1530-1547
EARLY in the spring of 1530, Cortés embarked1 for New Spain. He was accompanied by the marchioness, his wife, together with his aged2 mother, who had the good fortune to live to see her son’s elevation3, and by a magnificent retinue4 of pages and attendants, such as belonged to the household of a powerful noble. How different from the forlorn condition in which, twenty-six years before, he had been cast loose, as a wild adventurer, to seek his bread upon the waters!
The first point of his destination was Hispaniola, where he was to remain until he received tidings of the organization of the new government that was to take charge of Mexico.[263] In the preceding chapter it was stated that the administration of the country had been intrusted to a body called the Royal Audience; one of whose first duties it was to investigate the charges brought against Cortés. Nu?ez de Guzman, his avowed6 enemy, was placed{226} at the head of this board; and the investigation7 was conducted with all the rancor8 of personal hostility9. A remarkable10 document still exists, called the Pesquisa Secreta, or “Secret Inquiry11,” which contains a record of the proceedings12 against Cortés. It was prepared by the secretary of the Audience, and signed by the several members. The document is very long, embracing nearly a hundred folio pages. The name and the testimony13 of every witness are given, and the whole forms a mass of loathsome14 details, such as might better suit a prosecution15 in a petty municipal court than that of a great officer of the crown.
The charges are eight in number; involving, among other crimes, that of a deliberate design to cast off his allegiance to the crown; that of the murder of two of the commissioners16 who had been sent out to supersede17 him; of the murder of his own wife, Catalina Xuarez;[264] of extortion, and of
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PORTRAIT OF HERNANDO CORTéS
Goupil & Co., Paris
{227}
licentious18 practices,—of offences, in short, which, from their private nature, would seem to have little to do with his conduct as a public man. The testimony is vague and often contradictory19; the witnesses are for the most part obscure individuals, and the few persons of consideration among them appear to have been taken from the ranks of his decided20 enemies. When it is considered that the inquiry was conducted in the absence of Cortés, before a court the members of which were personally unfriendly to him, and that he was furnished with no specification21 of the charges, and had no opportunity, consequently, of disproving them, it is impossible, at this distance of time, to attach any importance to this paper as a legal document. When it is added that no action was taken on it by the government to whom it was sent, we may be disposed to regard it simply as a monument of the malice22 of his enemies. It has been drawn23 by the curious antiquary from the obscurity to which it had been so long consigned24 in the Indian archives at Seville; but it can be of no further use to the historian than to show that a great name in the sixteenth century exposed its possessor to calumnies25 as malignant26 as it has at any time since.[265]{228}
The high-handed measures of the Audience, and the oppressive conduct of Guzman, especially towards the Indians, excited general indignation in the colony and led to serious apprehensions27 of an insurrection. It became necessary to supersede an administration so reckless and unprincipled. But Cortés was detained two months at the island, by the slow movements of the Castilian court, before tidings reached him of the appointment of a new Audience for the government of the country. The person selected to preside over it was the bishop28 of St. Domingo, a prelate whose acknowledged wisdom and virtue29 gave favorable augury30 for the conduct of his administration. After this, Cortés resumed his voyage, and landed at Villa31 Rica on the 15th of July, 1530.
After remaining for a time in the neighborhood, where he received some petty annoyances32 from the Audience, he proceeded to Tlascala, and publicly proclaimed his powers as Captain-General of New Spain and the South Sea. An edict issued by the empress during her husband’s absence had inter{229}dicted Cortés from approaching within ten leagues of the Mexican capital while the present authorities were there.[266] The empress was afraid of a collision between the parties. Cortés, however, took up his residence on the opposite side of the lake, at Tezcuco.
No sooner was his arrival there known in the metropolis33 than multitudes, both of Spaniards and natives, crossed the lake to pay their respects to their old commander, to offer him their services, and to complain of their manifold grievances34. It seemed as if the whole population of the capital was pouring into the neighboring city, where the marquis maintained the state of an independent potentate35. The members of the Audience, indignant at the mortifying36 contrast which their own diminished court presented, imposed heavy penalties on such of the natives as should be found in Tezcuco, and, affecting to consider themselves in danger, made preparations for the defence of the city. But these belligerent37 movements were terminated by the arrival of the new Audience; though Guzman had the address to maintain his hold on a northern province, where he earned a reputation for cruelty and extortion unrivalled even in the annals of the New World.
Everything seemed now to assure a tranquil38 residence to Cortés. The new magistrates39 treated him with marked respect, and took his advice on the most important measures of government. Unhappily, this state of things did not long continue; and a misunderstanding arose between the parties, in{230} respect to the enumeration40 of the vassals41 assigned by the crown to Cortés, which the marquis thought was made on principles prejudicial to his interests and repugnant to the intentions of the grant.[267]{*} He was still further displeased42 by finding that the Audience were intrusted, by their commission, with a concurrent43 jurisdiction44 with himself in military affairs.[268] This led occasionally to an interference, which the proud spirit of Cortés, so long accustomed to independent rule, could ill brook46. After submitting to it for a time, he left the capital in disgust, no more to return there, and took up his residence in his city of Cuernavaca.
{*} [The commission appointed by the Audience to take the census47, after laboring49 at their task for many weeks, were at last forced to report that it was impossible to make a correct enumeration, as not more than one-fifth of the estimated population could be found. The Indians, at the suggestion of their chiefs, who were all friendly to Cortés, evaded50 the count, and threw as many difficulties in the way of the enumerators as possible.—M.]
