1526-1530
THE intelligence alluded1 to in the preceding chapter was conveyed in a letter to Cortés from the licentiate Zuazo, one of the functionaries2 to whom the general had committed the administration of the country during his absence. It contained full particulars of the tumultuous proceedings3 in the capital. No sooner had Cortés quitted it, than dissensions broke out among the different members of the provisional government. The misrule increased as his absence was prolonged. At length tidings were received that Cortés with his whole army had perished in the morasses4 of Chiapa. The members of the government showed no reluctance5 to credit this story. They now openly paraded their own authority; proclaimed the general’s death; caused funeral ceremonies to be performed in his honor; took possession of his property wherever they could meet with it, piously6 devoting a small part of the proceeds to purchasing{200} masses for his soul, while the remainder was appropriated to pay off what was called his debt to the state. They seized, in like manner, the property of other individuals engaged in the expedition. From these outrages7 they proceeded to others against the Spanish residents in the city, until the Franciscan missionaries9 left the capital in disgust, while the Indian population were so sorely oppressed that great apprehensions10 were entertained of a general rising. Zuazo, who communicated these tidings, implored11 Cortés to quicken his return. He was a temperate12 man, and the opposition13 which he had made to the tyrannical measures of his comrades had been rewarded with exile.[230]
The general, greatly alarmed by this account, saw that no alternative was left but to abandon all further schemes of conquest, and to return at once, if he would secure the preservation14 of the empire which he had won. He accordingly made the necessary arrangements for settling the administration of the colonies at Honduras, and embarked15 with a small number of followers16 for Mexico.
He had not been long at sea when he encountered such a terrible tempest as seriously damaged his vessel17 and compelled him to return to port and refit. A second attempt proved equally unsuccessful; and Cortés, feeling that his good star had deserted18 him, saw in this repeated disaster an intimation from Heaven that he was not to return.[231] He contented19 himself, therefore, with sending a trusty{201} messenger to advise his friends of his personal safety in Honduras. He then instituted processions and public prayers to ascertain20 the will of Heaven and to deprecate its anger. His health now showed the effects of his recent sufferings, and declined under a wasting fever. His spirits sank with it, and he fell into a state of gloomy despondency. Bernal Diaz, speaking of him at this time, says that nothing could be more wan21 and emaciated22 than his person, and that so strongly was he possessed23 with the idea of his approaching end that he procured24 a Franciscan habit,—for it was common to be laid out in the habit of some one or other of the monastic orders,—in which to be carried to the grave.[232]
From this deplorable apathy25 Cortés was roused by fresh advices urging his presence in Mexico, and by the judicious26 efforts of his good friend Sandoval, who had lately returned, himself, from an excursion into the interior. By his persuasion27, the general again consented to try his fortunes on the seas. He embarked on board of a brigantine, with a few followers, and bade adieu to the disastrous28 shores of Honduras, April 25, 1526. He had nearly made the coast of New Spain, when a heavy gale29 threw him off his course and drove him to the island of Cuba. After staying there some time to recruit his exhausted30 strength, he again put to sea, on the 16th of May, and in eight days landed near San Juan de Ulua, whence he proceeded about five leagues on foot to Medellin.{202}
Cortés was so much changed by disease that his person was not easily recognized. But no sooner was it known that the general had returned than crowds of people, white men and natives, thronged31 from all the neighboring country to welcome him. The tidings spread far and wide on the wings of the wind, and his progress to the capital was a triumphal procession. The inhabitants came from the distance of eighty leagues to have a sight of him; and they congratulated one another on the presence of the only man who could rescue the country from its state of anarchy32. It was a resurrection of the dead,—so industriously33 had the reports of his death been circulated, and so generally believed.[233]
At all the great towns where he halted he was sumptuously34 entertained. Triumphal arches were thrown across the road, and the streets were strewed35 with flowers as he passed. After a night’s repose36 at Tezcuco, he made his entrance in great state into the capital. The municipality came out to welcome him, and a brilliant cavalcade37 of armed citizens formed his escort; while the lake was covered with barges38 of the Indians, all fancifully decorated with their gala dresses, as on the day of his first arrival among them. The streets echoed to music, and dancing, and sounds of jubilee40, as the procession held on its way to the great convent of St. Francis, where thanksgivings were offered up for the safe return of the general, who then pro{203}ceeded to take up his quarters once more in his own princely residence.[234] It was in June, 1526, when Cortés re-entered Mexico; nearly two years had elapsed since he had left it, on his difficult march to Honduras,—a march which led to no important results, but which consumed nearly as much time, and was attended with sufferings quite as severe, as the Conquest of Mexico itself.[235]
