hold a conference with the surrounding caciques on matters of government and religion. Among those summoned to this meeting was Marina’s mother, who came, attended by her son. No sooner did they make their appearance than all were struck with the great resemblance of the cacique to her daughter. The two parties recognized each other, though they had not met since their separation. The mother, greatly terrified, fancied that she had been decoyed into a snare148 in order to punish her inhuman149 conduct. But Marina instantly ran up to her, and endeavored to allay150 her fears, assuring her that she should receive no harm, and, addressing the bystanders, said “that she was sure her mother knew not what she did when she sold her to the traders,{191} and that she forgave her.” Then, tenderly embracing her unnatural151 parent, she gave her such jewels and other little ornaments152 as she wore about her own person, to win back, as it would seem, her lost affection. Marina added that “she felt much happier than before, now that she had been instructed in the Christian faith and given up the bloody153 worship of the Aztecs.”[220]
In the course of the expedition to Honduras, Cortés gave Marina away to a Castilian knight154, Don Juan Xaramillo,[221] to whom she was wedded155 as his lawful156 wife. She had estates assigned to her in her native province, where she probably passed the remainder of her days.[222] From this time the name of Marina disappears from the page of history. But it has been always held in grateful remembrance by the Spaniards, for the important aid which she gave them in effecting the Conquest,{192} and by the natives, for the kindness and sympathy which she showed them in their misfortunes. Many an Indian ballad157 commemorates158 the gentle virtues159 of Malinche,—her Aztec epithet160. Even now her spirit, if report be true, watches over the capital which she helped to win; and the peasant is occasionally startled by the apparition161 of an Indian princess, dimly seen through the evening shadows, as it flits among the groves162 and grottos163 of the royal Hill of Chapoltepec.[223]
By the Conqueror, Marina left one son, Don Martin Cortés. He rose to high consideration, and was made a comendador of the order of St. Jago. He was subsequently suspected of treasonable designs against the government; and neither his parents’ extraordinary services, nor his own deserts, could protect him from a cruel persecution164; and in 1568 the son of Hernando Cortés was shamefully165 subjected to the torture in the very capital which his father had acquired for the Castilian crown!
The inhabitants of the isles166 of Peten—to return from our digression—listened attentively167 to the preaching of the Franciscan friars, and consented to the instant demolition168 of their idols169, and the erection of the Cross upon their ruins.[224] A singular circumstance showed the value of these hurried conversions170. Cortés, on his departure, left{193} among this friendly people one of his horses, which had been disabled by an injury in the foot. The Indians felt a reverence171 for the animal, as in some way connected with the mysterious power of the white men. When their visitors had gone, they offered flowers to the horse, and, as it is said, prepared for him many savory172 messes of poultry173, such as they would have administered to their own sick. Under this extraordinary diet the poor animal pined away and died. The affrighted Indians raised his effigy174 in stone, and, placing it in one of their teocallis, did homage175 to it, as to a deity176. In 1618, when two Franciscan friars came to preach the gospel in these regions, then scarcely better known to the Spaniards than before the time of Cortés, one of the most remarkable objects which they found was this statue of a horse, receiving the homage of the Indian worshippers, as the god of thunder and lightning![225]
It would be wearisome to recount all the perils177 and hardships endured by the Spaniards in the remainder of their journey. It would be repeating only the incidents of the preceding narrative, the same obstacles in their path, the same extremities178 of famine and fatigue,—hardships more wearing on the spirits than encounters with an enemy, which, if more hazardous179, are also more exciting. It is easier to contend with man than with Nature. Yet I must not omit to mention the passage of the Sierra de los Pedernales, “the Mountain of Flints,” which, though only twenty-four miles in{194} extent, consumed no less than twelve days in crossing it! The sharp stones cut the horses’ feet to pieces, while many were lost down the precipices180 and ravines; so that when they had reached the opposite side sixty-eight of these valuable animals had perished, and the remainder were, for the most part, in an unserviceable condition![226]
The rainy season had now set in, and torrents181 of water, falling day and night, drenched182 the adventurers to the skin, and added greatly to their distresses183. The rivers, swollen184 beyond their usual volume, poured along with a terrible impetuosity that defied the construction of bridges; and it was with the greatest difficulty that by laying trunks of trees from one huge rock to another, with which these streams were studded, they effected a perilous passage to the opposite banks.[227]
At length the shattered train drew near the Golfo Dolce, at the head of the Bay of Honduras. Their route could not have been far from the site of Copan, the celebrated city whose architectural ruins have furnished such noble illustrations for the pencil of Catherwood. But the Spaniards passed on in silence. Nor, indeed, can we wonder{195} that at this stage of the enterprise they should have passed on without heeding185 the vicinity of a city in the wilderness, though it were as glorious as the capital of Zenobia; for they were arrived almost within view of the Spanish settlements, the object of their long and wearisome pilgrimage.
