Argentina felt a sense of relief upon the downfall of Rosas, and once more the people breathed freely. The supreme power naturally fell into the hands of the victorious12 General Urquiza. The provinces had suffered most severely13 during the long period of civil wars. In Rioja the government had been overthrown14 fifteen times in seven months. Some of them were isolated15, others had been badly devastated16, but all of them were poor. Buenos Aires alone had increased in wealth and population. Hundreds of liberals had left the city or been exiled, but thousands had sought that city as a refuge from the disorders17 of the interior. Many English and Irish had settled in that province and engaged in the raising of sheep and cattle. The city alone contained one-fourth of the entire population of the confederation,[331] and the rest of the province had increased more rapidly than any of the others. Although military rule was ended with the change in government, the real subject of dispute was far from being solved.
As soon as he was named provisional executive General Urquiza adopted measures looking to the adoption19 of a constitution. The governors of the various provinces met and it was agreed to call a Congress in which each province should have an equal vote. Buenos Aires alone protested, and to avoid the predominance of that province the session was called to meet in Santa Fé. The legislature of Buenos Aires refused to assent20 to this arrangement. The city rose in revolt and sent an army to attack Santa Fé, while the Congress was holding its sessions. By this action Buenos Aires practically declared her independence of the other provinces, but never asked recognition of foreign governments as an independent state. Although the rest of the confederation never took any steps to force a union, they knew that it would never do to permit Buenos Aires to remain independent with its control of the La Plata and its tributaries21, which furnished the only natural communication with the interior. It was the[332] pacific policy of Urquiza alone that prevented more serious trouble at this time. He refused to become another Rosas.
On the 1st of May, 1853, a constitution was adopted which was substantially copied after that of the United States, and this constitution, with few amendments22, remains23 the fundamental law of Argentina to-day. The Paraná River was declared free to all the world, and the city of Paraná was selected as the temporary capital, with the city of Buenos Aires as permanent capital when that province should join the union. General José Justo Urquiza was elected the first constitutional president. Under his rule the provinces greatly prospered24. The connection of some of the border provinces was very slight at first, but they gradually began to see the benefits of a closer union. The relations between Buenos Aires and the confederation became so strained in 1859 that the former marched an army against Urquiza. The President defeated them and, advancing upon the metropolis25, compelled them to accept the constitution and join the confederation. This was about the last national service of President Urquiza, as his term expired in 1860. For many years after that he remained governor of Entre[333] Rios, and his influence was paramount26 in that section between the Paraná and Uruguay Rivers. During a revolt against his authority in 1870, the aged3 general and ex-President was cruelly assassinated27 in his own house by some followers28 of the opposing leader.
The successor of Urquiza was Dr. Santiago Derqui. Trouble soon arose in the new government over the intervention29 of the federal government in the province of San Juan, because of the assassination30 of the governor. His successor, who had been selected by the people, was captured by the government troops and shot. Buenos Aires protested at this summary execution, and the Congress resented their protest by refusing admittance to its members. The forces of Buenos Aires under the command of General Mitre defeated the federal army in the battle of Pavon, and Derqui was thus deposed31 after a brief rule, being compelled to flee from the country.
General Bartolomé Mitre, one of the most illustrious men of Argentina, was born in the city of Buenos Aires, on the 26th of June, 1821. His early education was received in his home city, but later he was sent to Montevideo. It was in this city that he imbibed32 revolutionary[334] doctrines33, and took up arms in 1838, in one of the disturbances34 so numerous in that country. A few years later, when just of legal age, he joined an expedition against Rosas, the dictator. The failure of this expedition caused Mitre to return to Montevideo and turn his fight against that usurper36 through the columns of the newspapers, a calling which he followed during a large part of his life. At the early age of twenty-three he headed another attack against the tyrant37, and was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Disagreements with the authorities caused the young officer to leave Montevideo, and he went to the province of Corrientes, where he took part in several engagements against Rosas. The failure of this enterprise caused him to flee to Bolivia, where he spent a number of years in newspaper work and as teacher in the military college. His career also led him to Peru and Chile, in each of which countries he joined in the political struggles, always in behalf of public liberties and generally opposed to the existing governments. His conduct in those countries led him to a number of persecutions, so that he fled from one country to another, generally being received by the people as the champion of modern[335] political ideas. He returned again to Montevideo, where he united with Urquiza, who was at that time a leader of the movement toward liberty from political dictators. He soon separated from that leader, however, becoming an active opponent of his, and to that end founded a newspaper in that city, called Los Debates.