Cortés did not abuse his present advantage. He, indeed, instituted proceedings against his enemies; but he followed them up so languidly as to incur41 the imputation42 of weakness. It is the only instance in which he has been accused of weakness; and, since it was shown in redressing44 his own injuries, it may be thought to reflect no discredit45 on his character.[236]
He was not permitted long to enjoy the sweets of triumph. In the month of July he received ad{204}vices of the arrival of a juez de residencia on the coast, sent by the court of Madrid to supersede46 him temporarily in the government. The crown of Castile, as its colonial empire extended, became less and less capable of watching over its administration. It was therefore obliged to place vast powers in the hands of its viceroys; and, as suspicion naturally accompanies weakness, it was ever prompt to listen to accusations48 against these powerful vassals49. In such cases the government adopted the expedient51 of sending out a commissioner52, or juez de residencia, with authority to investigate the conduct of the accused, to suspend him in the meanwhile from his office, and, after a judicial53 examination, to reinstate him in it or to remove him altogether, according to the issue of the trial. The enemies of Cortés had been for a long time busy in undermining his influence at court, and in infusing suspicions of his loyalty55 in the bosom56 of the emperor. Since his elevation57 to the government of the country they had redoubled their mischievous58 activity, and they assailed59 his character with the foulest60 imputations. They charged him with appropriating to his own use the gold which belonged to the crown, and especially with secreting61 the treasures of Montezuma. He was said to have made false reports of the provinces he had conquered, that he might defraud62 the exchequer63 of its lawful64 revenues. He had distributed the principal offices among his own creatures, and had acquired an unbounded influence, not only over the Spaniards, but the natives, who were all ready to do his bidding. He had expended65 large sums in fortify{205}ing both the capital and his own palace; and it was evident, from the magnitude of his schemes and his preparations, that he designed to shake off his allegiance and to establish an independent sovereignty in New Spain.[237]
The government, greatly alarmed by these formidable charges, the probability of which they could not estimate, appointed a commissioner with full power to investigate the matter. The person selected for this delicate office was Luis Ponce de Leon, a man of high family, young for such a post, but of a mature judgment66 and distinguished67 for his moderation and equity68. The nomination69 of such a minister gave assurance that the crown meant to do justly by Cortés.
The emperor wrote at the same time with his own hand to the general, advising him of this step, and assuring him that it was taken, not from distrust of his integrity, but to afford him the opportunity of placing that integrity in a clear light before the world.[238]
Ponce de Leon reached Mexico in July, 1526. He was received with all respect by Cortés and the municipality of the capital; and the two parties interchanged those courtesies with each other which gave augury70 that the future proceedings would be conducted in a spirit of harmony. Unfortunately, this fair beginning was blasted by the death of the commissioner in a few weeks after his arrival, a circumstance which did not fail to afford another item{206} in the loathsome71 mass of accusation47 heaped upon Cortés. The commissioner fell the victim of a malignant72 fever, which carried off a number of those who had come over in the vessel with him.[239]
On his death-bed, Ponce de Leon delegated his authority to an infirm old man, who survived but a few months,{*} and transmitted the reins54 of govern{207}ment to a person named Estrada, or Strada, the royal treasurer73, one of the officers sent from Spain{208} to take charge of the finances, and who was personally hostile to Cortés. The Spanish residents would have persuaded Cortés to assert for himself at least an equal share of the authority, to which they considered Estrada as having no sufficient title. But the general, with singular moderation, declined a competition in this matter, and determined74 to abide75 a more decided76 expression of his sovereign’s will. To his mortification77, the nomination of Estrada was confirmed; and this dignitary soon contrived78 to inflict79 on his rival all those annoyances80 by which a little mind in possession of unexpected power endeavors to assert superiority over a great one. The recommendations of Cortés were disregarded, his friends mortified81 and insulted, his attendants outraged82 by injuries. One of the domestics of his friend Sandoval, for some slight offence, was sentenced to lose his hand; and when the general remonstrated83 against these acts of violence he was peremptorily84 commanded to leave the city! The Spaniards, indignant at this outrage8, would have taken up arms in his defence; but Cortés would allow no resistance, and, simply remarking{209} “that it was well that those who at the price of their blood had won the capital should not be allowed a footing in it,” withdrew to his favorite villa85 of Cojohuacan, a few miles distant, to await there the result of these strange proceedings.[240]
