Here, too, in the Bocage of La Vendée amid the heather and the forest, interspersed11 with acres of carefully tilled soil, the fays and talismans12 and spirits of days gone by delightedly do dwell. But below all this vesture of fancy and fable13 we find the least pleasing features of the life of the small proprietors14 and labourers on the land and fishermen by the sea. Their feelings of human sympathy are stunted15, and even their family relations are, in too many instances, rendered brutal16 by their ever-present greed for gain. The land is a[14] harsh taskmaster, when its cultivation17 is carried on under such conditions as prevail in that portion of France which abuts18 on the Bay of Biscay. The result is a harsh people, whose narrow individualism and whole-hearted worship of property in its least attractive guise19 seem quite at variance20 with any form of sentiment, and still more remote from the ideals of poesy or the dreams of supernatural agencies which affect the imagination. But there is the contrast and such are the people of the Bocage of La Vendée.
Here, on September 28th, 1841, at the village of Mouilleron-en-Pareds, near Fontenay le Comte, on the Bay of Biscay, Georges Benjamin Clemenceau was born. His family came of an old stock of La Vendée who had owned land in the province for generations. His father was a doctor as well as a landowner; but his practice, I judge, from what his son told me, was confined to gratuitous21 services rendered to the peasants of the neighbourhood. M. le Dr. Clemenceau, however, was scarcely the sort of man whom one would expect to find in a remote village of such a conservative, not to say reactionary22, district as La Vendée. A thorough-going materialist23 and convinced Republican, he was the leader of the local party of extreme Radicals24.
But he seems to have been a great deal more than that. Science, which took with him the place of supernatural religion, neither hardened his heart nor cramped26 his appreciation27 of art and poetry. Philosopher and philanthropist, an amateur of painting and sculpture, inflexibly28 devoted29 to his political principles, yet ever ready to recognise ability and originality30 wherever they appeared, this very exceptional medical man and country squire31 had necessarily a great influence upon his eldest32 son, who inherited from his father many of the qualities and opinions which led him to high distinction throughout his career. Hatred33 of injustice34, love of freedom and independence of every kind, brought the elder Clemenceau into conflict with the men of the Second Empire, who clapped him in prison after the coup35 d’état of December[15] 1851. Liberty in every shape was, in fact, an essential part of this stalwart old Jacobin’s political creed, while in the domain36 of physiology37 and general science he was a convinced evolutionist long before that conception of the inevitable38 development of the universe became part of the common thought of the time.
With all this the young Clemenceau was brought into close contact from his earliest years. A thoroughly40 sound physique, strengthened by the invigorating air of the Biscayan coast, laid the foundations of that indefatigable41 energy and alertness of disposition42 which have enabled him to pass triumphantly43 through periods of overwork and disappointment that would have broken down the health of any man with a less sound constitution. Georges Clemenceau owed much to the begettings and surroundings, to the vigorous country life and the rarefied mental atmosphere in which his earlier years were passed. Seldom is it possible to trace the natural process of cause and effect from father to son as it is in this case. From the wilds of La Vendée and the rough sea-coast of Brittany circumstances of the home and of the family life provided France with the ablest Radical25 leader she has ever possessed44.
At first, it appeared little likely that this would be so. Clemenceau, entering upon his father’s profession, with the benefit of the paternal45 knowledge and full of the inculcated readiness to probe all the facts of life to the bottom, took up his medical studies as a serious business, after having gone through the ordinary curriculum of a school at Nantes. It was in the hospital of that city that he first entered as a qualified46 student. After a short stay there he went off to Paris, in 1860, at the age of nineteen, to “walk the hospitals,” as we phrase it, in the same capacity. It was a plunge47 into active life taken at a period in the history of France which was much more critical than it seemed.