In the revolution of 1852, Mitre entered the service of the National Guard, and this movement being successful he was appointed to a cabinet position, the first political office he had held in his own country. This government did not last long, and Mitre was soon found in the military service again. For a while he edited El Nacional, and took a part in the forming of a new constitution. For a number of years his time was alternated between military service, literary work, editorial services and political office. In 1860 he was elected governor of the province of Buenos Aires, and in 1862, by the victory of Pavon, General Mitre succeeded to the presidency38 of the republic. The accession of this high-minded patriot39 ended the period of uncertainty40 in Argentina. Although he reached his high position as the representative of victorious Buenos Aires, he immediately set himself to work to remodel42 and strengthen the[336] federation18, a task for which he had long prepared himself. Buenos Aires became the seat of government once more. The autonomy of the provinces was not interfered43 with, but power and population naturally gravitated toward that city. From that time the tendency has constantly been toward strengthening the bonds of cohesion44. President Mitre also sought to work out a more democratic form of government, as preventative of the uprisings which were so numerous and distracting. This work, however, was seriously interrupted by the Paraguayan war, in which he acted as Commander-General of the allied45 forces from 1865 to 1868. The aggressive and ambitious policy of General Lopez, the dictator of that country, united Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina in an attempt to throttle46 his pretensions47. It was only accomplished48 after a bloody49 war of several years, and the killing50 or disabling of almost every man in Paraguay capable of bearing arms. In 1868 President Mitre’s term of office ended, and he was presented by the people with a fine home in the capital. After his retirement51 he served as senator for that province, in which he did good service for his country. He did effective work as editor of La Nacion, a journal which he[337] owned, and through which he propounded52 his political ideas. At last ripe in years, full of honours and with the universal appreciation53 of his fellow countrymen he departed from this life in 1906.
During the term of President Mitre Argentina made great strides in material prosperity and industrial development. The Paraguayan war furnished a splendid market for the produce of the country, for the expense of the war was mostly borne by Brazil. When the election was held in that year Dr. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, a native of the province of San Juan, was chosen. This election was held without interference from any source and the candidate himself was in Washington as his country’s representative at that time. It was a wise selection, for even the jealous Porte?os could find little fault with the policy and attitude of the new President. His most bitter opponents were compelled to admit that upright dealing54 and a desire to promote the best interests of Argentina characterized his administration. He is best remembered for the work done in behalf of education, and for that reason has been referred to as the “school-teacher President.” He was a great admirer of President Lincoln[338] and wrote a biography in Spanish of our martyred president. One of his books closes with these words: “Without instruction liberty is impossible;” and these words seem to have been the expression of his creed55. Comparative peace reigned56, and prosperity again made strides in spite of the weight of the heavy debt incurred57 by the Paraguayan war. An epidemic58 of yellow fever at this time is also memorable59, as it is said to have caused the death of twenty-four thousand persons in Buenos Aires within six months. Notwithstanding all these hindrances61 to prosperity, the termination of President Sarmiento’s term in 1874 found great advances made in the republic. Education had progressed, railways had been extended, and the administration of justice had been improved. Immigration on a large scale had been turned toward Argentina. Perhaps the greatest criticism that can be offered is that his administration was practically the beginning of the policy of national and commercial extravagance which finally ended in financial disaster. Sarmiento died in 1888, at the age of seventy-seven.
The question of a successor to Sarmiento again aroused the old jealousies62. At that time[339] Argentina was a loosely-joined organization of fourteen states, each enjoying sovereign rights and each jealous of the national government. Both Mitre and Sarmiento had endeavoured to unite the provinces more closely, but with little effect. The difficulty of communication was perhaps detrimental63 to consolidation64. Sarmiento absolutely refused to be drawn65 into the controversy66 or take any part in the selection of his successor. The provincials67, however, won again when Dr. Nicolás Avellaneda, a native of Tucuman, was chosen. This election almost resulted in a serious revolution. After his inauguration69, and in order to intimidate70 the Porte?os, the President made an ostentatious parade of military strength. A meeting of prominent citizens was held, and a discussion as to the best means of combating the President followed. It was decided71 to found the Tiro Nacional, an organization ostensibly formed for rifle shooting, but in reality a volunteer military organization. The enthusiasm of the young men for this organization was unbounded, and every Sunday thousands attended the parade grounds to receive instruction. It was not long until the Tiro Nacional aroused the suspicion of the President and his advisors72.[340] General Mitre and other officers in the army, who were active in the Tiro, were summoned and told that their further connection with that organization would subject them to the charge of treason. As an answer to this they immediately resigned their commissions. Conflicts between national troops and members of the Tiro were narrowly averted74 in several instances. A compromise was finally effected which temporarily averted hostilities75, as public attention was again centred upon a successor.