It was the place won by his own sword from the Aztecs previous to the siege of Mexico. It stood on the southern slope of the Cordilleras, and overlooked a wide expanse of country, the fairest and most flourishing portion of his own domain51.[269] He had erected52 a stately palace on the spot, and hence{231}forth53 made this city his favorite residence.[270] It was well situated54 for superintending his vast estates, and he now devoted55 himself to bringing them into proper cultivation56. He introduced the sugar-cane from Cuba, and it grew luxuriantly in the rich soil of the neighboring lowlands. He imported large numbers of merino sheep and other cattle, which found abundant pastures in the country around Tehuantepec. His lands were thickly sprinkled with groves57 of mulberry-trees, which furnished nourishment58 for the silk-worm. He encouraged the cultivation of hemp59 and flax, and, by his judicious60 and enterprising husbandry, showed the capacity of the soil for the culture of valuable products before unknown in the land; and he turned these products to the best account, by the erection of sugar-mills, and other works for the manufacture of the raw material. He thus laid the foundation of an opulence61 for his family, as substantial, if not as speedy, as that derived62 from the mines. Yet this latter source of wealth was not{232} neglected by him, and he drew gold from the region of Tehuantepec, and silver from that of Zacatecas. The amount derived from these mines was not so abundant as at a later day. But the expense of working them, on the other hand, was much less in the earlier stages of the operation, when the metal lay so much nearer the surface.[271]
But this tranquil way of life did not long content his restless and adventurous63 spirit; and it sought a vent5 by availing itself of his new charter of discovery to explore the mysteries of the great Southern Ocean. In 1527, two years before his return to Spain, he had sent a little squadron to the Moluccas. The expedition was attended with some important consequences; but, as they do not relate to Cortés, an account of it will find a more suitable place in the maritime64 annals of Spain, where it has been given by the able hand which has done so much for the country in this department.[272]
Cortés was preparing to send another squadron of four vessels66 in the same direction, when his plans were interrupted by his visit to Spain; and his unfinished little navy, owing to the malice of the Royal Audience, who drew off the hands employed in building it, went to pieces on the stocks. Two other squadrons were now fitted out by Cortés, in the years 1532 and 1533, and sent on a voy{233}age of discovery to the Northwest.[273] They were unfortunate, though in the latter expedition the Californian peninsula was reached, and a landing effected on its southern extremity67 at Santa Cruz, probably the modern port of La Paz. One of the vessels, thrown on the coast of New Galicia, was seized by Guzman, the old enemy of Cortés, who ruled over that territory, the crew were plundered68, and the ship was detained as a lawful69 prize. Cortés, indignant at the outrage70, demanded justice from the Royal Audience; and, as that body was too feeble to enforce its own decrees in his favor, he took redress71 into his own hands.[274]
He made a rapid but difficult march on Chiametla, the scene of Guzman’s spoliation; and, as the latter did not care to face his incensed72 antagonist73, Cortés recovered his vessel65, though not the cargo74. He was then joined by the little squadron which he had fitted out from his own port of Tehuantepec,—a port which in the sixteenth century promised to hold the place since occupied by that of Acapulco.[275] The vessels were provided with everything requisite75 for planting a colony in the newly-discovered region, and transported four hundred Spaniards and three hundred negro slaves, which Cortés had assembled for that purpose. With this intention he crossed the Gulf76, the{234} Adriatic—to which an old writer compares it—of the Western World.
Our limits will not allow us to go into the details of this disastrous77 expedition, which was attended with no important results either to its projector78 or to science. It may suffice to say that, in the prosecution of it, Cortés and his followers79 were driven to the last extremity by famine; that he again crossed the Gulf, was tossed about by terrible tempests, without a pilot to guide him, was thrown upon the rocks, where his shattered vessel nearly went to pieces, and, after a succession of dangers and disasters as formidable as any which he had ever encountered on land, succeeded, by means of his indomitable energy, in bringing his crazy bark safe into the same port of Santa Cruz from which he had started.
While these occurrences were passing, the new Royal Audience, after a faithful discharge of its commission, had been superseded80 by the arrival of a viceroy, the first ever sent to New Spain. Cortés, though invested with similar powers, had the title only of Governor. This was the commencement of the system, afterwards pursued by the crown, of intrusting the colonial administration to some individual whose high rank and personal consideration might make him the fitting representative of majesty81. The jealousy82 of the court did not allow the subject clothed with such ample authority to remain long enough in the same station to form dangerous schemes of ambition, but at the expiration83 of a few years he was usually recalled, or transferred to some other province of the vast colonial empire. The person now sent to Mexico was{235} Don Antonio de Mendoza, a man of moderation and practical good sense, and one of that illustrious family who in the preceding reign84 furnished so many distinguished85 ornaments86 to the Church, to the camp, and to letters.
The long absence of Cortés had caused the deepest anxiety in the mind of his wife, the marchioness of the Valley. She wrote to the viceroy immediately on his arrival, beseeching88 him to ascertain89, if possible, the fate of her husband, and, if he could be found, to urge his return. The viceroy, in consequence, despatched two ships in search of Cortés, but whether they reached him before his departure from Santa Cruz is doubtful. It is certain that he returned safe, after his long absence, to Acapulco, and was soon followed by the survivors90 of his wretched colony.
Undismayed by these repeated reverses, Cortés, still bent91 on some discovery worthy92 of his reputation, fitted out three more vessels, and placed them under the command of an officer named Ulloa. This expedition, which took its departure in July, 1539, was attended with more important results. Ulloa penetrated93 to the head of the Gulf, then, returning and winding94 round the coast of the peninsula, doubled its southern point, and ascended95 as high as the twenty-eighth or twenty-ninth degree of north latitude96 on its western borders. After this, sending home one of the squadron, the bold navigator held on his course to the north, but was never more heard of.[276]{236}
Thus ended the maritime enterprises of Cortés, sufficiently97 disastrous in a pecuniary98 view, since they cost him three hundred thousand castellanos of gold, without the return of a ducat.[277] He was even obliged to borrow money, and to pawn99 his wife’s jewels, to procure100 funds for the last enterprise;[278] thus incurring101 a debt which, increased by the great charges of his princely establishment, hung about him during the remainder of his life. But, though disastrous in an economical view, his generous efforts added important contributions to science. In the course of these expeditions, and those undertaken by Cortés previous to his visit to Spain, the Pacific had been coasted from the Bay of Panamá to the Rio Colorado. The great peninsula of California had been circumnavigated as far as to the isle102 of Cedros, or Cerros, into which the{237} name has since been corrupted103. This vast tract104, which had been supposed to be an archipelago of islands, was now discovered to be a part of the continent; and its general outline, as appears from the maps of the time, was nearly as well understood as at the present day.[279] Lastly, the navigator had explored the recesses105 of the Californian Gulf, or Sea of Cortés, as, in honor of the great discoverer, it is with more propriety106 named by the Spaniards; and he had ascertained107 that, instead of the outlet108 before supposed to exist towards the north, this unknown ocean was locked up within the arms of the mighty109 continent. These were results that might have made the glory and satisfied the ambition of a common man; but they are lost in the brilliant renown110 of the former achievements of Cortés.