{*} [This person, the licentiate Marcos de Aguilar, showed, during his short tenure86 of office, much greater zeal87 and activity than would be inferred from the slight mention of him by historians. Prescott has omitted to state that a principal point in the instructions given to Ponce de Leon related to the question of the repartimientos and other methods of treating the Indians, in regard to which he was to obtain the opinions of the authorities and other principal persons and of the Dominican and Franciscan friars. Sir Arthur Helps, who notices this fact, adds that it “led to no result,” the instructions on this subject to Ponce de Leon being on his death “forgotten or laid aside.” But a series of documents published by Se?or Icazbalceta (Col. de Doc. para la Hist. de México, tom. ii.) shows, on the contrary, that they were promptly88 and fully39 carried out by Aguilar, who considered this to be the principal business of the commission, and one, as he wrote to the emperor, requiring despatch89, since the very existence of the native population depended on immediate90 action. He accordingly consulted all the officials, Cortés himself included, the other chief residents of the city, such as Alvarado and Sandoval, and the members of the two religious orders, obtaining written opinions, individual as well as collective, which he transmitted with his own report to the emperor. The great majority of the persons consulted, including all the monks91, while differing on some matters of detail, concurred92 in urging the necessity of the repartimientos and in recommending that they should be made hereditary93.
The same result followed an inquiry94 instituted in 1532 and the following years. Among the opinions delivered on that occasion is one deserving of particular notice, both for the manner in which it is enforced and the character of the writer,—Fray Domingo de Batanzos, whose career has been agreeably sketched96, though his views on the present matter have been misapprehended, by Sir Arthur Helps. The three objects to be kept in view, he begins by remarking, are the good treatment and preservation of the natives, the establishment and security of the Spanish settlers, and the augmentation of the royal revenues. The proper means to be adopted are also threefold: the repartimientos extended and perpetuated97, the abandonment of the idea of reserving certain pueblos98 to be held by the crown and managed by its officers, and the appointment of good governors, since the best measures are of no avail if not ably administered. The objections to the crown’s reserving any pueblos for itself are, that the officers will be employed solely99 in collecting the tribute, the Indians will receive no protection or religious instruction, and the cultivation100 of the soil will be always degenerating101, since no one will have an interest in maintaining or improving its condition. The repartimientos, on the contrary, by giving the holders102 a direct interest in the better cultivation of the soil and the increase of the people, will insure both these results; and though under this system the royal revenues may be diminished for a time, they will in the end be greatly augmented103 through the general improvement of the country. The great misfortune has been that the authorities at home pursue a policy which directly contravenes104 their own intentions: wishing to benefit, they destroy; wishing to enrich, they impoverish105; wishing to save the Indians, they exterminate106 them. There is needed a man with the mind and resolution of Charlemagne or C?sar, to adopt a plan and carry it out. Instead of this, the course pursued is that of endless changes and experiments like a perpetual litigation. It is a sure sign that God intends destruction when men are unable to find a remedy. In the present case, well-meaning and holy men have sought one in vain. In his opinion, which he knows will be unheeded, the system which has in it the least evil and the most good is that of hereditary repartimientos, which should be established once for all. In a later letter he says, “The person least deceived about the affairs of this country is I, who know its fate as if I saw it with my eyes and touched it with my hands.” He predicts the extermination107 of the Indians within fifty years. He has always believed and asserted that they would perish, and the laws and measures founded on any other supposition have all been bad. The wonderful thing is, he remarks, with an apparent allusion108 to Las Casas, that the men of greatest sanctity and zeal for good are those who have done the most harm. (Icazbalceta, Col. de Doc. para la Hist. de México, tom. ii.) That the prediction of Batanzos has been falsified by the event may be attributed to a variety of causes: the vastness of the country and the comparative density109 of the native population; the social and industrial habits of the latter, so different from those of more northern tribes; the decline of the Spanish power and of that spirit of conquest which, by keeping up a constant stream of emigration and ardor110 of enterprise, might have led to a conflict of races; and the sedulous111 protection afforded to the Indians by the government and the church. Their welfare was the object of constant investigation112 and a long series of enactments113. Slavery was in their case entirely114 abolished. The repartimientos were made hereditary, but the rights and power of the encomenderos were carefully restricted, and the personal services at first exacted were ultimately commuted115 for a fixed116 tribute. Living together in communities which resembled so many small republics, governed by their own laws and chiefs, guided and protected by the priests, exempt117 from military service and all the burdens imposed by the state on the rest of the population, the Indians constituted, down to the period of Independence, a separate and privileged class, despised, it is true, but not oppressed, by the superior race.—K.]