The year which saw Clemenceau’s arrival in Paris saw also the Second Empire at the height of its fame and influence. As we look back to the great stir of 1848, which, so far as[16] Paris and France were concerned, was brought about by the almost inconceivable fatuity48 of Louis Philippe, we marvel49 at the strange turn of events which got rid of Orleanist King Log in order to replace him by a Napoleonist King Stork50. But we may wonder still more at the lack of foresight51, capacity and tact39 of Louis Philippe himself, who had been in his youth the democrat52 Citoyen Egalité, and an excellent general, with all the hard experience of his family misfortune and personal sufferings in exile as a full-grown man, possessed, too, of a thorough knowledge of the world and an adequate acquaintance with modern thought in several departments of science and literature. Yet, enjoying all these qualifications for a successful ruler, Louis Philippe failed to understand that a democratic monarchy53, and a democratic monarchy alone, could preserve France from a republic or a military dictatorship. This was astounding55. He refused to agree to the democratic vote claimed by the people, and then ran away. So the House of Orleans joined the House of Bourbon in the array of discrowned Heads of the Blood Royal. The short-lived Republic of 1848 existed just long enough to scare the bourgeoisie by the installation of the National Workshops, which might well have succeeded but for their unintelligent opposition56, and the peasantry by the fear of general Communism, into a demand for a ruler who would preserve them from those whom they considered the maniacs57 or plunderers of Paris.
It is one of the ironies58 of history that the French Revolution which promulgated59 ideas of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity that shook the whole civilised world should have been unable to furnish France herself with a democratic republic for well-nigh a hundred years after the overthrow60 of Louis XVI. For scarcely had the Republic of 1848, with Louis Blanc, Ledru Rollin, Albert, and others as its leaders, been founded than the Buonapartist intrigues61 were successful. Louis Napoleon, who just before had been the laughing-stock of Europe, with his tame eagle at Boulogne that would persist in perching on a[17] post instead of on his head, with his queer theories of Imperialist democracy and his close association with the Italian Carbonari, was elected President of the French Republic.
This was the outcome of an overwhelming plebiscite in his favour. There could be no doubt about the voice of France on this occasion. Paris may possibly have been genuinely Republican at that time. The Provinces, whose antagonism62 to Paris and the Parisians was very marked, then and later, were undoubtedly63 Buonapartist. From President to Emperor was no long step. Louis Napoleon, though a man of no great capacity, did at any rate believe in himself, in his democratic Imperialism64 and his destiny. The set of adventurers and swindlers around him believed only in full purses and ample opportunities for gratifying their taste for luxury and debauchery. Having obtained control of the army by the bribery65 of some and the imprisonment66 of others of the Republican generals, all was ready for the infamous67 butchery of peaceful citizens which cowed Paris and established the Empire at the same time. Once more the plebiscite was resorted to with equal success on the part of the conspirators68. The hero of the coup d’état, with his familiar coterie69 of Morny, Flahault, Persigny, Canrobert and other rogues70 and murderers of less degree, became Napoleon III and master of Paris and of France in December, 1852.
The French threw their votes almost solid in favour of the Empire, and thus tacitly condoned71 the hideous72 crime committed when it was established. Whenever the Emperor’s right to his throne was challenged he could point triumphantly to that crushing vote of the democracy constituting him the duly elected Emperor of the French and hereditary73 representative—however doubtful his parentage—of that extraordinary Corsican genius who, when Chateaubriand and other detractors sneered74 at his origin, boldly declared, “Moi je suis ancêtre.”
