The French arrived at Jaffa on the 24th. They stayed there the 25th, 26th, 27th and 28th. Jaffa was indeed a city of misfortune for Bonaparte.
The reader will remember the four thousand prisoners whom Croisier and Eugene de Beauharnais had taken, who could neither be fed, nor sent to Cairo, and who had to be, and were, shot.
A graver and still more lamentable2 necessity awaited Bonaparte on his return. There was a hospital at Jaffa for plague-stricken patients. There is a fine picture by Gros, at the Musée, which portrays3 Bonaparte in the act of touching4 the plague stricken at Jaffa. The picture is[Pg 658] none the less beautiful because it represents an occurrence which did not take place.
Here is what M. Thiers says. We who are only petty novelists are sorry to find ourselves again in opposition5 to that giant among historians. It is the author of "The Revolution," of "The Consulate6 and the Empire" who is speaking.
When he reached Jaffa, Bonaparte blew up the fortifications. There was a hospital there for plague-stricken patients. It would have been impossible to carry them away. They would have been exposed to inevitable7 death had they been left where they were, either from sickness, hunger or the cruelty of the enemy. Therefore Bonaparte told Dr. Desgenettes that it would be much more humane8 to give them opium9 than to allow them to live; to which the doctor made the much-lauded reply: "My trade is to cure, not to kill." The opium was not administered, and this occurrence served to propagate an outrageous10 slander11 which has now been refuted.
I humbly12 beg M. Thiers's pardon, but this reply credited to Desgenettes, whom I knew as well as I did Larrey and all of the "Egyptians"—I mean my father's companions in the great expedition—is as apocryphal13 as that of Cambronne.
God forbid that I should slander (that is the word which M. Thiers used) the man who illuminated14 the first half of the nineteenth century with the torch of his glory; and when we come to Pichegru and the Duc d'Enghien, the reader will see whether I simply repeat infamous15 echoes.
We have said that Gros's picture represents something which did not happen, and we will prove it. Here is Davoust's report, written under the eyes and the orders of the commander-in-chief, in his official narrative16:
The army reached Jaffa on the 5th Prairial (May 24). It remained there the 6th, 7th, and 8th (25th, 26th, 27th of May). The time was spent in disciplining the villages which had behaved badly. The fortifications of Jaffa were all blown up. All the artillery17 of the place was thrown into the sea. The wounded were sent away, both by land and sea. There were only a few ships, and in order to give time[Pg 659] for the land evacuation we were obliged to defer18 the departure of the army until the 9th.
Kléber's division formed the rear-guard, and did not start from Jaffa until the 10th (29th of May).
You see not a word about the plague, not a word about the visit to the hospital, and, above all, nothing about the touching of the plague-stricken patients. Not a word in any of the official reports.
Bonaparte's eyes had been bent19 upon France ever since he had turned them from the East, and it would have been very much misplaced modesty20 on his part had he concealed21 such a remarkable22 fact, which would have done honor, not to his reason perhaps, but to his daring.
Furthermore, this is how Bourrienne, who was an eye-witness, and a very impressionable actor, relates the incident:
Bonaparte went to the hospital. He found men there with their limbs amputated, wounded soldiers, afflicted23 with ophthalmia, who were moaning piteously, and men sick with the plague. The beds occupied by the latter stood to the right of the entrance. I was walking beside the general. I affirm that I did not see him touch one of the plague patients. Why should he? They were in the last stages of the malady24; none of them spoke25. Bonaparte knew well that he was not immune from the malady. Would fortune interfere26 in his behalf to shield him. It had certainly not seconded his plans with sufficient ardor27 during the last two months for him to depend upon that.
I ask: Would he expose himself to certain death, and leave his army in the midst of a desert which we had just made by our own ravages28, in a demolished29 town, without help, or the hope of receiving any—he so necessary, so indispensable, as everybody must admit, to his army; he upon whom rested the responsibility of all the lives of those who had survived the last disaster, and who had just given proof of such devotion by their unalterable courage, their sufferings, and the endurance of privations; who were doing all that he could humanly ask of them, and who had confidence in him.
[Pg 660]
Bonaparte walked rapidly through the rooms, lightly flicking31 the yellow tops of his boots with the riding-whip which he held in his hand.
"The fortifications are destroyed. Fortune was against me at Saint-Jean-d'Acre. I must go back to Egypt to preserve it against the enemies who are coming. In a few hours the Turks will be here. Let all those who are strong enough to rise, get up and come with us; they will be carried on litters and horses."
There were at the most sixty down with the plague. Anything that may have been said about a greater number is mere33 exaggeration. Their absolute silence, their complete prostration34, and their general weakness announced the near approach of death. To take them in that state meant infallibly to introduce the plague in the army.