The suspicions of the court of Madrid, meanwhile, fanned by the breath of calumny118, had reached the most preposterous119 height. One might have supposed that it fancied the general was organizing a revolt throughout the colonies and meditated120 nothing less than an invasion of the mother country. Intelligence having been received that a vessel might speedily be expected from New Spain, orders were sent to the different ports of the kingdom, and even to Portugal, to sequestrate the cargo121, under the expectation that it contained remittances122 to the general’s family which belonged to the crown; while his letters, affording the most luminous123 account of all his proceedings and discoveries, were forbidden to be printed. Fortunately, however, three letters, constituting the most important part of the Conqueror124’s correspondence, had been given to the public, some years previous, by the indefatigable125 press of Seville.
The court, moreover, made aware of the incompetency126 of the treasurer, Estrada, to the present delicate conjuncture, now intrusted the whole affair of the inquiry to a commission dignified127 with the title of the Royal Audience of New Spain. This body was clothed with full powers to examine into the charges against Cortés, with instructions{210} to send him back, as a preliminary measure, to Castile,—peacefully if they could, but forcibly if necessary. Still afraid that its belligerent128 vassal50 might defy the authority of this tribunal, the government resorted to artifice129 to effect his return. The president of the Indian Council was commanded to write to him, urging his presence in Spain to vindicate130 himself from the charges of his enemies, and offering his personal co-operation in his defence. The emperor further wrote a letter to the Audience, containing his commands for Cortés to return, as the government wished to consult him on matters relating to the Indies, and to bestow131 on him a recompense suited to his high deserts. This letter was intended to be shown to Cortés.[241]
But it was superfluous133 to put in motion all this complicated machinery134 to effect a measure on which Cortés was himself resolved. Proudly conscious of his own unswerving loyalty, and of the benefits he had rendered to his country, he was deeply sensible to this unworthy requital135 of them, especially on the very theatre of his achievements. He determined to abide no longer where he was exposed to such indignities136, but to proceed at once to Spain, present himself before his sovereign, boldly assert his innocence137, and claim redress43 for his wrongs and a just reward for his services. In the close of his letter to the emperor, detailing the painful expedition to Honduras, after enlarging on the magnificent schemes he had entertained of discovery in the South Sea, and vindicating138 himself from the charge of a too lavish139 expenditure140, he{211} concludes with the lofty yet touching141 declaration “that he trusts his Majesty142 will in time acknowledge his deserts; but, if that unhappily shall not be, the world at least will be assured of his loyalty, and he himself shall have the conviction of having done his duty; and no better inheritance than this shall he ask for his children.”[242]
No sooner was the intention of Cortés made known, than it excited a general sensation through the country. Even Estrada relented; he felt that he had gone too far, and that it was not his policy to drive his noble enemy to take refuge in his own land. Negotiations143 were opened, and an attempt at a reconciliation144 was made, through the bishop145 of Tlascala. Cortés received these overtures146 in a courteous147 spirit, but his resolution was unshaken. Having made the necessary arrangements, therefore, in Mexico, he left the Valley, and proceeded at once to the coast. Had he entertained the criminal ambition imputed148 to him by his enemies, he might have been sorely tempted149 by the repeated offers of support which were made to him, whether in good or in bad faith, on the journey, if he would but reassume the government and assert his independence of Castile. But these disloyal advances he rejected with the scorn they merited.[243]{212}
On his arrival at Villa Rica he received the painful tidings of the death of his father, Don Martin Cortés, whom he had hoped so soon to embrace after his long and eventful absence. Having celebrated150 his obsequies with every mark of filial respect, he made preparations for his speedy departure. Two of the best vessels151 in the port were got ready and provided with everything requisite152 for a long voyage. He was attended by his friend the faithful Sandoval, by Tápia, and some other cavaliers most attached to his person. He also took with him several Aztec and Tlascalan chiefs, and among them a son of Montezuma, and another of Maxixca, the friendly old Tlascalan lord, both of whom were desirous to accompany the general to Castile.{*} He carried home a large collection of plants and minerals, as specimens153 of the natural resources of the country; several wild animals, and birds of gaudy154 plumage; various fabrics155 of delicate workmanship, especially the gorgeous feather-work; and a number of jugglers, dancers, and buffoons156, who greatly astonished the Europeans by the marvellous facility of their performances, and were thought a suitable present for his Holiness the Pope.[244] Lastly, Cortés displayed his magnificence in a rich treasure of jewels, among which{213} were emeralds of extraordinary size and lustre157, gold to the amount of two hundred thousand pesos de oro, and fifteen hundred marks of silver. “In fine,” says Herrera, “he came in all the state of a great lord.”[245]
{*} [In order to increase the number of his retinue158, and thereby159 to impress the people of Spain with a sense of his importance, Cortés offered free passage and maintenance to all who wished to accompany him to the court of his sovereign.—M.]