From that day to this, democrats75 and Republicans have had a profound distrust of the vote of the mass of the people as[18] recorded under a plébiscite, or a referendum, of the entire male population. This lack of confidence in the judgment76 of the majority, when appealed to on political issues, though natural under the circumstances, is obviously quite illogical on the part of men who declare their belief in popular government. It amounts to a permanent claim for the highly educated and well-to-do sections of an intellectual oligarchy77, on the ground that they must know better what is good for the people than the people know for themselves. This might conceivably be true, if no pecuniary78 interests or arrogance79 of social superiority were involved. But as this state of things cannot be attained80 until production for profit, payment of wages and private property cease to exist, democrats and Republicans place themselves in a doubtful position when they denounce a reference to the entire population as necessarily harmful. All that can be safely admitted is that so long as the mass of men and women are economically dependent, socially unfree and very imperfectly educated, the possibility of their being able to secure good government by a plébiscite is very remote. But this applies as well to universal suffrage82 used to obtain parliamentary elections, and the argument against reposing83 any trust in the mass of the people may thus be pushed to the point of abrogating84 the vote altogether save for a small minority. And this would land us in the position of beginning with an autocracy85 or aristocracy and ending there.
At the time I am speaking of it is indisputable that a considerable majority of intelligent and educated Frenchmen were Republicans. What they meant by a Republic comprised many different shades of organised democracy. But Republic, as Republic, in opposition and contradistinction to Monarchy or Empire, was a name to conjure86 with among all the most distinguished87 Frenchmen of the time. How did it come about, then, that this minority, which should have been able to lead the people, was distrusted and voted down by the very same populace whose rights of self-government they themselves were championing on behalf of their countrymen?[19] There was nothing in the form of a Republic, as was shown little more than twenty years afterwards, which was of necessity at variance with the interests or the sentiments of Frenchmen. Even the antagonism between Paris and the Provinces, already referred to, was not so marked as to account for the fact that twice in succession Louis Napoleon should have obtained an overwhelming personal vote in his favour as the man to be trusted, above all other Frenchmen, to control the destinies of France.
It is by no means certain that Paris herself was hostile, before the coup d’état, to the Napoleonic régime with its traditions not only of military glory but of capable civic88 administration. For the double plébiscite was more than a vote of acquiescence89: it was a vote of enthusiasm: first for Louis Napoleon as President, and then for Louis Napoleon as Emperor. It is not pleasing to have to admit this; but the truth seems to be that, as Aristotle pointed90 out more than two thousand years ago, great masses of men are much more easily led by a personality than they are roused by a principle. That the plébiscite had been carefully worked up by assiduous propaganda; that many of the ignorant peasants believed they were voting for the Napoleon of their childhood in spite of the impossible; that there was a great deal of bribery and not a little stuffing of the ballot91 boxes by officials with a keen sense of favours to come; that the army was imbued with Napoleonic sympathies and helped to spread the spurious ideals of Imperialism—all this may be perfectly81 true. Yet, when all is said and every allowance is made, the fact remains92 that, even so, the success of the Napoleonic plébiscites is imperfectly explained. The main features of the vote were obvious: The French people were sick of hereditary monarchy: the Republican leaders were out of touch with the people: the ideals of the past overshadowed the hopes of the future: Napoleon was a name to conjure with: the Republicans had no name on their side to put against it: the “blessed word” Republic had no hold upon the peasantry of rural France.[20] So plébiscite meant one-man rule. That is not to say, as so many argue nowadays, that the complete vote of the democracy on such an issue must of necessity be wrong; but it does affirm that a thoroughly educated, responsible democracy, accustomed to be appealed to directly on all matters of importance, is a necessity before we can have any certainty that the people will go right. Even if they go wrong, as in this case of Napoleon III, it is better in the long run that they should learn by their own errors than that the blunders of the dominant93 classes should be forced upon them. Great social and political problems can rarely be solved even by the greatest genius. And the genius himself, supposing him to exist, cannot rely upon providing his country with a successor. On the whole, consequently, it is less dangerous to human progress that we should risk such a reactionary vote as that which seated Napoleon III at the Tuileries than give no peaceful outlet94 whatever to popular opinion.