The place which they were now approaching was Naco, or San Gil de Buena Vista186, a Spanish settlement on the Golfo Dolce. Cortés advanced cautiously, prepared to fall on the town by surprise. He had held on his way with the undeviating step of the North American Indian, who, traversing morass and mountain and the most intricate forests, guided by the instinct of revenge, presses straight towards the mark, and, when he has reached it, springs at once on his unsuspecting victim. Before Cortés made his assault, his scouts187 fortunately fell in with some of the inhabitants of the place, from whom they received tidings of the death of Olid, and of the re-establishment of his own authority. Cortés, therefore, entered the place like a friend, and was cordially welcomed by his countrymen, greatly astonished, says Diaz, “by the presence among them of the general so renowned188 throughout these countries.”[228]
The colony was at this time sorely suffering from famine; and to such extremity was it soon reduced that the troops would probably have found a grave in the very spot to which they had looked forward as the goal of their labors189, but for the sea{196}sonable arrival of a vessel99 with supplies from Cuba. With a perseverance which nothing could daunt190, Cortés made an examination of the surrounding country, and occupied a month more in exploring dismal swamps, steaming with unwholesome exhalations, and infected with bilious191 fevers and with swarms192 of venomous insects which left peace neither by day nor night. At length he embarked193 with a part of his forces on board of two brigantines, and, after touching194 at one or two ports in the bay, anchored off Truxillo, the principal Spanish settlement on that coast. The surf was too high for him easily to effect a landing; but the inhabitants, overjoyed at his arrival, rushed into the shallow water and eagerly bore back the general in their arms to the shore.[229]
After he had restored the strength and spirits of his men, the indefatigable195 commander prepared for a new expedition, the object of which was to explore and to reduce the extensive province of Nicaragua. One may well feel astonished at the adventurous196 spirit of the man who, unsubdued by the terrible sufferings of his recent march, should so soon be prepared for another enterprise equally appalling. It is difficult, in this age of sober sense, to conceive the character of a Castilian cavalier of the sixteenth century, a true counterpart of which it would not have been easy to find in any other nation, even at that time,—or anywhere, indeed, save in those tales of chivalry197, which, however wild and extravagant198 they may seem, were much more{197} true to character than to situation. The mere199 excitement of exploring the strange and the unknown was a sufficient compensation to the Spanish adventurer for all his toils136 and trials. It seems to have been ordered by Providence200 that such a race of men should exist contemporaneously with the discovery of the New World, that those regions should be brought to light which were beset201 with dangers and difficulties so appalling as might have tended to overawe and to discourage the ordinary spirit of adventure. Yet Cortés, though filled with this spirit, proposed nobler ends to himself than those of the mere vulgar adventurer. In the expedition to Nicaragua he designed, as he had done in that to Honduras, to ascertain the resources of the country in general, and, above all, the existence of any means of communication between the great oceans on its borders. If none such existed, it would at least establish this fact, the knowledge of which, to borrow his own language, was scarcely less important.
The general proposed to himself the further object of enlarging the colonial empire of Castile. The conquest of Mexico was but the commencement of a series of conquests. To the warrior202 who had achieved this, nothing seemed impracticable; and scarcely would anything have been so, had he been properly sustained. It is no great stretch of imagination to see the Conqueror of Mexico advancing along the provinces of the vast Isthmus,—Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Darien,—until he had planted his victorious203 banner on the shores of the Gulf of Panamá; and, while it was there fanned by{198} the breezes from the golden South, the land of the Incas, to see him gathering204 such intelligence of this land as would stimulate205 him to carry his arms still farther, and to anticipate, it might be, the splendid career of Pizarro!
But from these dreams of ambition Cortés was suddenly aroused by such tidings as convinced him that his absence from Mexico was already too far prolonged, and that he must return without delay, if he would save the capital or the country.