General Bartolomé Mitre might have been chosen again, but he refused to become a candidate. There was no lack of willing candidates, however, but it brought to the front one of the strongest men that Argentina has yet known, General Julio Roca. General Roca, like his predecessor77, was a native of Tucuman. He had distinguished78 himself in campaigns against turbulent Indians, and also in command of troops in several revolutionary outbreaks. He had shown great skill and tact79 in organization. One of his campaigns had opened up the vast region of Patagonia to civilization. As a result of his victory, this land, which had hitherto been considered as a barren waste, was added to the national domain80 and given territorial[341] government in order to avoid state jealousies. This caused General Roca to be called a national benefactor81 by his friends. Foreseeing that a call to arms would come sooner or later General Roca applied82 himself to strengthening the army, while his followers fought his political battles. For the first time the nationalists openly and strenuously83 advocated the confiscation84 of the city of Buenos Aires as the federal capital. To this Roca gave his adherence85, and he became the candidate of the powerful Cordoba “League,” which was a political organization of unusual strength.
Each side now began to prepare for the impending86 conflict, although for months these strained relations continued. The Porte?os were hampered by a lack of arms and ammunition87. In June, 1880, an open rupture88 occurred in the capital between the presidential escort and a group of citizens. The incident was reported as an attempt upon the life of President Avellaneda. The President fled the city and joined the main body of federal troops a few miles out. General Roca commanded these troops, which numbered about eight thousand, and some gunboats. The city was unfortified, but the Porte?os began to throw up entrenchments[342] and had about fifteen thousand men under arms. These troops, however, lacked military training, while the government forces had seen service in several minor89 campaigns. Wrangling90, vacillation91 and jealousy92 all weakened the power of the Porte?os. Each side delayed the conflict which all felt to be inevitable93. There were minor skirmishes, but it was not until July that a serious encounter took place, on the 20th of that month. Roca decided to make an attack and placed his forces accordingly. Several points of assault were arranged. The battle began very early on the morning of that date with picket94 skirmishing. The defence stubbornly resisted the advance and made a valorous fight. The losses on both sides were severe; especially was this true of the Porte?os, who also began to be distressed95 because of lack of ammunition. They had no reserve stores on which to fall back. On the second day the fighting was renewed with odds96 in favour of the government. The national troops finally forced their way over the Barracas Bridge into the city. The total casualties had been not less than five thousand, with the greatest loss among the city’s defenders97. Both sides rested for a day, the 22nd. An armistice98 was declared and[343] negotiations99 opened. The national government, knowing the lack of ammunition, imposed onerous100 conditions. Participators in the revolt, however, were not to be punished, but should be denied official employment. When Congress met a few months later it ratified101 the election of General Roca as President. The city of Buenos Aires was proclaimed a federal district and the national capital. Thus the principal cause of friction between the provinces was forcibly removed. This was practically the last step in the process of consolidation which had been going on. This great city is now one of the strongest ties binding102 together the different provinces, as each one has a sense of joint103 ownership in and pride of their beautiful capital.