After a brief and prosperous voyage, Cortés came in sight once more of his native shores, and, crossing the bar of Saltes, entered the little port of Palos in May, 1528,{*}—the same spot where Columbus had landed five-and-thirty years before, on his return from the discovery of the Western World. Cortés was not greeted with the enthusiasm and public rejoicings which welcomed the great navigator; and, indeed, the inhabitants were not prepared for his arrival. From Palos he soon proceeded to the convent of La Rabida, the same place, also, within the hospitable160 walls of which Columbus had found a shelter. An interesting circumstance is mentioned by historians, connected with his short stay at Palos. Francisco Pizarro, the Conqueror of Peru, had arrived there, having come to Spain to solicit161 aid for his great enterprise.[246] He was then in the commencement of his brilliant career, as Cortés might be said to be at the{214} close of his. He was an old acquaintance, and a kinsman162, as is affirmed, of the general, whose mother was a Pizarro.[247] The meeting of these two extraordinary men, the Conquerors163 of the North and of the South in the New World, as they set foot, after their eventful absence, on the shores of their native land, and that, too, on the spot consecrated164 by the presence of Columbus, has something in it striking to the imagination. It has accordingly attracted the attention of one of the most illustrious of living poets, who, in a brief but beautiful sketch95, has depicted166 the scene in the genuine coloring of the age.[248]
{*} [Sandoval (Carlos V. i. 895) and Gomara (Hist. Mexico, p. 283) make Cortés to have landed in the latter part of the year 1528.—M.]
While reposing167 from the fatigues168 of his voyage, at La Rabida, an event occurred which afflicted169 Cortés deeply and which threw a dark cloud over his return. This was the death of Gonzalo de Sandoval, his trusty friend, and so long the companion of his fortunes. He was taken ill in a wretched inn at Palos, soon after landing;{*} and his malady170 gained ground so rapidly that it was evident his constitution, impaired171, probably, by the extraordinary fatigues he had of late years undergone, would be unable to resist it. Cortés was instantly sent for, and arrived in time to administer the last consolations172 of friendship to the dying cavalier.{215} Sandoval met his approaching end with composure, and, having given the attention which the short interval173 allowed to the settlement of both his temporal and spiritual concerns, he breathed his last in the arms of his commander.
{*} [While Sandoval was lying helpless upon his bed his host entered the room and, supposing him to be asleep, proceeded to examine his luggage. As the sick man feigned174 sleep in order to escape murder, the other broke open the treasure-box, took therefrom the bars of gold, and fled with his booty to Portugal. No trace of him could afterward175 be found.—M.]
Sandoval died at the premature176 age of thirty-one.[249] He was in many respects the most eminent177 of the great captains formed under the eye of Cortés. He was of good family, and a native of Medellin, also the birthplace of the general, for whom he had the warmest personal regard. Cortés soon discerned his uncommon178 qualities, and proved it by uniformly selecting the young officer for the most difficult commissions. His conduct on these occasions fully justified179 the preference. He was a decided favorite with the soldiers; for, though strict in enforcing discipline, he was careful of their comforts and little mindful of his own. He had nothing of the avarice180 so common in the Castilian cavalier, and seemed to have no other ambition than that of faithfully discharging the duties of his profession. He was a plain man, affecting neither the showy manners nor the bravery in costume which distinguished Alvarado, the Aztec Tonatiuh. The expression of his countenance181 was open and manly182; his chestnut183 hair curled close to his head; his frame was strong and sinewy184. He had a lisp in his utterance185, which made his voice somewhat indistinct. Indeed, he was no speaker; but, if slow of speech, he was prompt and energetic in action. He had precisely186 the qualities which fitted him for{216} the perilous187 enterprise in which he had embarked. He had accomplished188 his task; and, after having escaped death, which lay waiting for him in every step of his path, had come home, as it would seem, to his native land, only to meet it there.