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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21
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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22
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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23
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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24
buffoons
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| n.愚蠢的人( buffoon的名词复数 )；傻瓜；逗乐小丑；滑稽的人 | |
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25
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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26
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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27
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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28
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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29
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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30
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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31
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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32
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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33
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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34
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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35
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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36
narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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37
marshy
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| adj.沼泽的 | |
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38
bridle
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|
| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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39
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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40
encumber
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|
| v.阻碍行动，妨碍，堆满 | |
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41
obsolete
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|
| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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42
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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43
tributaries
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|
| n. 支流 | |
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44
extremity
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|
| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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45
fatigue
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|
| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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46
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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47
solitudes
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|
| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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48
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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49
speculation
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|
| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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50
commemorate
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|
| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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51
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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52
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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53
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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54
populous
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|
| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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55
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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56
mouldering
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| v.腐朽( moulder的现在分词 )；腐烂，崩塌 | |
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57
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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58
checkered
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| adj.有方格图案的 | |
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59
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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60
cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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61
foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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62
deserted
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|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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63
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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64
labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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65
scanty
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|
| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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66
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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67
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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68
dismal
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|
| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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69
murmurs
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|
| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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70
plunging
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|
| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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71
boundless
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|
| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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72
appalling
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|
| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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73
obedience
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|
| n.服从，顺从 | |
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74
expedient
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|
| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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75
perilous
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|
| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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76
standing
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|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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77
labor
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|
| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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78
worthy
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|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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79
admiration
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|
| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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80
perseverance
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|
| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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81
saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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82
quagmires
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|
| n.沼泽地，泥潭( quagmire的名词复数 ) | |
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83
extricated
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|
| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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85
morass
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|
| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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86
jaded
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|
| adj.精疲力竭的；厌倦的；（因过饱或过多而）腻烦的；迟钝的 | |
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87
teeming
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|
| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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88
maize
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|
| n.玉米 | |
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89
memorable
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|
| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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90
narrative
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|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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91
conspiracy
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|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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92
massacre
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|
| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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93
entangled
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|
| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
defile
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|
| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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95
frightful
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|
| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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96
slaughter
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|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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97
exterminated
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|
| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
vessels
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|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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99
vessel
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|
| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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100
alleged
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|
| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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101
accusation
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|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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102
innocence
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|
| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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103
affected
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|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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104
guilt
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|
| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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105
immediate
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|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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106
intrepid
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|
| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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107
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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108
slay
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|
| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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109
yoke
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|
| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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110
barbarian
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|
| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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111
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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112
fully
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|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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113
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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114
inevitably
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|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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115
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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116
antagonist
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|
| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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117
chimerical
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|
| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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118
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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119
smothered
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| （使）窒息， （使）透不过气( smother的过去式和过去分词 )； 覆盖； 忍住； 抑制 | |
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120
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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121
mutual
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|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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122
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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123
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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124
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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125
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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126
simile
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| n.直喻，明喻 | |
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127
trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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128
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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129
moody
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|
| adj.心情不稳的，易怒的，喜怒无常的 | |
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130
irritable
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|
| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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131
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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132
precipitated
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|
| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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133
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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134
excellence
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|
| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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135
hospitable
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|
| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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136
toils
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| 网 | |
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137
emigrant
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| adj.移居的，移民的；n.移居外国的人，移民 | |
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138
glistening
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|
| adj.闪耀的，反光的v.湿物闪耀，闪亮( glisten的现在分词 ) | |
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139
edifices
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|
| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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140
peculiarities
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|
| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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141
docility
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|
| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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142
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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143
expounded
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|
| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
Christian
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|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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145
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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146
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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147
infamous
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|
| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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148
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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149
inhuman
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|
| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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150
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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151
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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152
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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153
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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154
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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155
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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157
ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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158
commemorates
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| n.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的名词复数 )v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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159
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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160
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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161
apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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162
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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163
grottos
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| n.（吸引人的）岩洞，洞穴，（人挖的）洞室( grotto的名词复数 ) | |
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164
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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165
shamefully
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| 可耻地； 丢脸地； 不体面地； 羞耻地 | |
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166
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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167
attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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168
demolition
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| n.破坏,毁坏,毁坏之遗迹 | |
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169
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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170
conversions
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| 变换( conversion的名词复数 )； （宗教、信仰等）彻底改变； （尤指为居住而）改建的房屋； 橄榄球（触地得分后再把球射中球门的）附加得分 | |
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171
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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172
savory
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| adj.风味极佳的，可口的，味香的 | |
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173
poultry
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| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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174
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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175
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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176
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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177
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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178
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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179
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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180
precipices
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| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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181
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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182
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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183
distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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184
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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185
heeding
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的现在分词 ) | |
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186
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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187
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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188
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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189
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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190
daunt
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| vt.使胆怯，使气馁 | |
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191
bilious
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| adj.胆汁过多的；易怒的 | |
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192
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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193
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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194
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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195
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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196
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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197
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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198
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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199
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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200
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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201
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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202
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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203
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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204
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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205
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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