Notwithstanding the embarrassments111 of the marquis of the Valley, he still made new efforts to enlarge the limits of discovery, and prepared to fit out another squadron of five vessels, which he proposed to place under the command of a natural son, Don Luis. But the viceroy Mendoza, whose imagination had been inflamed112 by the reports of an itinerant113 monk114 respecting an El Dorado in the north, claimed the right of discovery in that direction. Cortés protested against this, as an unwarrantable interference with his own powers. Other subjects of collision arose between them; till the marquis, disgusted with this perpetual check on his authority and his enterprises, applied115 for re{238}dress to Castile.[280] He finally determined116 to go there to support his claims in person, and to obtain, if possible, remuneration for the heavy charges he had incurred117 by his maritime expeditions, as well as for the spoliation of his property by the Royal Audience during his absence from the country; and, lastly, to procure an assignment of his vassals on principles more conformable to the original intentions of the grant. With these objects in view he bade adieu to his family, and, taking with him his eldest118 son and heir, Don Martin, then only eight years of age, he embarked at Mexico in 1540, and, after a favorable voyage, again set foot on the shores of his native land.
The emperor was absent from the country. But Cortés was honorably received in the capital, where ample accommodations were provided for him and his retinue. When he attended the Royal Council of the Indies to urge his suit, he was distinguished by uncommon119 marks of respect. The president went to the door of the hall to receive him, and a seat was provided for him among the members of the Council.[281] But all evaporated in this barren show of courtesy. Justice, proverbially slow in Spain, did not mend her gait for Cortés; and at the expiration of a year he found himself no nearer the attainment120 of his object than on the first week after his arrival in the capital.
In the following year, 1541, we find the marquis{239} of the Valley embarked as a volunteer in the memorable121 expedition against Algiers. Charles the Fifth, on his return to his dominions122, laid siege to that stronghold of the Mediterranean123 corsairs. Cortés accompanied the forces destined124 to meet the emperor, and embarked on board the vessel of the Admiral of Castile. But a furious tempest scattered125 the navy, and the admiral’s ship was driven a wreck127 upon the coast. Cortés and his son escaped by swimming, but the former, in the confusion of the scene, lost the inestimable set of jewels noticed in the preceding chapter; “a loss,” says an old writer, “that made the expedition fall more heavily on the marquis of the Valley than on any other man in the kingdom, except the emperor.”[282]
It is not necessary to recount the particulars of this disastrous siege, in which Moslem128 valor129, aided by the elements, set at defiance130 the combined forces of the Christians131. A council of war was called, and it was decided to abandon the enterprise and return to Castile. This determination was indignantly received by Cortés, who offered, with the support of the army, to reduce the place himself; and he only expressed the regret that he had not a handful of those gallant132 veterans by his side who had served him in the Conquest of Mexico. But his offers were derided133, as those of a romantic enthusiast134. He had not been invited to take part in the discussions of the council of war. It was a marked indignity135; but the courtiers, weary of the service, were too much bent on an immediate87 return to Spain, to hazard the opposition136 of a man who, when{240} he had once planted his foot, was never known to raise it again till he had accomplished137 his object.[283]
On arriving in Castile, Cortés lost no time in laying his suit before the emperor. His applications were received by the monarch138 with civility,—a cold civility, which carried no conviction of its sincerity139. His position was materially changed since his former visit to the country. More than ten years had elapsed, and he was now too well advanced in years to give promise of serviceable enterprise in future. Indeed, his undertakings140 of late had been singularly unfortunate. Even his former successes suffered the disparagement141 natural to a man of declining fortunes. They were already eclipsed by the magnificent achievements in Peru, which had poured a golden tide into the country, that formed a striking contrast to the streams of wealth that as yet had flowed in but scantily142 from the silver mines of Mexico. Cortés had to learn that the gratitude143 of a court has reference to the future much more than to the past. He stood in the position of an importunate144 suitor whose claims, however just, are too large to be readily allowed. He found, like Columbus, that it was possible to deserve too greatly.[284]
In the month of February, 1544, he addressed a{241} letter to the emperor,—it was the last he ever wrote him,—soliciting his attention to his suit. He begins by proudly alluding145 to his past services to the crown. “He had hoped that the toils146 of youth would have secured him repose147 in his old age. For forty years he had passed his life with little sleep, bad food, and with his arms constantly by his side. He had freely exposed his person to peril148, and spent his substance in exploring distant and unknown regions, that he might spread abroad the name of his sovereign and bring under his sceptre many great and powerful nations. All this he had done, not only without assistance from home, but in the face of obstacles thrown in his way by rivals and by enemies who thirsted like leeches149 for his blood. He was now old, infirm, and embarrassed with debt. Better had it been for him not to have known the liberal intentions of the emperor, as intimated by his grants; since he should then have devoted himself to the care of his estates, and not have been compelled, as he now was, to contend with the officers of the crown, against whom it was more difficult to defend himself than to win the land from the enemy.” He concludes with beseeching his sovereign to “order the Council of the Indies, with the other tribunals which had cognizance of his suits, to come to a decision; since he was too old to wander about like a vagrant150, but ought rather, during the brief remainder of his life, to stay at home and settle his account with Heaven, occupied with the concerns of his soul, rather than with his substance.”[285]{242}
This appeal to his sovereign, which has something in it touching151 from a man of the haughty152 spirit of Cortés, had not the effect to quicken the determination of his suit. He still lingered at the court from week to week, and from month to month, beguiled153 by the deceitful hopes of the litigant154, tasting all that bitterness of the soul which arises from hope deferred155. After three years more, passed in this unprofitable and humiliating occupation, he resolved to leave his ungrateful country and return to Mexico.