His obsequies were performed with all solemnity by the Franciscan friars of La Rabida, and his remains189 were followed to their final resting-place by the comrades who had so often stood by his side in battle. They were laid in the cemetery190 of the convent, which, shrouded191 in its forest of pines, stood, and may yet stand, on the bold eminence192 that overlooks the waste of waters so lately traversed by the adventurous193 soldier.[250]
It was not long after this melancholy194 event that Cortés and his suite132 began their journey into the interior. The general stayed a few days at the castle of the duke of Medina Sidonia, the most powerful of the Andalusian lords, who hospitably195 entertained him, and, at his departure, presented him with several noble Arabian horses. Cortés first directed his steps towards Guadalupe, where he passed nine days, offering up prayers and causing masses to be performed at Our Lady’s shrine196 for the soul of his departed friend.
Before his departure from La Rabida, he had written to the court, informing it of his arrival in the country. Great was the sensation caused there by the intelligence; the greater, that the late reports of his treasonable practices had made it wholly unexpected. His arrival produced an immediate change of feeling. All cause of jealousy197{217} was now removed; and, as the clouds which had so long settled over the royal mind were dispelled198, the emperor seemed only anxious to show his sense of the distinguished services of his so dreaded199 vassal. Orders were sent to different places on the route to provide him with suitable accommodations, and preparations were made to give him a brilliant reception in the capital.
Meanwhile, Cortés had formed the acquaintance at Guadalupe of several persons of distinction, and among them of the family of the comendador of Leon, a nobleman of the highest consideration at court. The general’s conversation, enriched with the stores of a life of adventure, and his manners, in which the authority of habitual200 command was tempered by the frank and careless freedom of the soldier, made a most favorable impression on his new friends; and their letters to the court, where he was yet unknown, heightened the interest already felt in this remarkable201 man. The tidings of his arrival had by this time spread far and wide throughout the country; and, as he resumed his journey, the roads presented a spectacle such as had not been seen since the return of Columbus. Cortés did not usually affect an ostentation202 of dress, though he loved to display the pomp of a great lord in the number and magnificence of his retainers. His train was now swelled203 by the Indian chieftains, who by the splendors204 of their barbaric finery gave additional brilliancy, as well as novelty, to the pageant205. But his own person was the object of general curiosity. The houses and the streets of the great towns and villages were thronged with{218} spectators, eager to look on the hero who with his single arm, as it were, had won an empire for Castile, and who, to borrow the language of an old historian, “came in the pomp and glory, not so much of a great vassal, as of an independent monarch206.”[251]
As he approached Toledo, then the rival of Madrid, the press of the multitude increased till he was met by the duke de Bejar, the count de Aguilar, and others of his steady friends, who, at the head of a large body of the principal nobility and cavaliers of the city, came out to receive him, and attended him to the quarters prepared for his residence. It was a proud moment for Cortés; and distrusting, as he well might, his reception by his countrymen, it afforded him a greater satisfaction than the brilliant entrance which, a few years previous, he had made into the capital of Mexico.
The following day he was admitted to an audience by the emperor, and Cortés, gracefully207 kneeling to kiss the hand of his sovereign, presented to him a memorial which succinctly208 recounted his services and the requital he had received for them. The emperor graciously raised him, and put many questions to him respecting the countries he had conquered. Charles was pleased with the general’s answers, and his intelligent mind took great satisfaction in inspecting the curious specimens of Indian ingenuity209 which his vassal had brought with him from New Spain. In subsequent conversa{219}tions the emperor repeatedly consulted Cortés on the best mode of administering the government of the colonies, and by his advice introduced some important regulations, especially for ameliorating the condition of the natives and for encouraging domestic industry.
The monarch took frequent opportunity to show the confidence which he now reposed210 in Cortés. On all public occasions he appeared with him by his side; and once, when the general lay ill of a fever, Charles paid him a visit in person, and remained some time in the apartment of the invalid211. This was an extraordinary mark of condescension212 in the haughty213 court of Castile; and it is dwelt upon with becoming emphasis by the historians of the time, who seem to regard it as an ample compensation for all the sufferings and services of Cortés.[252]
The latter had now fairly triumphed over opposition. The courtiers, with that ready instinct which belongs to the tribe, imitated the example of their master; and even envy was silent, amidst the general homage214 that was paid to the man who had so lately been a mark for the most envenomed calumny. Cortés, without a title, without a name but what he had created for himself, was at once, as it were, raised to a level with the proudest nobles in the land.
