[30]
“An admirable horseman, the young Frenchman accompanied the still younger American misses in their rides. There were free and delightful6 little tours on horseback, charming excursions along the shady roads which traverse the gay landscape of Connecticut. Such years carried with them for Clemenceau ineffaceable memories of a period during which his temperament7 accomplished8 the task of gaining strength and acquiring refinement9. At the same time that he enriched his mind with solid conceptions of Anglo-Saxon philosophy, and perfected his general cultivation10, he took his first lessons in the delicacies11 of American flirtation12. It was in the course of these pleasing jaunts13, where the fresh laughter of these young ladies echoed through the bright scenery, that it was his lot to become betrothed14 to one of them, Miss Mary Plummer. Henceforth, in consequence of the sound, independent and many-sided education which he had, so to say, imposed upon himself, Clemenceau had completed the last stage of his intellectual development. He was ripe to play great parts. For the rest, events were not destined15 long to delay the throwing into full relief his versatile16, intrepid17 and powerful characteristics.”
And so Clemenceau, thus prepared to meet what the future might have in store for him, returned to Paris. There are cities in the history of the human race which have taken unto themselves a personality, not only for their own inhabitants, but for succeeding ages, and for the world at large. Babylon, Athens, Jerusalem, Rome, Bagdad, Florence, each and all convey to the mind a conception of chic18 individuality and collective achievement which brings them within the range of our own knowledge, admiration19 and respect, which raises them also to the level of ideals of culture for men living in far different civilisations. They are still oases20 of brightness and greenery amid the wilderness21 of unconscious growth. The wars of old time, the cruelty of long-past days, the records of brutality22 and lust23 are forgotten: only the memory of greatness or beauty remains24.
[31]
“Terror by night, the flaming battle-call, Fire on the roof-tree, dreadful blood and woe25!— They cease for tears, yet joyful26, knowing all Is over, long ago.
Knowing, the melancholy27 hands of Time Weave a slow veil of beauty o’er the place Of blood-stained memory and bitter crime Till horror fades in grace.
The mournful grace of long-forgotten woe And long-appeased sorrows of the dead, The deeper silence of those streams that flow Where ancient highways led.”
Among the great cities of the past which is still the present Paris takes her undisputed place. In youth, in maturity28, in age, the charm of intellectual and artistic29 Paris ever affects not merely her own citizens, but the strangers within her gates. And the young Vendéen Clemenceau was from the first a Parisian of Parisians. The attraction of Paris for him was permanent. From his arrival in 1860 until the present time practically his whole life has been spent in the French capital. Many years afterwards he gave expression to the influence Paris had upon him. Paris for Clemenceau is the sun of the world of science and letters, the source of light and heat from whose centre art and thought radiate through space. “Intuition and suggestion spreading out in all directions awake dormant30 energy, sweep on from contact to contact, are passed on, dispersed31, and finally exhausted32 in the inertia33 of material objects. Here is the radiance of humanity, more or less powerful, more or less durable34 as time and place may decree.”
It is this impatience35 of Paris with results already achieved, this desire to reach out and to embrace new forms in all departments of human achievement, which give the French city her position as an indispensable entity36 in the cosmos37 of modern[32] life. “Boldness and boldness and boldness again” was Danton’s prescription38 for the orator39, and it might be taken as the motto of intellectual and artistic Paris. There is no hesitation40, no contentment, no waiting by the wayside. New ideas and new conceptions must ever be replacing the old. Experience may teach what to avoid: experiment alone can teach what to attempt. And this not incidentally or as a passing phase of endeavour, but as a principle to be applied41 in every region of human effort. “The Rights of Man,” “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” “Property is robbery” are as thought-provoking (though they solve no problem) in the domain42 of sociology as Pasteur’s achievements in physiology43 and medicine. Whatever changes the future may have in store for us, we who are not Frenchmen cannot dispense44 with the leadership and inspiration that come to us from Paris.
