Napoleon III was a man of mediocre9 ability. His entourage was extravagantly10 disreputable. But he and his did clear out and clean up Paris. The new quarters since built owe their existence in the first instance to the initiative of the Emperor’s chief edile, Baron11 Haussmann, and his compeers. The great broad streets which now traverse the slums of old time were due to the same energetic impulse. Whether such spacious12 avenues and boulevards were constructed in order to facilitate the operations of artillery13 and enable the new mitrailleurs more conveniently to massacre14 the “mob,” whether the[23] architecture is artistic15 or monotonous16, Clemenceau the doctor must for once be at variance17 with Clemenceau the man of politics, and admit that the monarch18 who, as will be seen, imprisoned19 him in 1862, did some good work for Paris during his reign20 of repression21. At any rate Napoleonic rule at this period represented general prosperity. Business was good and the profiteers were doing well. The bourgeoisie felt secure and international financiers enjoyed a good time. Nearly all the great banking22 and financial institutions of Paris had their origin in the decade 1860-1870. Law and order, in short, was based upon comfort and accumulation for the well-to-do.
But the peasantry and the workers of the cities were also considered in some degree, and the reconstruction23 of the capital provided, directly and indirectly24, both then and later, for what were looked upon as “the dangerous classes”—men and women, that is to say, who thought that the wage-slave epoch25 meant little better for them and their children than penal26 servitude for life. Constant work and decent pay softened27 the class antagonism28, conciliating the proletariat without upsetting the middle class or bourgeoisie. Such a policy, following upon two fairly successful wars, was not devoid29 of dexterity30. A curbed31 or satisfied Paris meant internal peace for all France. Neither the miserable32 fiasco in Mexico nor the idiotic33 abandonment of Austria to Prussia had yet shaken the external stability of the Empire. Napoleon III and his Vice-Emperor Rouher were still great statesmen. There was little or nothing to show on the surface that the whole edifice34 was even then tottering35 to its fall. The keen satire36 of Rochefort, of the Duc d’Aumale, and the full-blooded denunciations of Victor Hugo failed to produce much effect. Some genuine and capable opponents were beguiled37 into serving the Government under the impression that the Empire might be permanent, and in this way alone could they also serve their country. Nor can we wonder at such backsliding.
Such was the Paris, such the France that saw the young medical student, Georges Clemenceau, enter upon his prepara[24]tion for active life as doctor and physiologist38. He devoted himself earnestly to his studies in the libraries, to his work in the hospitals, and to careful observation of the social maladies he saw around him, which made a deep and permanent impression on his mind. But, determined39 as he was to master the principles and practice of his profession, the bright, active and vivacious40 republican from La Vendée brought with him to Paris too clear a conception of his rights and duties as a democrat41 to be able to avoid the coteries42 of revolt who maintained the traditions of radicalism44 in spite of systematic45 espionage46 and police persecution47. Clemenceau shared his father’s opinions in favour of free speech and a free press.
That was dangerous in those days. La Ville Lumière was obliged to hide its light under a bushel. Friends of democracy and anti-imperialistic speakers and writers were compelled, in order to reach their public, to adopt a style of suppressed irony48 not at all to the taste of the vivacious republican recruit from Mouilleron-en-Pareds. Then, as ever thereafter, he spoke49 the truth that was in him, regardless of consequences. In this course he had the approbation50 and support of his father’s friend, Etienne Arago, brother of the famous astronomer51. Arago the politician was also a playwright52, an ardent53 republican who had taken his full share in all the agitations54 of the previous period, an active and useful member of the Republican Government of 1848 as Postmaster-General, and a vigorous opponent of the policy of Louis Napoleon. He was sent into exile prior to the coup55 d’état. Both then and nearly a generation later this stalwart anti-Imperialist was exceedingly popular with the Parisians, and, having returned to Paris, was able to aid Clemenceau in forming a correct judgment56 of the situation, at a time when a less clear-sighted observer might have striven to cool his young friend’s enthusiasm.
As it was, Clemenceau contributed to some of the Radical43 fly-sheets and then fêted the 24th of February. No date dear to the memory of Republicans could be publicly toasted without conveying a reflection upon the Empire, and as all[25] important events in French history, from July 14th onwards, are duly calendared according to the month and day of the month, Clemenceau’s crime in celebrating February 24th by speech and writing was obvious. He therefore fell foul57 of the Imperial police. The magistrate58 could admit no point in his favour, and there was in fact no defence. Consequently Georges Clemenceau, interne de l’h?pital, had the opportunity given him of reflecting for two months upon the advantages and drawbacks of his political creed59, during a period of Buonapartist supremacy60, in the prison of Mazas. This was in 1862.