He had proceeded as far as Seville, accompanied by his son, when he fell ill of an indigestion, caused, probably, by irritation156 and trouble of mind. This terminated in dysentery, and his strength sank so rapidly under the disease that it was apparent his mortal career was drawing towards its close. He prepared for it by making the necessary arrangements for the settlement of his affairs. He had made his will some time before; and he now executed it. It is a very long document, and in some respects a remarkable one.
The bulk of his property was entailed157 to his son, Don Martin, then fifteen years of age. In the testament158 he fixes his majority at twenty-five; but at twenty his guardians159 were to allow him his full income, to maintain the state becoming his rank. In a paper accompanying the will, Cortés specified160 the names of the agents to whom he had committed the management of his vast estates scattered over many different provinces; and he requests his executors to confirm the nomination161, as these agents have been selected by him from a knowledge of{243} their peculiar162 qualifications. Nothing can better show the thorough supervision163 which, in the midst of pressing public concerns, he had given to the details of his widely-extended property.
He makes a liberal provision for his other children, and a generous allowance to several old domestics and retainers in his household. By another clause he gives away considerable sums in charity, and he applies the revenues of his estates in the city of Mexico to establish and permanently164 endow three public institutions,—a hospital in the capital, which was to be dedicated165 to Our Lady of the Conception, a college in Cojohuacan for the education of missionaries166 to preach the gospel among the natives, and a convent, in the same place, for nuns167. To the chapel168 of this convent, situated in his favorite town, he orders that his own body shall be transported for burial, in whatever quarter of the world he may happen to die.
After declaring that he has taken all possible care to ascertain the amount of the tributes formerly169 paid by his Indian vassals to their native sovereigns, he enjoins171 on his heir that, in case those which they have hitherto paid shall be found to exceed the right valuation, he shall restore them a full equivalent. In another clause he expresses a doubt whether it is right to exact personal service from the natives, and commands that a strict inquiry shall be made into the nature and value of such services as he had received, and that in all cases a fair compensation shall be allowed for them. Lastly, he makes this remarkable declaration: “It has long been a question whether one can conscientiously{244} hold property in Indian slaves. Since this point has not yet been determined, I enjoin170 it on my son Martin and his heirs that they spare no pains to come to an exact knowledge of the truth; as a matter which deeply concerns the conscience of each of them, no less than mine.”[286]
Such scruples173 of conscience, not to have been expected in Cortés, were still less likely to be met with in the Spaniards of a later generation. The state of opinion in respect to the great question of slavery, in the sixteenth century, at the commencement of the system, bears some resemblance to that which exists in our time, when we may hope it is approaching its conclusion. Las Casas and the Dominicans of the former age, the abolitionists of their day, thundered out their uncompromising invectives against the system on the broad ground of natural equity174 and the rights of man. The great mass of proprietors176 troubled their heads little about the question of right, but were satisfied with the expediency177 of the institution. Others, more considerate and conscientious172, while they admitted the evil, found an argument for its toleration in the plea of necessity, regarding the constitution of the white man as unequal, in a sultry climate, to the{245} labor48 of cultivating the soil.[287] In one important respect the condition of slavery in the sixteenth century differed materially from its condition in the nineteenth. In the former, the seeds of the evil, but lately sown, might have been, with comparatively little difficulty, eradicated178. But in our time they have struck their roots deep into the social system, and cannot be rudely handled without shaking the very foundations of the political fabric179. It is easy to conceive that a man who admits all the wretchedness of the institution and its wrong to humanity may nevertheless hesitate to adopt a remedy until he is satisfied that the remedy itself is not worse than the disease. That such a remedy will come with time, who can doubt, that has confidence in the ultimate prevalence of the right and the progressive civilization of his species?
Cortés names as his executors, and as guardians of his children, the duke of Medina Sidonia, the marquis of Astorga, and the count of Aguilar. For his executors in Mexico, he appoints his wife, the marchioness, the archbishop of Toledo, and two other prelates. The will was executed at Seville, October 11th, 1547.[288]
Finding himself much incommoded, as he grew weaker, by the presence of visitors, to which he was necessarily exposed at Seville, he withdrew to{246} the neighboring village of Castilleja de la Cuesta, attended by his son, who watched over his dying parent with filial solicitude180.[289] Cortés seems to have contemplated181 his approaching end with a composure not always to be found in those who have faced death with indifference182 on the field of battle. At length, having devoutly183 confessed his sins and received the sacrament, he expired on the 2d of December, 1547, in the sixty-third year of his age.[290]
The inhabitants of the neighboring country were desirous to show every mark of respect to the memory of Cortés. His funeral obsequies were celebrated185 with due solemnity by a long train of Andalusian nobles and of the citizens of Seville, and his body was transported to the chapel of the monastery186 of San Isidro, in that city, where it was laid in the family vault187 of the duke of Medina Sidonia.[291] In the year 1562 it was removed, by order of his son, Don Martin, to New Spain, not, as di{247}rected by his will, to Cojohuacan,{*} but to the monastery of St. Francis in Tezcuco, where it was laid by the side of a daughter, and of his mother, Do?a Catalina Pizarro. In 1629 the remains188 of Cortés were again removed; and on the death of Don Pedro, fourth marquis of the Valley, it was decided by the authorities of Mexico to transfer them to the church of St. Francis, in that capital. The ceremonial was conducted with the pomp suited to the occasion. A military and religious procession was formed, with the archbishop of Mexico at its head. He was accompanied by the great dignitaries of church and state, the various associations with their respective banners, the several religious fraternities, and the members of the Audience. The coffin189, containing the relics190 of Cortés, was covered with black velvet191, and supported by the judges of the royal tribunals. On either side of it was a man in complete armor, bearing, on the right, a standard of pure white, with the arms of Castile embroidered192 in gold, and, on the left, a banner of black velvet, emblazoned in like manner with the armorial ensigns of the house of Cortés. Behind the corpse194 came the viceroy and a numerous escort of Spanish cavaliers, and the rear was closed by a battalion195 of infantry196, armed with pikes and arquebuses, and with their banners trailing on the ground. With this funeral pomp, by the sound of mournful music, and the slow beat of the muffled197 drum, the procession moved forward, with measured pace, till{248} it reached the capital, when the gates were thrown open to receive the mortal remains of the hero who, a century before, had performed there such prodigies198 of valor.