On his return to France from America Clemenceau renewed his acquaintance and friendship with those who shared his political and social opinions, especially Etienne Arago, now an old man, and practised as a doctor in the working-class district of Montmartre. Here, by his gratuitous45 medical advice to the people and his steady adherence46 to his democratic principles, he gained an amount of popularity and personal devotion from the men and women of Montmartre which, in conjunction with Arago’s advice and support, prepared the way for the positions which he afterwards attained47. Meanwhile the Second Empire was going slowly downhill. The change which had already taken place was not generally recognised. Nevertheless, the failure of the ill-fated Mexican Expedition with its Catholic support, its sordid48 financial muddling49 and the degrading system of plunder50 carried on in Mexico itself by Marshal Bazaine, the effect on Paris of the murder of Victor Noir by a member of the Buonaparte family, and the Government’s growing incapacity to handle domestic and foreign affairs all told against the prestige of Napoleon. Only a successful diplomatic stroke or a victorious51 war could rehabilitate52 the credit of the Empire. The time had gone by for[33] either. Bismarck’s disgraceful forgery53 at Ems was as unnecessary as it was flagitious. Sooner or later the Second Empire would have collapsed55 from its own incompetence56. But that waiting game did not suit the grim statesman of Berlin. He knew that the French army by itself could not hold its own against the Prussian and other German forces; he felt convinced also that Austria would not move without much clearer assurances of success than Napoleon could supply; while Italy was still tied to her Ally of 1866, and England was devoted57 to a policy of profitable non-intervention. So Napoleon was half driven, half tricked into a hopeless campaign, and every calculation on which Bismarck relied was verified by the results. Nay58, the plébiscite which Louis Napoleon risked eighteen years after the coup59 d’état went entirely60 in his favour, and it was in reality quite unnecessary, from the point of view of internal politics, that any risk of war should be run. The Empress, however, has always had the discredit61 of not having been of that opinion. Hence steps were taken which played into Bismarck’s hands.
At first, as I have heard Clemenceau say himself, it was almost impossible for a patriotic62 Republican to desire victory for the French armies. That would only have meant a new life for the decadent63 Empire. Sad, therefore, as was the long succession of disasters, and terrible the devastation64 wrought65 by German ruthlessness, not until the culminating defeat of Sedan, the surrender of Napoleon and the decree of Imperial overthrow66 pronounced by the people of Paris, could men feel that French soldiers were really fighting for their country. Thenceforward the struggle was between democratic and progressive France and autocratic and reactionary67 Prussia. The Empire for whose humiliation68 the King of Prussia had gone to war existed no longer. A Republic was at once declared in its place. Any fair-minded enemy would directly have offered the easiest possible terms for peace to the new France. But that was not the view of Prussia. France, not merely the Second Empire, was to be defeated and crushed[34] down, because she stood in the way of that permanent policy of aggression69 and aggrandisement to which the House of Hohenzollern, with its Junker supporters, has always been devoted. This was the moment when England should have interfered70 decisively on the side of her old rival. It was not only our interest but our duty to do so, and the whole nation would have enthusiastically supported the statesmen who had given it a vigorous lead in the right direction. Unfortunately Queen Victoria, then as ever bitterly pro-German, was utterly71 unscrupulous in enforcing her views upon her Government: the men then in office were essentially72 courtiers, who combined servility at home with pusillanimity73 abroad: the laissez-faire school of parasitical74 commercialism which regards the accumulation of wealth for the few as the highest aspiration75 of humanity held the trading classes in its grip. Consequently, the monarch76 and the ruling class of the day thought it was cheaper, and therefore better, to leave France to her fate, and make a good cash profit out of the business, rather than courageously77 to withstand the beginnings of evil and uphold the French Republic against the brutality and greed of Berlin. It is sad, nearly fifty years later, to reflect upon the results of this mistaken and cowardly policy. The war was continued, owing chiefly to English indifference78, until France lay at the feet of the conquerors79.
No sooner did the news of the defeat and surrender of Sedan reach Paris than a general shout for the overthrow of the Empire went up from the people throughout the French capital. The collapse54 of the Second Empire was in fact even more sudden and dramatic than its rise. The whole imperial machinery80 fell with a crash. There was not a man in Paris among the friends of the Emperor in good fortune who had the courage and capacity to come to the front in the time of his distress81. The bigoted82 Catholic Empress, against whom Parisians cherished an animosity scarcely less bitter than that which their forbears felt for Marie Antoinette, was with difficulty got safely out of the city, and Paris at once took[35] control of her own destinies. A Republic having been proclaimed, Republicans, Radicals83 and Socialists86, harried87 and proscribed88 the day before, rushed to the front the day after, and forthwith became masters of the city. Clemenceau as one of them was immediately chosen Mayor of Montmartre, at the instance of his old friend Etienne Arago.