Three years later he took his doctor’s degree. His formal essay on this occasion gained him considerable reputation. It was entitled De la Génération des éléments Anatomiques, and proved not only that he had worked hard on the lines of his profession but that he was capable of taking an original view of the subjects he had mastered. This work has been throughout the basis of Clemenceau’s medical, social, political and literary career. I got the book not long ago from the London Library, and on the title-page of this first edition I read in the author’s own bold handwriting, “A Monsieur J. Stuart Mill hommage respectueux de l’auteur G. Clemenceau“: a tribute to that eclectic philosopher and thinker which he followed up shortly afterwards by translating Mill’s study of Auguste Comte and Positivism into French. Clemenceau was no great admirer of Comte, and specially61 disapproved62 of the attempt of some of that author’s pupils and followers63 to limit investigation64 and cultivate agnosticism on matters which they considered fell without the bounds of their master’s theories and categories.
“We are not of those,” writes Clemenceau, “who admit with the Positivist that science can give us no information on the enigma65 of things.” This seems scarcely just to the modern Positivists, for although Comte himself wished to restrict mankind from the study of astronomy, for example, outside of the solar system, they have been as ready as the rest of the world to take advantage of discoveries beyond that system[26] which throw light upon some of the difficult material problems nearer at hand. And Clemenceau, too, appears to fall into the line of reasoning with which he reproaches Comte; for, as will be seen later, he views nature as a mass of matter evolving and differentiating66 and organising and vivifying itself with the interminable antagonisms67 and mutual68 devourings of the various forms of existence on this planet, and possibly on other worlds of the infinitely69 little, and then, when the great suns die out, disappearing and beginning all over again as two of these huge extinguished luminaries70 collide in space. This material philosophy, when carried to its ultimate issue, still answers no question and furnishes no clue to the strange inexplicable71 movement of the universe in which man is but a sentient72 and partially73 intelligent automaton74. What explanation does this give of any of the problems of social or individual ethic75, or of the impulse which led Clemenceau the doctor to treat his patients in Montmartre gratuitously76, instead of building up a valuable practice in a rich quarter? and urged Clemenceau the politician to pass the greater part of his life in an uphill fight against the domination of the sordid77 minority and the timid acquiescence78 of the apathetic79 masses rather than accept the high positions which were pressed upon him time after time?
Such reflections would be out of place at this point, but for the fact that Clemenceau has invariably contended that his career has been all of a piece, maintaining that the vigorous young physiologist and doctor of twenty-four and twenty-five held the same opinions and was moved by the same aspirations80 that have guided the mature man throughout. Whether heredity and surroundings fully account in every particular for all that he has said, done and achieved is a question which Clemenceau also might decline to answer with the definiteness he considers desirable in general philosophy. But that his doctor’s thesis of 1865 did in the main give the scientific basis of his material creed can scarcely be disputed.
The following year, 1866, was the year of the Prusso-Italian[27] war against Austria. The success of Prussia, which would quite probably have been a failure but for the incredible fatuity81 of the Imperial clique82 at Vienna, was one of the chief causes, unnoted at the time, of the downfall of Napoleon III. Few now care to recall the manner in which the Austrian Commander-in-Chief, Marshal Benedek, was compelled to abandon his entire strategy in deference83 to the pusillanimous84 orders of the Emperor, or how Benedek, with a loyalty85 to the House of Hapsburg which it has never at any period deserved, took upon himself the blame of defeats for which Francis Joseph, not himself, was responsible. But Louis Napoleon was equally blind to his own interests and those of France when he stood aside and allowed the most ambitious and most unscrupulous power in the world to become the virtual master of Central Europe. It was a strange choice of evils that lay before the Radical and Republican parties in all countries during this war. None could wish to see upheld, still less strengthened, the wretched rule of reactionary86, tyrannous and priest-ridden Austria; yet none could look favourably87 on the growth of Prussian power.
The further conquest by Italy of her own territory and the annexation88 of Venice to the Italian crown were therefore universally acclaimed89. But those who knew Prussia and its military system, and watched the nefarious90 policy which had crushed Denmark as a stage on the road to the crushing of Austria, even thus early began to doubt whether the substitution of Prussia for Austria in the leadership of the old Germanic Bund might not speedily lead to a still more dangerous situation. Either this did not suggest itself to Napoleon III and his advisers91, or they thought that Austria might win, or, at worst, that a bitterly contested campaign would enable France to interpose at the critical moment as a decisive arbiter92 in the struggle. Probably the last was the real calculation. It was falsified by the rapid and smashing Prussian victories of K?niggratz and Sadowa, and Napoleon could do nothing but accept the decisions of the battlefield.[28] But from this moment the Second Empire was in serious danger, and any far-seeing statesman would have set to work immediately to bring the French army up to the highest possible point of efficiency and prepare the way for alliances that might help the Empire, should help be needed in the near future. Neither Louis Napoleon nor his councillors and generals, however, understood what the overthrow93 of Austria meant for France. They turned a deaf ear then and afterwards to the warnings of their ablest agents abroad, and thus drifted into the crisis which four years later found them without an ally and overwhelmed them.