{*} [This may be accounted for by the fact that his intention to found a convent at Cuyoacan, as the place is now called, had, according to Alaman, never been carried out.—K.]
Yet his bones were not permitted to rest here undisturbed; and in 1794 they were removed to the Hospital of Jesus of Nazareth. It was a more fitting place, since it was the same institution which, under the name of “Our Lady of the Conception,” had been founded and endowed by Cortés, and which, with a fate not too frequent in similar charities, has been administered to this day on the noble principles of its foundation. The mouldering199 relics of the warrior200, now deposited in a crystal coffin secured by bars and plates of silver, were laid in the chapel, and over them was raised a simple monument, displaying the arms of the family, and surmounted201 by a bust202 of the Conqueror203, executed in bronze by Tolsa, a sculptor204 worthy of the best period of the arts.[292]
Unfortunately for Mexico, the tale does not stop here. In 1823, the patriot205 mob of the capital, in their zeal206 to commemorate207 the era of the national independence, and their detestation of the “old Spaniards,” prepared to break open the tomb which held the ashes of Cortés, and to scatter126 them to the winds! The authorities declined to interfere45 on the occasion; but the friends of the family, as is commonly reported, entered the vault by night, and, secretly removing the relics, prevented the commission of a sacrilege which must have left a{249} stain, not easy to be effaced208, on the scutcheon of the fair city of Mexico.[293] Humboldt, forty years ago, remarked that “we may traverse Spanish America from Buenos Ayres to Monterey, and in no quarter shall we meet with a national monument which the public gratitude has raised to Christopher Columbus or Hernando Cortés.”[294] It was reserved for our own age to conceive the design of violating the repose of the dead and insulting their remains! Yet the men who meditated209 this outrage were not the descendants of Montezuma, avenging210 the wrongs of their fathers and vindicating211 their own rightful inheritance. They were the descendants of the old Conquerors212, and their countrymen, depending on the right of conquest for their ultimate title to the soil.[295]
Cortés had no children by his first marriage. By his second he left four; a son, Don Martin,—the heir of his honors, and of persecutions even more severe than those of his father,[296]—and three daughters, who formed splendid alliances. He{250} left, also, five natural children, whom he particularly mentions in his testament and honorably provides for. Two of these, Don Martin, the son of Marina, and Don Luis Cortés, attained213 considerable distinction, and were created comendadores of the Order of St. Jago.[297]
The male line of the marquises of the Valley became extinct in the third generation. The title and estates descended214 to a female, and by her marriage were united with those of the house of Terranova, descendants of the “Great Captain,” Gonsalvo de Cordova.[298] By a subsequent marriage they were carried into the family of the duke of Monteleone, a Neapolitan noble. The present proprietor175 of these princely honors and of vast domains215, both in the Old and the New World, dwells in Sicily, and{251} boasts a descent—such as few princes can boast—from two of the most illustrious commanders of the sixteenth century, the “Great Captain,” and the Conqueror of Mexico.
. . . . . . .
The personal history of Cortés has been so minutely detailed216 in the preceding narrative217 that it will be only necessary to touch on the more prominent features of his character. Indeed, the history of the Conquest, as I have already had occasion to remark, is necessarily that of Cortés, who is, if I may so say, not merely the soul, but the body, of the enterprise, present everywhere in person, in the thick of the fight or in the building of the works, with his sword or with his musket219, sometimes leading his soldiers, and sometimes directing his little navy. The negotiations220, intrigues221, correspondence, are all conducted by him; and, like C?sar, he wrote his own Commentaries in the heat of the stirring scenes which form the subject of them. His character is marked with the most opposite traits, embracing qualities apparently222 the most incompatible223. He was avaricious224, yet liberal; bold to desperation, yet cautious and calculating in his plans; magnanimous, yet very cunning; courteous225 and affable in his deportment, yet inexorably stern; lax in his notions of morality, yet (not uncommon) a sad bigot. The great feature of his character was constancy of purpose; a constancy not to be daunted226 by danger, nor baffled by disappointment, nor wearied out by impediments and delays.