It was a period for action, not for argument, or reflection, or propaganda. Clemenceau understood that. In his capacity as Mayor of Montmartre, by no means an easy district to manage, he exhibited marvellous energy, as well as sound judgment89, in every department of public affairs. Everything had to be reorganised at once. There was no time to respect the inevitable90 details of democratic authorisation and delay. Clemenceau with his natural rapidity of decision was the very man for the post. Patriotic and revolutionary excitement seethed91 all round him. Society seemed already to be in the melting-pot. The enthusiasm evoked by eloquent92 orations93 in favour of Socialism was accompanied by the discharges of cannon94 and the rumbling95 of ammunition-wagons. But public business had to be carried on all the same. Clemenceau was indefatigable96 and ubiquitous. He prevented the priests from intriguing97 in the municipal schools, he established purely98 secular99 education, hurried on the arming of the battalions100 and kept a sharp eye on the defences of the city. Simultaneously101 he set on foot a series of establishments for giving warmth, food and general help to the number of people who had sought refuge on the heights. He acted throughout practically as municipal dictator, raising, arming and drilling recruits for the new republican army, as well as organising and administering all the local services.
It was a fine piece of work. Having been so closely in touch with the bulk of the population of Montmartre, he was able to act entirely in their interests and with their concurrence102 throughout. They therefore warmly supported him against the reactionists and religionists who, then as always, were his most virulent103 enemies. It was no easy task to maintain[36] order and carry out systematic104 organisation105 at this juncture106. The downfall of the Empire occurred on September 4th, the Republic, with General Trochu—the man of the undisclosed strategical “plan”—as President and Jules Favre as Vice-President, being declared the same day. On September 19th Paris was invested by the Germans. Seeing that there were then no fewer than 400,000 armed men, at various stages of training, in the capital, with many powerful forts at their disposal, while the Germans could spare at the beginning of the siege no more than 120,000 men for the attack, the French having still several armies in the field, successful resistance by the Republic seemed by no means hopeless. Paris might even have had her share in turning the tide of victory. Clemenceau was of that opinion.
But it was not to be. France failed to produce a great general, and the “bagman Marshal,” as Bazaine was called in Mexico, by shutting himself up with 175,000 men in Metz, rendered final defeat certain; though if Marshal MacMahon’s advice had been followed, and if General Trochu had later sufficiently107 organised the forces at his disposal in Paris to break through the German lines, a stouter108 fight might have been fought. As it was, one French army after another was defeated in the field, and Paris and Metz were forced to surrender by literal starvation. On January 28th, 1871, an armistice109 was signed between Bismarck and Jules Favre and the revictualling of the famine-stricken Parisians began, the siege having lasted a little over four months. A National Assembly was summoned to decide the terms of a definite peace or in what manner it might be possible to continue the war.
So well satisfied were the voters of Montmartre with the conduct of their Mayor during all this trying time that they decided110 to send him as their representative to Bordeaux and polled just upon 100,000 votes in his favour. To Bordeaux, therefore, Clemenceau went, on February 12th, as deputy for one of the most radical84 and revolutionary districts of Paris. Though neither then nor later an avowed111 Socialist85, no Socialist[37] could have done more for practical democratic and Socialist measures than Clemenceau had done. That, of course, was the reason why he was elected by so advanced a constituency.
He found himself strangely out of his element when he took his seat in the National Assembly. Perhaps no more reactionary body had ever met in France. The majority of the members were thorough-going Conservatives who at heart were eager to restore the monarchy112. They were royalists but slightly disguised, dug up out of their seclusion113, from all parts of the country, who thought their time had come to revenge themselves not so much upon the Buonapartists who had governed France for twenty years as upon Paris and the Parisians who had chased Charles X and Louis Philippe out of France. They well knew that the capital would never consent to the restoration of the candidate of either of the Bourbon factions114. These fitting champions of a worn-out Legitimism or Orleanism were old men in a hurry to resuscitate115 the dead and galvanise the past into fresh life. Their very heads betrayed their own antiquity116. So much so that a favourite pastime of young ladies of pleasure in the Galleries, who had flocked to Bordeaux, was what was irreverently called “bald-headed loo.” This consisted in betting upon the number of flies that would settle within a given period upon a devoted deputy’s hairless occiput. Unfortunately these ancient gentlemen found in M. Thiers a leader who could scarcely have been surpassed for ingenuity117 and unscrupulousness. He deliberately118 traded upon prejudices, and his main political assets were the fear and distrust which he awakened119 in one set of his countrymen against another. In modern as in ancient society there is an economic and almost a personal antagonism120 between country and town.