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1 celebrity | |
n.名人,名流;著名,名声,名望 | |
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2 cuisine | |
n.烹调,烹饪法 | |
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3 orators | |
n.演说者,演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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4 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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5 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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6 passerby | |
n.过路人,行人 | |
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7 sanitary | |
adj.卫生方面的,卫生的,清洁的,卫生的 | |
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8 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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9 mediocre | |
adj.平常的,普通的 | |
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10 extravagantly | |
adv.挥霍无度地 | |
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11 baron | |
n.男爵;(商业界等)巨头,大王 | |
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12 spacious | |
adj.广阔的,宽敞的 | |
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13 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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14 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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15 artistic | |
adj.艺术(家)的,美术(家)的;善于艺术创作的 | |
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16 monotonous | |
adj.单调的,一成不变的,使人厌倦的 | |
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17 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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18 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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19 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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20 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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21 repression | |
n.镇压,抑制,抑压 | |
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22 banking | |
n.银行业,银行学,金融业 | |
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23 reconstruction | |
n.重建,再现,复原 | |
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24 indirectly | |
adv.间接地,不直接了当地 | |
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25 epoch | |
n.(新)时代;历元 | |
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26 penal | |
adj.刑罚的;刑法上的 | |
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27 softened | |
(使)变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 ); 缓解打击; 缓和; 安慰 | |
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28 antagonism | |
n.对抗,敌对,对立 | |
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29 devoid | |
adj.全无的,缺乏的 | |
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30 dexterity | |
n.(手的)灵巧,灵活 | |
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31 curbed | |
v.限制,克制,抑制( curb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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33 idiotic | |
adj.白痴的 | |
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34 edifice | |
n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿,教室) | |
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35 tottering | |
adj.蹒跚的,动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 );踉跄;蹒跚;摇摇欲坠 | |
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36 satire | |
n.讽刺,讽刺文学,讽刺作品 | |
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37 beguiled | |
v.欺骗( beguile的过去式和过去分词 );使陶醉;使高兴;消磨(时间等) | |
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38 physiologist | |
n.生理学家 | |
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39 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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40 vivacious | |
adj.活泼的,快活的 | |
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41 democrat | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士;民主党党员 | |
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42 coteries | |
n.(有共同兴趣的)小集团( coterie的名词复数 ) | |
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43 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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44 radicalism | |
n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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45 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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46 espionage | |
n.间谍行为,谍报活动 | |
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47 persecution | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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48 irony | |
n.反语,冷嘲;具有讽刺意味的事,嘲弄 | |
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49 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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50 approbation | |
n.称赞;认可 | |
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51 astronomer | |
n.天文学家 | |
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52 playwright | |
n.剧作家,编写剧本的人 | |
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53 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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54 agitations | |
(液体等的)摇动( agitation的名词复数 ); 鼓动; 激烈争论; (情绪等的)纷乱 | |
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55 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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56 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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57 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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58 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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59 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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60 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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61 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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62 disapproved | |
v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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64 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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65 enigma | |
n.谜,谜一样的人或事 | |
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66 differentiating | |
[计] 微分的 | |
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67 antagonisms | |
对抗,敌对( antagonism的名词复数 ) | |
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68 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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69 infinitely | |
adv.无限地,无穷地 | |
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70 luminaries | |
n.杰出人物,名人(luminary的复数形式) | |
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71 inexplicable | |
adj.无法解释的,难理解的 | |
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72 sentient | |
adj.有知觉的,知悉的;adv.有感觉能力地 | |
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73 partially | |
adv.部分地,从某些方面讲 | |
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74 automaton | |
n.自动机器,机器人 | |
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75 ethic | |
n.道德标准,行为准则 | |
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76 gratuitously | |
平白 | |
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77 sordid | |
adj.肮脏的,不干净的,卑鄙的,暗淡的 | |
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78 acquiescence | |
n.默许;顺从 | |
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79 apathetic | |
adj.冷漠的,无动于衷的 | |
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80 aspirations | |
强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 ); 志向; 发送气音; 发 h 音 | |
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81 fatuity | |
n.愚蠢,愚昧 | |
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82 clique | |
n.朋党派系,小集团 | |
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83 deference | |
n.尊重,顺从;敬意 | |
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84 pusillanimous | |
adj.懦弱的,胆怯的 | |
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85 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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86 reactionary | |
n.反动者,反动主义者;adj.反动的,反动主义的,反对改革的 | |
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87 favourably | |
adv. 善意地,赞成地 =favorably | |
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88 annexation | |
n.吞并,合并 | |
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89 acclaimed | |
adj.受人欢迎的 | |
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90 nefarious | |
adj.恶毒的,极坏的 | |
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91 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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92 arbiter | |
n.仲裁人,公断人 | |
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93 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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