He was a knight-errant, in the literal sense of{252} the word. Of all the band of adventurous cavaliers whom Spain, in the sixteenth century, sent forth on the career of discovery and conquest, there was none more deeply filled with the spirit of romantic enterprise than Hernando Cortés. Dangers and difficulties, instead of deterring227, seemed to have a charm in his eyes. They were necessary to rouse him to a full consciousness of his powers. He grappled with them at the outset, and, if I may so express myself, seemed to prefer to take his enterprises by the most difficult side. He conceived, at the first moment of his landing in Mexico, the design of its conquest. When he saw the strength of its civilization, he was not turned from his purpose. When he was assailed228 by the superior force of Narvaez, he still persisted in it; and when he was driven in ruin from the capital, he still cherished his original idea. How successfully he carried it into execution, we have seen. After the few years of repose which succeeded the Conquest, his adventurous spirit impelled230 him to that dreary231 march across the marshes232 of Chiapa, and, after another interval233, to seek his fortunes on the stormy Californian Gulf. When he found that no other continent remained for him to conquer, he made serious proposals to the emperor to equip a fleet at his own expense, with which he would sail to the Moluccas and subdue234 the Spice Islands for the crown of Castile![299]
This spirit of knight-errantry might lead us to{253} undervalue his talents as a general and to regard him merely in the light of a lucky adventurer. But this would be doing him injustice235; for Cortés was certainly a great general, if that man be one who performs great achievements with the resources which his own genius has created. There is probably no instance in history where so vast an enterprise has been achieved by means apparently so inadequate236. He may be truly said to have effected the Conquest by his own resources. If he was indebted for his success to the co-operation of the Indian tribes, it was the force of his genius that obtained command of such materials. He arrested the arm that was lifted to smite237 him, and made it do battle in his behalf. He beat the Tlascalans, and made them his stanch238 allies. He beat the soldiers of Narvaez, and doubled his effective force by it. When his own men deserted239 him, he did not desert himself. He drew them back by degrees, and compelled them to act by his will, till they were all as one man. He brought together the most miscellaneous collection of mercenaries who ever fought under one standard: adventurers from Cuba and the Isles240, craving241 for gold; hidalgos, who came from the old country to win laurels242; brokendown cavaliers, who hoped to mend their fortunes in the New World; vagabonds flying from justice; the grasping followers of Narvaez, and his own{254} reckless veterans,—men with hardly a common tie, and burning with the spirit of jealousy and faction243; wild tribes of the natives from all parts of the country, who had been sworn enemies from their cradles, and who had met only to cut one another’s throats and to procure victims for sacrifice; men, in short, differing in race, in language, and in interests, with scarcely anything in common among them. Yet this motley congregation was assembled in one camp, compelled to bend to the will of one man, to consort244 together in harmony, to breathe, as it were, one spirit, and to move on a common principle of action! It is in this wonderful power over the discordant245 masses thus gathered under his banner that we recognize the genius of the great commander, no less than in the skill of his military operations.
His power over the minds of his soldiers was a natural result of their confidence in his abilities. But it is also to be attributed to his popular manners,—that happy union of authority and companionship which fitted him for the command of a band of roving adventurers. It would not have done for him to fence himself round with the stately reserve of a commander of regular forces. He was embarked with his men in a common adventure, and nearly on terms of equality, since he held his commission by no legal warrant. But, while he indulged this freedom and familiarity with his soldiers, he never allowed it to interfere with their strict obedience246 nor to impair247 the severity of discipline. When he had risen to higher consideration, although he affected248 more state, he still ad{255}mitted his veterans to the same intimacy249. “He preferred,” says Diaz, “to be called ‘Cortés’ by us, to being called by any title; and with good reason,” continues the enthusiastic old cavalier, “for the name of Cortés is as famous in our day as was that of C?sar among the Romans, or of Hannibal among the Carthaginians.”[300] He showed the same kind regard towards his ancient comrades in the very last act of his life. For he appropriated a sum by his will for the celebration of two thousand masses for the souls of those who had fought with him in the campaigns of Mexico.[301]
His character has been unconsciously traced by the hand of a master:
For, though with men of high degree
The proudest of the proud was he,{256}
Yet, trained in camps, he knew the art
They love a captain to obey,
Boisterous253 as March, yet fresh as May;
With open hand, and brow as free,
Lover of wine and minstrelsy;
Ever the first to scale a tower,
As venturous in a lady’s bower;—
From India’s fires to Zembla’s frost.”
Cortés, without much violence, might have sat for this portrait of Marmion.
Cortés was not a vulgar conqueror. He did not conquer from the mere218 ambition of conquest. If he destroyed the ancient capital of the Aztecs, it was to build up a more magnificent capital on its ruins. If he desolated255 the land and broke up its existing institutions, he employed the short period of his administration in digesting schemes for introducing there a more improved culture and a higher civilization. In all his expeditions he was careful to study the resources of the country, its social organization, and its physical capacities. He enjoined256 it on his captains to attend particularly to these objects. If he was greedy of gold, like most of the Spanish cavaliers in the New World, it was not to hoard257 it, nor merely to lavish258 it in the support of a princely establishment, but to secure funds for prosecuting259 his glorious discoveries. Witness his costly260 expeditions to the Gulf of California. His enterprises were not undertaken solely261 for mercenary objects; as is shown by the various{257} expeditions he set on foot for the discovery of a communication between the Atlantic and the Pacific. In his schemes of ambition he showed a respect for the interests of science, to be referred partly to the natural superiority of his mind, but partly, no doubt, to the influence of early education. It is, indeed, hardly possible that a person of his wayward and mercurial262 temper should have improved his advantages at the University; but he brought away from it a tincture of scholarship seldom found among the cavaliers of the period, and which had its influence in enlarging his own conceptions. His celebrated Letters are written with a simple elegance263 that, as I have already had occasion to remark, have caused them to be compared to the military narrative of C?sar. It will not be easy to find in the chronicles of the period a more concise264 yet comprehensive statement, not only of the events of his campaigns, but of the circumstances most worthy of notice in the character of the conquered countries.