The man of the Provinces, living always in the rural districts, the tiller, the producer, the indefatigable toiler121, the parsimonious122 accumulator of small gains, the respecter of ancestral traditions and the devotee of old-world methods and well-tried means of gaining a poor livelihood123, profoundly affected124 likewise by his inherited religion, has, in most cases,[38] a deep-seated contempt, strangely enough not wholly divorced from fear, for the man of the town, and especially for the man of Paris. This animosity, which has by no means wholly disappeared to-day, was keenly in evidence forty and fifty years ago. There is an economic cause at the bottom of the antipathy125, but this does not account for its many-sided manifestation126. The countryman naturally desires to sell his produce at as high a price as possible. It is for him almost a matter of life and death to do so. The townsman, on his side, the artisan or labourer or even the rentier of the great cities, is naturally anxious to obtain the necessaries of life which he gets from the rural districts at as low a rate as he may be able to buy them having regard to his wages or his income. Hence any expenditure127 which tends to benefit the country is regarded with suspicion by the townsman and contrariwise as between town and country, except such outlay128 as cheapens the cost of transportation, where both have an identical interest.
But this general divergence129 of economic advantage, which has existed for many centuries does not wholly account for the ill-feeling which too often appears. There is a psychological side to the matter as well. Thus the peasant, even when he is getting satisfactory prices for his wares130, despises his own customers when they pay too much for small luxuries which they could easily do without. Moreover, he considers the cleverness of his fellow-countrymen of the city, their readiness to change their opinions and adopt new ideas, their doubts as to the super-sanctity of that individual property, property which is the small landowner’s god, as evidences of a dangerous disposition131 to upset all that ought to be most solemnly upheld. The townsman, on the other hand, too often looks down upon the peasant and the rural provincial132 generally as an ignorant, short-sighted, narrow-minded, grasping creature, full of prejudices and eaten up with superstition133, who, out of sheer obstinacy134, stands immovably in the way of reforms that might, and in many cases certainly would, benefit them both.
It is the task and the duty of the true statesman to bridge[39] over these differences as far as possible, to try to harmonise interests and assuage135 feelings which under existing conditions are apt to conflict with one another. Thus only can the whole country be well and truly served. M. Thiers pursued precisely136 the contrary course. In order to foster reaction and to strengthen the position of the bourgeoisie, he and his supporters set to work deliberately to excite the hatred137 of the country-folk against their brethren of the towns. They were willing to accept the Republic only on the distinct understanding that it should be, as Zola expressed it, a bourgeoised sham138. The bogey139 of the social revolution was stuck up daily to frighten the timid property-owners. Above all, Paris was pointed140 out as the danger spot of order-respecting France. Paris ought to be muzzled141 and kept under even more strictly142 by the self-respecting Republic than by the Empire. That way alone lay safety. Thus the dislike of the provincials143 for the capital was fanned to so fierce a heat that the very title of capital was denied to her. As a result of this unpatriotic and traitorous144 policy Paris herself was unfortunately forced to the conviction that the reactionists of Bordeaux were determined145 to deprive her of all her rights, and that the great city which founded the Republic would be made to suffer dearly for her presumption146. Nearly all that followed was in reality due to this sinister147 policy of provocation148, adopted and carried out by M. Thiers and his bigoted followers149.