If one longs for ceaseless conquests, glory, and brilliant deeds one must accept his share of ill-fortune. When we think we have found something to cavil35 at in the actions of a leader who is hurried along by reverses and disastrous36 circumstances to terrible extremities37, it is essential, before passing judgment38 upon him, to post ourselves thoroughly39 as to the given condition of affairs, and ask ourselves with our hands on our hearts whether we would not have done as he did. Then we must pity the man who is forced to do something cruel, but we must absolve40 him, since victory—let us be frank about it—cannot be won except with such or similar horrible accompaniments.
Here again is some one who has every interest in telling the truth. Listen:
He ordered an examination to be made in order to determine what had best be done. The report stated that seven or eight were so dangerously ill that they could not live more than twenty-four hours longer, and that, furthermore, plague-stricken as they were, they would spread the disease among all the soldiers who came in contact with them. Several asked for instant death. He thought that it would be an act of charity to advance their death by a few hours.
Do you still doubt? Napoleon shall speak for himself in the first person.
Where is the man who would not have preferred a speedy death to the horror of living exposed to the tortures of these[Pg 661] barbarians41? If my son—and I think I love him as dearly as a child can be loved—were in a situation similar to that of those unfortunates, my opinion would be in favor of doing the same thing to him; and were I in the same position I should demand that it be done to me.
It seems that nothing could be clearer than those few lines. How does it happen that M. Thiers did not read them? And if he did read them, why did he deny a fact which was confessed by the man who would have the most interest in concealing42 it?
Thus we establish the truth, not for the purpose of attacking Bonaparte, who could not have acted otherwise, but to prove to the partisans43 of pure history that it is not always true history.
The little army followed the same route in returning from Cairo that it had on coming to Syria. But the heat grew more terrible each day. When they left Gaza it registered 35 degrees Centigrade, and if the mercury was placed in the sand it rose to 45 degrees. Bonaparte noticed two men filling a grave a short time before they reached El-Arich. He thought he recognized in them the two men to whom he had spoken a fortnight before. And when he questioned them they said that they were indeed the men who had carried Croisier's litter. The poor fellow had just died of tetanus.
"Did you bury his sabre with him?" asked Bonaparte.
"Yes," replied both men together.
He stayed until the grave was filled up. Then fearing that it might be violated, he said: "I want a volunteer to stay here as a sentinel until the army has passed."
"Here," said a voice.
Bonaparte turned and saw Quartermaster Falou seated upon his dromedary. "Ah, is it you?"
"Yes, citizen-general."
"How does it happen that you have a dromedary when the rest are on foot?"
"Because two men have died of the plague on my dromedary's back, and no one will ride it."
[Pg 662]
"And it seems that you are not afraid of the plague?"
"I am not afraid of anything, citizen-general."
"Very well. I will remember that. Look up your friend Faraud and both of you come to me at Cairo."
"We will be there, citizen-general."
Bonaparte glanced at Croisier's grave.
"Sleep in peace, poor Croisier," he said, "your modest grave will not often be disturbed."
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1 presentiments | |
n.(对不祥事物的)预感( presentiment的名词复数 ) | |
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2 lamentable | |
adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
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3 portrays | |
v.画像( portray的第三人称单数 );描述;描绘;描画 | |
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4 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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5 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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6 consulate | |
n.领事馆 | |
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7 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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8 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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9 opium | |
n.鸦片;adj.鸦片的 | |
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10 outrageous | |
adj.无理的,令人不能容忍的 | |
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11 slander | |
n./v.诽谤,污蔑 | |
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12 humbly | |
adv. 恭顺地,谦卑地 | |
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13 apocryphal | |
adj.假冒的,虚假的 | |
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14 illuminated | |
adj.被照明的;受启迪的 | |
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15 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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16 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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17 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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18 defer | |
vt.推迟,拖延;vi.(to)遵从,听从,服从 | |
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19 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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20 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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21 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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22 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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23 afflicted | |
使受痛苦,折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24 malady | |
n.病,疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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25 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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26 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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27 ardor | |
n.热情,狂热 | |
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28 ravages | |
劫掠后的残迹,破坏的结果,毁坏后的残迹 | |
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29 demolished | |
v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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30 logic | |
n.逻辑(学);逻辑性 | |
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31 flicking | |
(尤指用手指或手快速地)轻击( flick的现在分词 ); (用…)轻挥; (快速地)按开关; 向…笑了一下(或瞥了一眼等) | |
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32 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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33 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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34 prostration | |
n. 平伏, 跪倒, 疲劳 | |
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35 cavil | |
v.挑毛病,吹毛求疵 | |
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36 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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37 extremities | |
n.端点( extremity的名词复数 );尽头;手和足;极窘迫的境地 | |
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38 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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39 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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40 absolve | |
v.赦免,解除(责任等) | |
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41 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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42 concealing | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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43 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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