Cortés was not cruel; at least, not cruel as compared with most of those who followed his iron trade. The path of the conqueror is necessarily marked with blood. He was not too scrupulous265, indeed, in the execution of his plans. He swept away the obstacles which lay in his track; and his fame is darkened by the commission of more than one act which his boldest apologists will find it hard to vindicate266. But he was not wantonly cruel. He allowed no outrage on his unresisting foes267. This may seem small praise; but it is an exception to the usual conduct of his countrymen in their conquests,{258} and it is something to be in advance of one’s time. He was severe, it may be added, in enforcing obedience to his orders for protecting their persons and their property. With his licentious crew, it was, sometimes, not without a hazard that he was so. After the Conquest, he sanctioned the system of repartimientos; but so did Columbus. He endeavored to regulate it by the most humane268 laws, and continued to suggest many important changes for ameliorating the condition of the natives. The best commentary on his conduct in this respect is the deference269 that was shown him by the Indians, and the confidence with which they appealed to him for protection in all their subsequent distresses270. In private life he seems to have had the power of attaching to himself warmly those who were near his person. The influence of his attachment271 is shown in every page of Bernal Diaz, though his work was written to vindicate the claims of the soldiers in opposition to those of the general. He seems to have led a happy life with his first wife, in their humble272 retirement273 in Cuba, and regarded the second, to judge from the expressions in his testament, with confidence and love. Yet he cannot be acquitted274 from the charge of those licentious gallantries which entered too generally into the character of the military adventurer of that day. He would seem also, by the frequent suits in which he was involved, to have been of an irritable275 and contentious276 spirit. But much allowance must be made for the irritability277 of a man who had been too long accustomed to independent sway, patiently to endure the checks and control of the petty{259} spirits who were incapable278 of comprehending the noble character of his enterprises. “He thought,” says an eminent279 writer, “to silence his enemies by the brilliancy of the new career on which he had entered. He did not reflect that these enemies had been raised by the very grandeur280 and rapidity of his success.”[302] He was rewarded for his efforts by the misinterpretation of his motives281; by the calumnious282 charges of squandering283 the public revenues and of aspiring284 to independent sovereignty. But, although we may admit the foundation of many of the grievances alleged285 by Cortés, yet, when we consider the querulous tone of his correspondence and the frequency of his litigation, we may feel a natural suspicion that his proud spirit was too sensitive to petty slights and too jealous of imaginary wrongs.
One trait more remains to be noticed in the character of this remarkable man; that is, his bigotry286, the failing of the age,—for surely it should be termed only a failing.[303] When we see the hand, red with the blood of the wretched native, raised to invoke287 the blessing288 of Heaven on the cause which it maintains, we experience something like a sensation of disgust at the act, and a doubt of its sin{260}cerity. But this is unjust. We should throw ourselves back (it cannot be too often repeated) into the age,—the age of the Crusades. For every Spanish cavalier, however sordid289 and selfish might be his private motives, felt himself to be the soldier of the Cross. Many of them would have died in defence of it. Whoever has read the correspondence of Cortés, or, still more, has attended to the circumstances of his career, will hardly doubt that he would have been among the first to lay down his life for the Faith. He more than once perilled290 life, and fortune, and the success of his whole enterprise, by the premature291 and most impolitic manner in which he would have forced conversion292 on the natives.[304] To the more rational spirit of the present day, enlightened by a purer Christianity, it may seem difficult to reconcile gross deviations293 from morals with such devotion to the cause of religion. But the religion taught in that day was one of form and elaborate ceremony. In the punctilious294 attention to discipline, the spirit of Christianity was permitted to evaporate. The mind, occupied with forms, thinks little of substance. In a worship that is addressed too exclusively to the senses, it is often the case that morality becomes divorced from religion, and the measure of righteousness is determined by the creed295 rather than by the conduct.
In the earlier part of the History I have given a{261} description of the person of Cortés.[305] It may be well to close this review of his character by the account of his manners and personal habits left us by Bernal Diaz, the old chronicler, who has accompanied us through the whole course of our narrative, and who may now fitly furnish the conclusion of it. No man knew his commander better; and, if the avowed object of his work might naturally lead to a disparagement of Cortés, this is more than counterbalanced by the warmth of his personal attachment, and by that esprit de corps193 which leads him to take a pride in the renown of his general.
“In his whole appearance and presence,” says Diaz, “in his discourse296, his table, his dress, in everything, in short, he had the air of a great lord. His clothes were in the fashion of the time; he set little value on silk, damask, or velvet, but dressed plainly and exceedingly neat;[306] nor did he wear massy chains of gold, but simply a fine one, of exquisite297 workmanship, from which was suspended a jewel having the figure of our Lady the Virgin298 and her precious Son, with a Latin motto cut upon it. On his finger he wore a splendid diamond ring; and from his cap, which, according to the fashion of that day, was of velvet, hung a medal, the device of which I do not remember. He was magnificently attended, as became a man of his rank, with chamberlains and major-domos and many pages; and the service of his table was splendid, with a quantity of both gold and silver plate. At noon{262} he dined heartily299, drinking about a pint300 of wine mixed with water. He supped well, though he was not dainty in regard to his food, caring little for the delicacies301 of the table, unless, indeed, on such occasions as made attention to these matters of some consequence.[307]
“He was acquainted with Latin, and, as I have understood, was made Bachelor of Laws; and when he conversed302 with learned men who addressed him in Latin, he answered them in the same language. He was also something of a poet; his conversation was agreeable, and he had a pleasant elocution. In his attendance on the services of the Church he was most punctual, devout184 in his manner, and charitable to the poor.[308]
“When he swore, he used to say, ‘On my conscience;’ and when he was vexed303 with any one, ‘Evil betide you.’ With his men he was very patient; and they were sometimes impertinent and even insolent304. When very angry, the veins305 in his throat and forehead would swell306, but he uttered no reproaches against either officer or soldier.
“He was fond of cards and dice307, and, when he played, was always in good humor, indulging freely in jests and repartees. He was affable with his followers, especially with those who came over with him from Cuba. In his campaigns he paid strict attention to discipline, frequently going the rounds himself during the night, and seeing that{263} the sentinels did their duty. He entered the quarters of his soldiers without ceremony, and chided those whom he found without their arms and accoutrements, saying, ‘It was a bad sheep that could not carry its own wool.’ On the expedition to Honduras he acquired the habit of sleeping after his meals, feeling unwell if he omitted it; and, however sultry or stormy the weather, he caused a carpet or his cloak to be thrown under a tree, and slept soundly for some time. He was frank and exceedingly liberal in his disposition308, until the last few years of his life, when he was accused of parsimony309. But we should consider that his funds were employed on great and costly enterprises, and that none of these, after the Conquest, neither his expedition to Honduras nor his voyages to California, were crowned with success. It was perhaps intended that he should receive his recompense in a better world; and I fully229 believe it; for he was a good cavalier, most true in his devotions to the Virgin, to the Apostle St. Peter, and to all the other Saints.”[309]
Such is the portrait, which has been left to us by the faithful hand most competent to trace it, of Hernando Cortés, the Conqueror of Mexico.