Centralization received a fresh impetus104 with the ascendency of President Roca. The provinces, however, got more than they had bargained for. They had succeeded in humiliating the province of Buenos Aires, but a strong central government was not one of their desires. Roca, hitherto an unknown political quantity, set himself to work to bring order out of chaos105, and to develop a national spirit; to teach the people of all the provinces that first of all they[344] were Argentinians. He surprised both his opponents and supporters; the first by his fairness, and the latter by the fact that they could not dictate106 to him. He did not act hastily but studied the situation. He had visited nearly every section of the country and knew the immense undeveloped resources of the country. To populate these lands and bring them under contribution to civilization was his great aim. Within a year his power was absolute, but he began no repressive measures. He never allowed militarism to become obnoxious107. As a result Argentina entered upon an era of development and evolution that was simply marvellous. A reckless optimism ruled the country. Railway extension on a broader scale began; immigration agencies were opened up in Europe, government lands were sold at low rates. Public works were inaugurated, on a scale hitherto unprecedented108, new docks were built in Buenos Aires and adequate drainage undertaken. European money lenders offered money for any enterprise. The petty jealousies were restrained and foreign capital encouraged. With all the skill and diplomacy109 of a shrewd ruler a discontented element still remained, those who were “out.” In Santa Fé[345] and Entre Rios disturbances arose which were quickly quelled110, and in Buenos Aires further trouble threatened. This latter was due to the national interference in elections. The vanity of the Porte?os was somewhat appeased111 by the efforts they made to beautify La Plata, their new capital, which was intended to rival the older city in magnificence and importance.
When the question of a successor became necessary Roca declared he would maintain absolute neutrality. Such a thing was almost unheard of in South America, and the people placed little credence112 in it. Among the several candidates was his brother-in-law, Miguel Juarez Celman. This man stood before the country in the guise113 of the official candidate. If Roca did nothing to assist, he did nothing to hinder Celman’s selection. When the election arrived there was practically no contest, and Celman was chosen almost unanimously. At the election in March electors equal to twice the number of representatives in Congress are elected, who meet on June 12th and choose a president and vice-president.
Celman was an unfortunate choice. As governor of Cordoba he had shown no administrative114 ability, nor later in Congress. There was[346] little to recommend him and he had been chosen by the Cordoba “Clique,” because of his pliancy115. The almost four years of his administration are memorable for reckless private and public borrowing. Flattery and adulation turned the head of the new President. Many thought that Roca would be the power behind the throne, but events disproved that idea. With his head turned by the servility shown him, Celman soon chafed116 at any restraint. He broke loose from all control, and even Roca soon cooled. Political adventurers began to fill the offices and an era of carpet-bagging followed. Elections for senators and deputies were openly manipulated. Bribery117 and corruption118 were everywhere apparent. Concessions120 and monopolies were scattered121 broadcast. A healthy activity was followed by a mad rush of speculation122. The provincial68 governments followed suit. The corruption of former days sunk into insignificance123 beside the orgy of this administration. Banks of issue were established throughout the republic, whose notes were guaranteed by national bonds. The paper circulation was almost quadrupled and the premium124 on gold rose. As the banks were obliged to purchase bonds of the government, this gave it a ready supply of[347] money. Soon this was squandered125 and the national government found itself obligated for one hundred and ninety-six million dollars on these guarantees.
The conservative element looked on this extravagance with dismay, and rumblings of discontent were heard throughout the republic, although many did not seem to have any apprehensions126 until the final crash came. The public continued to speculate on the scrip issued. Meetings were held by these malcontents, but the discontented centres were too far apart. A central league was formed which was called the “union Civica,” in which a number of notable names were included, men who were actuated by purely127 patriotic128 motives129. This was in 1887, just a year after Celman’s inauguration. Meetings were held, and literature freely distributed calling upon the people to protect themselves against the dangers threatened by this administration. During the two years following its organization the union Civica spread its propaganda extensively. The headquarters were maintained in Buenos Aires, but local clubs were formed in nearly every town and village throughout the country. Adhesion was publicly given to the tenets of the union Civica in many[348] provinces, for public feeling was greatly aroused.