He was so still more effectually by the substantial honors which were accorded to him by his sovereign in the course of the following year. By an instrument dated July 6th, 1529, the emperor{220} raised him to the dignity of the Marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca;[253] and the title of “marquis,” when used without the name of the individual, has been always appropriated in the colonies, in an especial manner, to Cortés, as the title of “admiral” was to Columbus.[254]
Two other instruments, dated in the same month of July, assigned to Cortés a vast tract165 of land in the rich province of Oaxaca, together with large estates in the city of Mexico, and other places in the Valley.[255] The princely domain215 thus granted comprehended more than twenty large towns and villages, and twenty-three thousand vassals. The language in which the gift was made greatly enhanced its value. The preamble216 of the instrument, after enlarging on the “good services rendered by Cortés in the Conquest, and the great benefits resulting therefrom, both in respect to the increase of the Castilian empire and the advancement217 of the Holy Catholic Faith,” acknowledges the “sufferings he had undergone in accomplishing this glorious work, and the fidelity218 and obedience219 with which, as a good and trusty vassal, he had ever served the crown.”[256] It declares, in conclusion,
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FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF CORTéS.
{221}
that it grants this recompense of his deserts because it is “the duty of princes to honor and reward those who serve them well and loyally, in order that the memory of their great deeds should be perpetuated, and others be incited220 by their example to the performance of the like illustrious exploits.” The unequivocal testimony221 thus borne by his sovereign to his unwavering loyalty was most gratifying to Cortés,—how gratifying, every generous soul who has been the subject of suspicion undeserved will readily estimate. The language of the general in after-time shows how deeply he was touched by it.[257]
Yet there was one degree in the scale, above which the royal gratitude222 would not rise. Neither the solicitations of Cortés, nor those of the duke de Bejar and his other powerful friends, could prevail on the emperor to reinstate him in the government of Mexico. The country, reduced to tranquillity223, had no longer need of his commanding genius to control it; and Charles did not care to place again his formidable vassal in a situation which might revive the dormant224 spark of jealousy and distrust. It was the policy of the crown to employ one class{222} of its subjects to effect its conquests, and another class to rule over them. For the latter it selected men in whom the fire of ambition was tempered by a cooler judgment naturally, or by the sober influence of age. Even Columbus, notwithstanding the terms of his original “capitulation” with the crown, had not been permitted to preside over the colonies; and still less likely would it be to concede this power to one possessed of the aspiring225 temper of Cortés.
But, although the emperor refused to commit the civil government of the colony into his hands, he reinstated him in military command. By a royal ordinance226, dated also in July, 1529, the marquis of the Valley was named Captain-General of New Spain and of the coasts of the South Sea. He was empowered to make discoveries in the Southern Ocean, with the right to rule over such lands as he should colonize,[258] and by a subsequent grant he was to become proprietor227 of one-twelfth of all his discoveries.[259] The government had no design to relinquish228 the services of so able a commander. But it warily229 endeavored to withdraw him from the scene of his former triumphs, and to throw open a new career of ambition, that might stimulate230 him still further to enlarge the dominions231 of the crown.
Thus gilded232 by the sunshine of royal favor, “rivalling,” to borrow the homely233 comparison of an old chronicler, “Alexander in the fame of his ex{223}ploits, and Crassus in that of his riches,”[260] with brilliant manners, and a person which, although it showed the effects of hard service, had not yet lost all the attractions of youth, Cortés might now be regarded as offering an enviable alliance for the best houses in Castile. It was not long before he paid his addresses, which were favorably received, to a member of that noble house which had so steadily234 supported him in the dark hour of his fortunes. The lady’s name was Do?a Juana de Zu?iga, daughter of the second count de Aguilar, and niece of the duke de Bejar.[261] She was much younger than himself, beautiful, and, as events showed, not without spirit. One of his presents to his youthful bride excited the admiration235 and envy of the fairer part of the court. This was five emeralds, of wonderful size and brilliancy. These jewels had been cut by the Aztecs into the shapes of flowers, fishes, and into other fanciful forms, with an exquisite236 style of workmanship which enhanced their original value.[262] They were, not im{224}probably, part of the treasure of the unfortunate Montezuma, and, being easily portable, may have escaped the general wreck237 of the noche triste. The queen of Charles the Fifth, it is said,—it may be the idle gossip of a court,—had intimated a willingness to become proprietor of some of these magnificent baubles238; and the preference which Cortés gave to his fair bride caused some feelings of estrangement239 in the royal bosom, which had an unfavorable influence on the future fortunes of the marquis.