But the democrats and republicans, radicals and socialists95 of Paris, who saw all their most cherished ideals crushed by the voice of the people whom they were anxious to lead to higher things, and beheld96 a travesty97 of Napoleonic Imperialism suppressing all freedom of political thought and writing, were not disposed to philosophise about the excuses for a popular decision which led to such unpleasant results for them. They had welcomed the abdication98 of Louis Philippe and the installation of the Republic as the beginning of a new era not only for Paris but for all France, after the reactionary clericalism of Louis XVIII and Charles X, followed by the chilly99 middle-class rule of the Orleanist monarch54. But now a pinchbeck Napoleonism, with much sterner repression100, weighed upon all that was most progressive and brilliant in the capital city. It was a bitter disappointment, not to be softened101 by the reflection that France herself was still far from the economic and social stage where their aspirations102 could be realised.
Thus Napoleon III was master of France and, feeling that war was advisable in order to strengthen his position at home,[21] gladly joined with Great Britain in a joint103 campaign against Russia. This was wholly unnecessary, as has since been clearly shown. But, by promoting a better feeling between France and England than had previously104 existed, some good came out of the evil brought about by the treacherous105 suppression of the Emperor Nicholas’s agreement with the English Cabinet. The foolish bolstering106 up of Ottoman incapacity and corruption107 at Constantinople when the Western Powers could easily have enforced a more reasonable rule was a miserable108 result of the whole war. But that the Crimean adventure helped to consolidate109 the position of the Emperor there is no doubt.
When also the affair of the Orsini bomb, thrown by one of his old Carbonari fellow-conspirators, impelled110 Louis Napoleon into the Italian campaign which won for Italy Lombardy and for France Savoy and Nice, the French people felt that their gain in glory and in territory had made them once more the first nation in Europe. Magenta111 and Solferino were names to conjure with. The Army had confidence in the Emperor and his generals. So the prospect112 for republicans and the Republic eight years after the coup d’état was less promising113 than it had been since the great revolution. Napoleon III was generally regarded as the principal figure in Europe. He was delivering those New Year proclamations which men awaited with bated breath as deciding the question of peace or war for the ensuing twelvemonth. His Empress dominated the world of fashion as her consort114 did the world of politics. Every effort was made to render the Court as brilliant as possible, and to attract to it some of the old nobility, who were, as a whole, little inclined to recognise by their presence the power of the man whom they both despised and hated. But the Second Empire was for a time a success in spite of the reactionists and the republicans alike.
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1
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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interspersed
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| adj.[医]散开的；点缀的v.intersperse的过去式和过去分词 | |
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talismans
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| n.护身符( talisman的名词复数 )；驱邪物；有不可思议的力量之物；法宝 | |
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fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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stunted
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| adj.矮小的；发育迟缓的 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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abuts
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| v.（与…）邻接( abut的第三人称单数 )；（与…）毗连；接触；倚靠 | |
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guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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materialist
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| n. 唯物主义者 | |
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radicals
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| n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 )；根基；基本原理；[数学]根数 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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inflexibly
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| adv.不屈曲地，不屈地 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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squire
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| n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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fatuity
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| n.愚蠢，愚昧 | |
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marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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50
stork
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| n.鹳 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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52
democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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55
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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maniacs
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| n.疯子（maniac的复数形式） | |
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ironies
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| n.反语( irony的名词复数 )；冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事；嘲弄 | |
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promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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coterie
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| n.(有共同兴趣的)小团体，小圈子 | |
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rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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condoned
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| v.容忍，宽恕，原谅( condone的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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78
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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83
reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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84
abrogating
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的现在分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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85
autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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conjure
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| v.恳求，祈求；变魔术，变戏法 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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travesty
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| n.歪曲，嘲弄，滑稽化 | |
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abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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chilly
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| adj.凉快的，寒冷的 | |
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repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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101
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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102
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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103
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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104
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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105
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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106
bolstering
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| v.支持( bolster的现在分词 )；支撑；给予必要的支持；援助 | |
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107
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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108
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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109
consolidate
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| v.使加固，使加强；(把...)联为一体，合并 | |
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110
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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111
magenta
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| n..紫红色（的染料）；adj.紫红色的 | |
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112
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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113
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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114
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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