In 1889 the beginning of the crisis came, and by the end of that year the organizers felt they could count on the moral support of the majority of the people. The government did not sleep during this time. Meetings were broken up, newspapers were censored130 and editors threatened. Terrorism, however, did not check the growth of the anti-administration feeling. The President’s action with the Mortgage Banks, which were practically forced to loan money on worthless securities to political favourites, was the last straw. Celman, although aware of the tremendous opposition131, relied upon the strength of his army. The foreign colonies protested, and their influence was strong as they owned all the public utilities. Congress passed a resolution demanding his resignation. Force did not avail with public sentiment so aroused. An uprising was finally advocated as the only recourse, although hitherto the union had acted within its constitutional rights. The army and navy were sounded and considerable encouragement was received. The date for the revolt was finally set for the 26th of July, 1890, and the Plaza132 Lavalle as the place. This plaza was[349] barricaded133 and a force of fifteen hundred armed men occupied it. The government troops rendezvoused134 on the Plaza Libertad, a few hundred yards away. Sharpshooters were placed on the housetops to pick off the insurgents135, but they were unable to dislodge them. Some vessels136 of the fleet attempted to bombard the government buildings, but their shells fell wide of their mark. Reinforcements of the government, as well as a shortage of ammunition, prevented the success of the revolutionary forces. An armistice was arranged and negotiations opened up for a settlement. The insurgents demanded forgiveness of themselves and the resignation of the President, and this was agreed to. His resignation caused scenes of the wildest excitement, and not until then was the real magnitude of the disaffection known. Public holidays were observed for three days. In no quarter was a good word to be said for the defeated President or his administration, and he disappeared from view almost as completely as if the earth had engulfed137 him. In Europe the keenest pleasure was shown, as the downfall of the President was looked upon as evidence that Argentina would thereafter insist upon honesty in the conduct of its public officials.
[350]
Dr. Carlos Pellegrini, the Vice-President, succeeded to the office of chief magistrate138. The new President had already acquired a somewhat varied139 experience in public affairs. The name signifies his Italian descent, but his mother was an Englishwoman of distinguished family, and he had thus inherited some sturdy Anglo-Saxon qualities. He had many friends, but there were skeptics also, because he had not protested against Celman’s policy. No one doubted his ability. His first duty was to organize a cabinet that would conciliate the various factions, but that was no easy task. He succeeded in getting former-President Roca to accept the portfolio140 of Minister of the Interior, and the other appointments were then easily and successfully filled. The new cabinet was a fortunate combination of the diverse political elements. Every one seemed fairly well satisfied, except the Cordoba “Clique.”
An empty treasury141 and a legacy142 of debts of the Celman administration soon made trouble for the new President and his cabinet. Concessions which contained money guarantees had been scattered broadcast, and these obligations were being pressed. The Congress still[351] contained the corrupt119 members who had been elected through the official influence of Celman. Things drifted from bad to worse, and the general inflation of public and commercial enterprises brought about an economic and financial crisis. The government had no funds with which to meet even the ordinary expenses, let alone the contractual obligations, and national bankruptcy143 was threatened. The resources had all been mortgaged. As a makeshift the President decided to issue inconvertible notes, and an issue of sixty millions was legalized. This gave temporary relief only and paved the way for greater complications in the future, as the currency rapidly depreciated144. Foreign creditors145 became pressing. The government finally defaulted in its obligations. The Banco Nacional failed, and the resources of all the banks were taxed to the uttermost. Pellegrini, knowing that his tenure146 was only temporary, became discouraged, and no permanent solution was attempted by him. No human foresight147 could devise measures that would immediately bring prosperity, and the people were impatient. Dr. Pellegrini was obliged to wait until later years before his work was really appreciated. He served as national senator in after years,[352] and passed away in 1906, mourned by the nation.
A large following began to hail General Bartolomé Mitre as the only saviour148, and he finally, but with reluctance149, consented to be a candidate. Another element wanted Roca, but neither of these men aspired150 to the presidency. The two held a conference and decided that neither would be a candidate, if a non-party candidate would be selected. Dr. Luis Saenz Pe?a, who had been a judge of the Supreme Court for many years, was chosen as this candidate, and was elected practically without opposition, and with the active support of Pellegrini, who imprisoned151 some of the opposition. Saenz Pe?a was sixty-eight years of age, and it was thought that his high character and broad experience of men and matters would be just the thing for the country. He had no part in the means taken to exile the opposition leaders and prevent a free election. In fact it is doubtful if he had any real desire for the position.