Clemenceau’s position was a difficult one. Knowing both peasants and Parisians intimately well, he saw clearly the very dangerous situation which must inevitably150 be created by such tactics of exasperation151. As one of the deputies of Radical Republican Paris, he did his utmost at Bordeaux to maintain the independence of his constituents152 and to resist the fatal action of the majority. As the son of a landowner in La Vendée, he understood clearly the views of the provincials and how necessary it was that they should be thoroughly153 informed as to the aims of the Parisians. But Paris had first claim on his services. He therefore associated himself with Louis Blanc,[40] voted with him against the preliminaries of peace and in favour of the continuance of the war. There was a strong opinion at this time that many of the Buonapartists in high military command, as well as in important civil posts, were traitors154 to the Republic and had acted, as Bazaine unquestionably did, in the interest of the Imperial prisoner instead of on behalf of France. These factionists too were hostile to Paris, and a demand was made, in which Clemenceau joined, for a full investigation155 of the conduct of such men during the siege. Unfortunately, affairs in the capital were now becoming so critical and the probability of another revolution there seemed so great that Clemenceau felt his duties as Mayor of Montmartre were still more urgent than his votes and speeches at Bordeaux, as deputy for that district. Consequently, after less than a month’s stay at Bordeaux, he returned to Paris on the evening of March 5th. The Commune of Paris was set on foot within a fortnight of that date, on March 18th, 1871.
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1
evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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flirtation
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| n.调情，调戏，挑逗 | |
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jaunts
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| n.游览( jaunt的名词复数 ) | |
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betrothed
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| n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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versatile
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| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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chic
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| n./adj.别致(的)，时髦(的)，讲究的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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oases
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| n.（沙漠中的）绿洲( oasis的名词复数 )；（困苦中）令人快慰的地方（或时刻）；乐土；乐事 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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remains
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woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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joyful
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melancholy
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maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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dormant
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| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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inertia
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| adj.惰性，惯性，懒惰，迟钝 | |
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durable
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| adj.持久的，耐久的 | |
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impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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entity
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| n.实体，独立存在体，实际存在物 | |
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cosmos
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| n.宇宙；秩序，和谐 | |
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prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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muddling
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| v.弄乱，弄糟( muddle的现在分词 )；使糊涂；对付，混日子 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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rehabilitate
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| vt.改造(罪犯)，修复；vi.复兴，(罪犯)经受改造 | |
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forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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54
collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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55
collapsed
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| adj.倒塌的 | |
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56
incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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57
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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58
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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59
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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60
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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61
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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62
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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63
decadent
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| adj.颓废的，衰落的，堕落的 | |
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64
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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65
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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66
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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67
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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68
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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69
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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70
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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71
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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72
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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73
pusillanimity
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| n.无气力，胆怯 | |
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74
parasitical
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| adj. 寄生的(符加的) | |
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75
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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76
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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77
courageously
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| ad.勇敢地，无畏地 | |
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78
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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79
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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80
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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81
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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82
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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83
radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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84
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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85
socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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86
socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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87
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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88
proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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90
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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91
seethed
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| （液体）沸腾( seethe的过去式和过去分词 )； 激动，大怒； 强压怒火； 生闷气(~with sth|~ at sth) | |
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92
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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93
orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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94
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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95
rumbling
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| n. 隆隆声, 辘辘声 adj. 隆隆响的 动词rumble的现在分词 | |
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96
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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97
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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98
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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99
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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100
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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101
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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102
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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103
virulent
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| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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104
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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105
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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106
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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107
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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108
stouter
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| 粗壮的( stout的比较级 )； 结实的； 坚固的； 坚定的 | |
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109
armistice
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| n.休战，停战协定 | |
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110
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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111
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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112
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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113
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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114
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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115
resuscitate
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| v.使复活，使苏醒 | |
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116
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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117
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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118
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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119
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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120
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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121
toiler
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| 辛劳者，勤劳者 | |
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122
parsimonious
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| adj.吝啬的，质量低劣的 | |
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123
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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124
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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125
antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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126
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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127
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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128
outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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129
divergence
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| n.分歧，岔开 | |
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130
wares
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| n. 货物, 商品 | |
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131
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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132
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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133
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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134
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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135
assuage
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| v.缓和，减轻，镇定 | |
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136
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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137
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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138
sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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139
bogey
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| n.令人谈之变色之物；妖怪，幽灵 | |
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140
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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141
muzzled
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| 给（狗等）戴口套( muzzle的过去式和过去分词 )； 使缄默，钳制…言论 | |
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142
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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143
provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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144
traitorous
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| adj. 叛国的, 不忠的, 背信弃义的 | |
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145
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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146
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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147
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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148
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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149
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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150
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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151
exasperation
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| n.愤慨 | |
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152
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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153
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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154
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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155
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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