The End
The End
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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rancor
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| n.深仇，积怨 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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specification
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| n.详述；[常pl.]规格，说明书，规范 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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bishop
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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augury
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| n.预言，征兆，占卦 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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mortifying
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| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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enumeration
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| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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concurrent
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| adj.同时发生的，一致的 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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hemp
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| n.大麻；纤维 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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65
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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66
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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67
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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68
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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70
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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71
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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72
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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73
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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74
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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75
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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76
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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77
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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78
projector
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| n.投影机，放映机，幻灯机 | |
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79
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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80
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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81
majesty
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|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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82
jealousy
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|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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83
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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84
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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85
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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86
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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87
immediate
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|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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88
beseeching
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|
| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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89
ascertain
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|
| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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90
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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91
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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92
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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93
penetrated
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|
| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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94
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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95
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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97
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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98
pecuniary
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|
| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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99
pawn
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| n.典当，抵押，小人物，走卒；v.典当，抵押 | |
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100
procure
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|
| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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101
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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102
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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103
corrupted
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|
| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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104
tract
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|
| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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105
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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106
propriety
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|
| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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107
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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109
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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110
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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111
embarrassments
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|
| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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112
inflamed
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|
| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
itinerant
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|
| adj.巡回的；流动的 | |
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114
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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115
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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116
determined
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|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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117
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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118
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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119
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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120
attainment
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|
| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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121
memorable
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|
| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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122
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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123
Mediterranean
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|
| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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124
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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125
scattered
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|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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126
scatter
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|
| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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127
wreck
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|
| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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128
Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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129
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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130
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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131
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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132
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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133
derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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135
indignity
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|
| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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136
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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137
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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138
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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139
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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140
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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141
disparagement
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| n.轻视，轻蔑 | |
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142
scantily
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|
| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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143
gratitude
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|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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144
importunate
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|
| adj.强求的；纠缠不休的 | |
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145
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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146
toils
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| 网 | |
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147
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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148
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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149
leeches
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| n.水蛭( leech的名词复数 )；蚂蟥；榨取他人脂膏者；医生 | |
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150
vagrant
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|
| n.流浪者，游民；adj.流浪的，漂泊不定的 | |
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151
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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152
haughty
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|
| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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153
beguiled
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|
| v.欺骗( beguile的过去式和过去分词 )；使陶醉；使高兴；消磨（时间等） | |
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154
litigant
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|
| n.诉讼当事人；adj.进行诉讼的 | |
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155
deferred
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|
| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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156
irritation
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|
| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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157
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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158
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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159
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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160
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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161
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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162
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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163
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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164
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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165
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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166
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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167
nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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168
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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169
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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170
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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171
enjoins
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| v.命令( enjoin的第三人称单数 ) | |
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172
conscientious
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|
| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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173
scruples
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|
| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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174
equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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175
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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176
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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177
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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178
eradicated
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| 画着根的 | |
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179
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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180
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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181
contemplated
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|
| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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182
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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183
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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184
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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185
celebrated
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|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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186
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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187
vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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188
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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189
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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190
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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191
velvet
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|
| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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192
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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193
corps
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|
| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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194
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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195
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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196
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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197
muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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198
prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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199
mouldering
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| v.腐朽( moulder的现在分词 )；腐烂，崩塌 | |
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200
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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201
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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202
bust
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| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
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203
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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204
sculptor
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| n.雕刻家，雕刻家 | |
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205
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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206
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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207
commemorate
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| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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208
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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209
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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210
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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211
vindicating
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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212
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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213
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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214
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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215
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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216
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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217
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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218
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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219
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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220
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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221
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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222
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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223
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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224
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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225
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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226
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227
deterring
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的现在分词 ) | |
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228
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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229
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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230
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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231
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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232
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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233
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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234
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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235
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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236
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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237
smite
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| v.重击；彻底击败；n.打；尝试；一点儿 | |
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238
stanch
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| v.止住（血等）；adj.坚固的；坚定的 | |
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239
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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240
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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241
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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242
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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243
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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244
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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245
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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246
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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247
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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248
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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249
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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250
deigned
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| v.屈尊，俯就( deign的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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251
mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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252
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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253
boisterous
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| adj.喧闹的，欢闹的 | |
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254
buxom
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| adj.（妇女）丰满的，有健康美的 | |
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255
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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256
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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257
hoard
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| n./v.窖藏，贮存，囤积 | |
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258
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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259
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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260
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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261
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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262
mercurial
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| adj.善变的，活泼的 | |
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263
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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264
concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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265
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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266
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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267
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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268
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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269
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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270
distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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271
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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272
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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273
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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274
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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275
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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276
contentious
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| adj.好辩的，善争吵的 | |
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277
irritability
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| n.易怒 | |
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278
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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279
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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280
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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281
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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282
calumnious
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| adj.毁谤的，中伤的 | |
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283
squandering
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的现在分词 ) | |
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284
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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285
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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286
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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287
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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288
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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289
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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290
perilled
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| 置…于危险中（peril的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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291
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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292
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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293
deviations
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| 背离，偏离( deviation的名词复数 )； 离经叛道的行为 | |
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294
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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295
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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296
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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297
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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298
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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299
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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300
pint
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| n.品脱 | |
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301
delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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302
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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303
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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304
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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305
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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306
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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307
dice
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| n.骰子；vt.把（食物）切成小方块，冒险 | |
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308
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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309
parsimony
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| n.过度节俭，吝啬 | |
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