Thus it was that on the 12th of October, 1892, Dr. Saenz Pe?a took the oath of office as President, and Dr. Pellegrini retired152 almost unnoticed. This was the first instance where a President[353] had assumed the office of executive without a party behind him. President Pe?a had no political following upon whom he could depend for support. His idea was to administer public affairs for the general good, without reference to political exigencies153. Unforeseen obstacles soon arose, for the Senators and Deputies were opportunists and looking for personal advantage. The first cabinet resigned after a few stormy months. His thirty years’ service on the bench had unfitted him to grasp political exigencies. He refused to use his official prerogatives154 to influence Congress, although the latter constantly threw obstacles in his path. Disturbances in several provinces because of local conditions stirred up the feeling of revolt and a revolution was narrowly averted. The opposition endeavoured to make it a general uprising but did not succeed. Although Saenz Pe?a had allied himself with those opposed to Roca, that general took the field against the revolutionists in Rosario and Santa Fé and restored order, or at least a semblance155 of it. The President was determined156 to effect economies in national expenditures157, but this was opposed by Congress. The scene of contest was transferred to Congress and the[354] press. When Congress met in June, 1894, the relations between the two departments were strained very much. The President was too conscientious158 in his efforts to be free to initiate159 reforms to use his patronage160 in order to influence the legislators. Congress did nothing from month to month and neglected to pass the necessary appropriation161 bills. Taxes had been increased to pay the obligations of the government, so that the people were rebelling and war with Chile began to seem imminent162. Congress refused to grant the request of the President for money and supplies. A ministerial crisis arose, and Dr. Pe?a found great difficulty in the formation of a new cabinet. The friction became more and more intense, until the President presented his resignation early in 1895, and the tension was relieved. He never again appeared in public life.
Dr. José Uriburu, who succeeded to the presidency, had been in diplomatic positions for many years. He was also unacquainted with political methods, for he had spent much of his life in foreign countries. Knowing that a repetition of the Pe?a failure would bring disaster to the nation former-Presidents Roca and Pellegrini decided to support Uriburu with all[355] their resources. This assured the new President a working majority in Congress. Hardly had he assumed office before complications with Chile over the boundary threatened almost immediate41 war. Excitement became intense, and a large credit was voted by Congress for defence. The question was finally submitted to arbitration163 and war averted. President Cleveland also decided a dispute with Brazil over the limitations of Misiones adverse164 to Argentina, but this award was quietly accepted by the government. A default in the subsidy165 of the railways also caused trouble. The President asked for fifty millions of dollars in bonds to compound with the companies, and this was finally authorized166. The support of Roca and Pellegrini during the three years and nine months of Uriburu’s term carried it safely through a trying period, and much was accomplished in restoring the finances to a better footing.
As the election of 1898 drew near public sentiment seemed to concentrate on former-President Roca as the man to steer167 the ship of state, and he was elected practically without opposition. His former administration had been successful; he was at the head of the only[356] really national party in the republic; he seemed to have the qualities of a leader who could rally around him the discordant168 political elements into which Argentina was divided. In October, 1898, Dr. Roca assumed office again, just eighteen years after he had first been placed in control of Argentine affairs. During his second term the boundary question with Chile was settled by W. J. Buchanan, the United States minister, as arbitrator, although a rupture in the negotiations was narrowly averted on several occasions. President Roca cleverly avoided the rupture, although it was at times difficult because of the excited state of public opinion. He scathingly rebuked169 the administration of justice in one of his messages to Congress, and this led to reform and the dismissal of several judges. A meeting with President Errazuiz of Chile was arranged, and this took place at Punta Arenas170. On the way the President visited several of the coast settlements in Patagonia. Hitherto these southern territories had been neglected, but this visit brought them prominently into notice. President Roca also visited President Campos Salles, of Brazil, and received a return visit from that official. No revolutionary disturbances[357] arose during this second term, but several of the provinces experienced trouble, and in Buenos Aires the national government was obliged to take charge of the provincial administration because of financial irresponsibility. Many reforms in the finances of the country were accomplished. The value of the dollar rose to forty cents and the beginning of a gold reserve was made. Dr. Roca deserves great credit for the work of his administration, and he still lives to enjoy the confidence and good will of his fellow citizens.