Late in the summer of 1529, Charles the Fifth left his Spanish dominions for Italy. Cortés accompanied him on his way, probably to the place of embarkation240; and in the capital of Aragon we find him, according to the national historian, exciting the same general interest and admiration among the people as he had done in Castile. On his return, there seemed no occasion for him to protract241 his stay longer in the country. He was weary of the life of idle luxury which he had been leading for the last year, and which was so foreign to his active habits and the stirring scenes to which he had been accustomed. He determined, therefore, to return to Mexico, where his extensive property required his presence, and where a new field was now opened to him for honorable enterprise.
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1
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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morasses
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| n.缠作一团( morass的名词复数 )；困境；沼泽；陷阱 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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piously
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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wan
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| (wide area network)广域网 | |
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emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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gale
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| n.大风，强风，一阵闹声（尤指笑声等） | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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industriously
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sumptuously
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| 奢侈地，豪华地 | |
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strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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cavalcade
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| n.车队等的行列 | |
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barges
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| 驳船( barge的名词复数 ) | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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41
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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42
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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43
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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redressing
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| v.改正( redress的现在分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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45
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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47
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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51
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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52
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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54
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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55
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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56
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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57
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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58
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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59
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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61
secreting
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的现在分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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defraud
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| vt.欺骗，欺诈 | |
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63
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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66
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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augury
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| n.预言，征兆，占卦 | |
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loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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concurred
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| 同意（concur的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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perpetuated
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| vt.使永存（perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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pueblos
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| n.印第安人村庄( pueblo的名词复数 ) | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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degenerating
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的现在分词 ) | |
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holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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contravenes
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| v.取消，违反( contravene的第三人称单数 ) | |
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impoverish
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| vt.使穷困，使贫困 | |
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exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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density
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| n.密集，密度，浓度 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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sedulous
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| adj.勤勉的，努力的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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115
commuted
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| 通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 )； 减（刑）； 代偿 | |
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116
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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117
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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118
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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119
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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120
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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121
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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122
remittances
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| n.汇寄( remittance的名词复数 )；汇款，汇款额 | |
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123
luminous
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| adj.发光的，发亮的；光明的；明白易懂的；有启发的 | |
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124
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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125
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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126
incompetency
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| n.无能力，不适当 | |
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127
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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128
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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129
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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130
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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131
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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132
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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133
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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134
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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135
requital
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| n.酬劳；报复 | |
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136
indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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137
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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138
vindicating
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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139
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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140
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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141
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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142
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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143
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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144
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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145
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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146
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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147
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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148
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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150
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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151
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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152
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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153
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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154
gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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155
fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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156
buffoons
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| n.愚蠢的人( buffoon的名词复数 )；傻瓜；逗乐小丑；滑稽的人 | |
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157
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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158
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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159
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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160
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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161
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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162
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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163
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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164
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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165
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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166
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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167
reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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168
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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169
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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170
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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171
impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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173
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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174
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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175
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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176
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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177
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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178
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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179
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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180
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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181
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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182
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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183
chestnut
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| n.栗树，栗子 | |
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184
sinewy
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| adj.多腱的，强壮有力的 | |
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185
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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186
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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187
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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188
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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189
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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190
cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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191
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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192
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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193
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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194
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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195
hospitably
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| 亲切地，招待周到地，善于款待地 | |
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196
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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197
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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198
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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199
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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200
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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201
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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202
ostentation
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| n.夸耀，卖弄 | |
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203
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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204
splendors
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| n.华丽( splendor的名词复数 )；壮丽；光辉；显赫 | |
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205
pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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206
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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207
gracefully
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| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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208
succinctly
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| adv.简洁地；简洁地，简便地 | |
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209
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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210
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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212
condescension
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| n.自以为高人一等，贬低(别人) | |
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213
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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214
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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215
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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216
preamble
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| n.前言；序文 | |
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217
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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218
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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219
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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220
incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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221
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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222
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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223
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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224
dormant
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| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
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225
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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226
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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227
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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228
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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229
warily
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| adv.留心地 | |
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230
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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231
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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232
gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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233
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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234
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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235
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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236
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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237
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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238
baubles
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| n.小玩意( bauble的名词复数 )；华而不实的小件装饰品；无价值的东西；丑角的手杖 | |
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239
estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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240
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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241
protract
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| v.延长，拖长 | |
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