At the meeting of the electoral college on the 12th of June, 1904, Dr. Manuel Quintana was chosen President. Several prominent men, including former-Presidents Pellegrini and Uriburu, were candidates to succeed President Roca, but a new man was selected. President Quintana came of a distinguished family, and was a native of Buenos Aires. By profession he was a lawyer, and had been the legal advisor73 of many corporations, including several of the railways, so that his election was eminently171 satisfactory to the foreign interests. When elected he was sixty-eight years of age and had been active in politics for many years, but his record had been clear. The administration of President[358] Quintana was marked by a steady advance in the financial standing60 of Argentina. Peace reigned, and there was only one slight revolution in February, 1905. At that time revolts broke out simultaneously172 at Rosario, Bahia Blanca and Mendoza among some government troops, but this disturbance35 was soon quelled. The greatest damage was inflicted173 in the last named city, where the revolutionists turned their cannon174 on the Governor’s Palace and almost reduced it to ruins. Some encounters also took place in the streets of Buenos Aires. The revolution came to an abrupt175 end, however, after a few days, but not before a number had lost their lives. Several of the conspirators176 were sentenced to short terms in prison, while a larger number escaped across the border into Chile. This was a radical177 departure from the former custom of granting general amnesty to all who took part in revolutions against the government.
In 1906 President Quintana died and the office fell to Dr. José Figueroa Alcorta, who had been elected with him as Vice-President. President Figueroa was only forty-four years of age at the time of his inauguration and in the very prime of life. He was a native of[359] Cordoba, and had been a National Senator from that state. He proved himself to be well fitted for the duties of that high office, and safely guided the destinies of the country without serious friction. He himself was a hard worker, and the executive could be found at work in his office early and late. He cared little for display or the social features of the position, and was a much more difficult man to meet than the average President of South America. This administration is too recent to generalize; but suffice it to say that both external and comparative internal peace reigned, and the development of the country and its resources steadily178 progressed.
In the campaign of 1910 there were two active candidates, Dr. Udaondo and Dr. Roque Saenz Pe?a, son of the former President of the same name. Many meetings were held by the followers of the former, the billboards179 were plastered with statements and appeals to the voters, but there was not at any time a question as to who had the “call.” The official party was well organized and the log-rolling was quietly conducted. When the electors met the vote was almost unanimous for Dr. Saenz Pe?a. The newly-elected President, who assumed office[360] on the 12th of October, entered upon a political career early in life. His first office was deputy in the state legislature of Buenos Aires. Later he became Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Celman. Following the fall of that man, and the scandals which were unearthed180, he retired from public life for several years. Since that time he has served in several diplomatic positions, and was a member of the Pan-American Conference held in Washington. At the time of his election he was minister Plenipotentiary to the governments of Italy and Switzerland. President Saenz Pe?a assumes his office with the good will of the foreign colony, and promises to give Argentina a peaceful and progressive administration. His term of office will not expire until 1916.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
disastrous
|
|
| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
aged
|
|
| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
factions
|
|
| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
pivot
|
|
| v.在枢轴上转动；装枢轴，枢轴；adj.枢轴的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
strife
|
|
| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
adherent
|
|
| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
supremacy
|
|
| n.至上；至高权力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
mooted
|
|
| adj.未决定的，有争议的，有疑问的v.提出…供讨论( moot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
hampered
|
|
| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
friction
|
|
| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
victorious
|
|
| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
severely
|
|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
overthrown
|
|
| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
isolated
|
|
| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
devastated
|
|
| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
disorders
|
|
| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
federation
|
|
| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
adoption
|
|
| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
assent
|
|
| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
tributaries
|
|
| n. 支流 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
amendments
|
|
| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
remains
|
|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
prospered
|
|
| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
metropolis
|
|
| n.首府；大城市 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
paramount
|
|
| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
assassinated
|
|
| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
followers
|
|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
intervention
|
|
| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
assassination
|
|
| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
deposed
|
|
| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
imbibed
|
|
| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
doctrines
|
|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
disturbances
|
|
| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
disturbance
|
|
| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
usurper
|
|
| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
tyrant
|
|
| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
presidency
|
|
| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
patriot
|
|
| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
uncertainty
|
|
| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
remodel
|
|
| v.改造，改型，改变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
interfered
|
|
| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
cohesion
|
|
| n.团结，凝结力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
allied
|
|
| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
throttle
|
|
| n.节流阀，节气阀，喉咙；v.扼喉咙，使窒息，压 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
pretensions
|
|
| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
bloody
|
|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
killing
|
|
| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
retirement
|
|
| n.退休，退职 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
propounded
|
|
| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
appreciation
|
|
| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
dealing
|
|
| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
creed
|
|
| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
reigned
|
|
| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
incurred
|
|
| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
epidemic
|
|
| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
memorable
|
|
| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
hindrances
|
|
| 阻碍者( hindrance的名词复数 )； 障碍物； 受到妨碍的状态 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
jealousies
|
|
| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
detrimental
|
|
| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
consolidation
|
|
| n.合并,巩固 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
provincials
|
|
| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
provincial
|
|
| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
inauguration
|
|
| n.开幕、就职典礼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
intimidate
|
|
| vt.恐吓，威胁 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
advisors
|
|
| n.顾问，劝告者( advisor的名词复数 )；（指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
advisor
|
|
| n.顾问，指导老师，劝告者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
averted
|
|
| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
hostilities
|
|
| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
wagons
|
|
| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
predecessor
|
|
| n.前辈，前任 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
distinguished
|
|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
tact
|
|
| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
domain
|
|
| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
benefactor
|
|
| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
applied
|
|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
strenuously
|
|
| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
confiscation
|
|
| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
adherence
|
|
| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
impending
|
|
| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
ammunition
|
|
| n.军火，弹药 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
rupture
|
|
| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
minor
|
|
| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
wrangling
|
|
| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
vacillation
|
|
| n.动摇；忧柔寡断 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
jealousy
|
|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
inevitable
|
|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
picket
|
|
| n.纠察队；警戒哨；v.设置纠察线；布置警卫 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
distressed
|
|
| 痛苦的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
odds
|
|
| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
defenders
|
|
| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
armistice
|
|
| n.休战，停战协定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
negotiations
|
|
| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
onerous
|
|
| adj.繁重的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
ratified
|
|
| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
binding
|
|
| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
joint
|
|
| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
impetus
|
|
| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
chaos
|
|
| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
dictate
|
|
| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
obnoxious
|
|
| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
unprecedented
|
|
| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
diplomacy
|
|
| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
quelled
|
|
| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
appeased
|
|
| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
credence
|
|
| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
guise
|
|
| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
114
administrative
|
|
| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
pliancy
|
|
| n.柔软，柔顺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
chafed
|
|
| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
bribery
|
|
| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
corruption
|
|
| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
corrupt
|
|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
concessions
|
|
| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
scattered
|
|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
speculation
|
|
| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
insignificance
|
|
| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
premium
|
|
| n.加付款；赠品；adj.高级的；售价高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
squandered
|
|
| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
apprehensions
|
|
| 疑惧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
purely
|
|
| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
patriotic
|
|
| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
motives
|
|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
censored
|
|
| 受审查的，被删剪的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
plaza
|
|
| n.广场，市场 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
barricaded
|
|
| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
rendezvoused
|
|
| v.约会，会合( rendezvous的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
insurgents
|
|
| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
vessels
|
|
| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
engulfed
|
|
| v.吞没，包住( engulf的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
magistrate
|
|
| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
varied
|
|
| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
portfolio
|
|
| n.公事包；文件夹；大臣及部长职位 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
treasury
|
|
| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
legacy
|
|
| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
bankruptcy
|
|
| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
depreciated
|
|
| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的过去式和过去分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
creditors
|
|
| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
tenure
|
|
| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
foresight
|
|
| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
saviour
|
|
| n.拯救者，救星 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
reluctance
|
|
| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
aspired
|
|
| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
imprisoned
|
|
| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
retired
|
|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
exigencies
|
|
| n.急切需要 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
prerogatives
|
|
| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
semblance
|
|
| n.外貌，外表 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
expenditures
|
|
| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
conscientious
|
|
| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
initiate
|
|
| vt.开始，创始，发动；启蒙，使入门；引入 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
patronage
|
|
| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
appropriation
|
|
| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
imminent
|
|
| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
arbitration
|
|
| n.调停，仲裁 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
adverse
|
|
| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
subsidy
|
|
| n.补助金，津贴 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
authorized
|
|
| a.委任的，许可的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
steer
|
|
| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
discordant
|
|
| adj.不调和的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
rebuked
|
|
| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
arenas
|
|
| 表演场地( arena的名词复数 )； 竞技场； 活动或斗争的场所或场面； 圆形运动场 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
eminently
|
|
| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
simultaneously
|
|
| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
inflicted
|
|
| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
cannon
|
|
| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
abrupt
|
|
| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
conspirators
|
|
| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
radical
|
|
| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
steadily
|
|
| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
billboards
|
|
| n.广告牌( billboard的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
180
unearthed
|
|
| 出土的（考古） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |