A weaker man would have felt this exclusion21 less and have been discouraged more. After seventeen years of such valuable work as Clemenceau had done, to be, to all appearance, boycotted22 from the Assembly for an indefinite period was a strange experience. I wrote him myself a letter of sympathy, and in his reply he expressed his special bitterness at the attitude of the Socialists24 towards him. This hostility might have been easily averted25 without any sacrifice of principle on Clemenceau’s part. But Clemenceau, defeated and driven out of his rightful place in active French politics, did not hesitate for a moment as to the course he would pursue. He had left the National Assembly as the first Parliamentarian in France: he at once turned round and at the age of fifty-two became her first journalist. Nothing in his long life of stress and strain is more remarkable than the success he then achieved and the vigour27 with which he devoted28 himself to his new vocation29.
It is no easy matter, especially in France, for a publicist and journalist to discover a fresh method of bringing his opinions to bear upon the public. Yet this is what Clemenceau did. He applied30 his humanist-materialist31 philosophy to the everyday incidents of French life. That philosophy is a strange compound of physical determinism and the ethical33 revolt against universal cruelty involved in the unregulated struggle for existence. The fight for life is inevitable34. So far, throughout historic times it has been a long campaign in which the usurping35 minority have always won. Wholesale36 butchery and cannibalism37 by conquering tribes have been transformed first into slavery, then into serfdom, lastly into the wage-earning system of our own time. In each and every case the many have been at the mercy of the dominating few. There is little or no effective attempt made to remedy the evils arising out[129] of such a state of things. The struggle for mere subsistence still goes on below, and those who revolt against it or endeavour seriously to ameliorate it by strikes or combinations are treated as misdemeanants or criminals. Mining capitalists, industrial capitalists, railway capitalists, landowners large and small have the law, the judges, the magistrates38, the police and all the reactionary forces on their side. Hence the grossest injustice39 and the most abominable40 oppression of the poor.
Therefore the State ought to intervene, not in order to repress the aspirations41 and punish the attempts of the wage-earning class to obtain better conditions of life for themselves and their children, but to protect this most important portion of the community in every possible way: to secure for them shorter hours of labour, thorough education, full opportunity for legitimate42 combination, boards of arbitration43 to avert26 strikes, fair play at the hands of the courts and the police. The State, in fact, is to act as a national conscience and perpetual trustee for the poor. Note that the struggle for existence, the fight for subsistence must go on—Clemenceau has never contemplated44 the possibility of a human scheme of co-operation by which competition would be wholly eliminated—but its harsher features ought to be reduced. There is no complete overthrow45 of mutual46 destruction, and no condition of universal fellowship is in view. Only the mind and heart of the community must be changed; men must survey modern society from the point of view of humane47 guidance and prepare the material development and economic arrangements which shall by degrees render individual injustice and cruelty as unheard-of as now is anthropophagy.
At the back of all this lies a picturesque48 pessimism49 and what nowadays is frequently spoken of as a philosophy of despair. No sooner has this planet, its solar system, its galaxy50 of suns and worlds reached its full development than they all begin to traverse the downward path which leads slowly and inevitably51 to decay and eventual52 destruction, until the entire process unconsciously and inevitably begins over again. Infinity[130] oppresses us all: the cosmos53 with its interminable repetitions eludes54 conception by the human intelligence. Yet we live and strive and feel and hope and have our conceptions of justice and sympathy and duty which come we know not whence and pass onwards we know not whither. Man as a highly organised individual entity55 becomes superior to the mere matter of which his mind is a function, because as an individual he can rise up out of himself and criticise56 and reflect upon that which, without any such power of conception, surrounds, upholds and then immolates57 him. “The universe crushes me,” wrote Pascal, “yet I am superior to the universe, because I know that it is crushing me and the universe knows nothing about it at all.” Strange to find Clemenceau quoting and agreeing with an intelligence so wholly different from his own as Pascal’s!
Then, fate, necessity, the Nemesis58 of Monism working on to its foreseen but uncontrollable destiny, dominates the cosmos and through the cosmos that infinitesimally small but sentient59 and critical microbe man, who creates an individual ethic32 out of this determinist material evolution. Francis Newman, the brother of the famous John Henry the Cardinal60, said that it is as impossible for man to comprehend matter developing and reproducing itself from all time as it is for him to conceive of an omnipotent61 deity62 superintending the matter he has created in its evolution from all time. We are therefore driven back, whether we like it or not, upon the ancient and never-ending discussion of free-will and predestination in a non-theological form which leaves in the main all the psychologic phenomena63 untouched, including Clemenceau’s own social morality that impels64 him to champion the cause of the oppressed. Beyond the demand for justice in the abstract and freedom in the abstract applied as a test to each special case as it arises, there is no guiding theory in Clemenceau’s philosophy. The recognition of the struggle for existence among human beings, as among plants and animals, does not imply any conscious co-ordination of effort, arising out of the growth of society, in order to do away with the antagonism65 engendered66 by life itself.[131] So with all his humanism Clemenceau will not accept the theories of scientific Socialism which could give an unshakable foundation to his own views of life. That is the weakness which runs through all his books and articles. His own individuality is so powerful that he simply cannot grasp the possibility of anything but individual effort, personal suasion and isolated67 measures of reform.
Nevertheless, we come upon a passage which, written obviously in perfect good faith, would, within its limits, be accepted as a fair statement of Socialism from an outsider: “Socialism is social beneficence in action, it is the intervention68 of all on behalf of the victim of the murderous vitality69 of the few. To contend, as the economists71 do, that we ought to oppose social altruism72 in its efforts is to misrepresent and seriously calumniate73 mankind. To complain that collective action will degrade the individual by some limitation of liberty is to argue in favour of the liberty of the stronger which is called oppressive. Is it not, on the contrary, to strengthen the individual by restraining and controlling every man who injures another man as does the employer of to-day when left to the bare exigences of competition? . . . Follow the laissez-faire policy for the individual, says the anti-social economist70, and speedily a whole regiment74 of devotees will rush to the succour of the vanquished75. We always wait, but see nothing save the terrible condition of humanity which ever remains76. . . . Against this anarchy77 it is man’s glory to revolt. He claims the right to soften78, to control fatality79 if he cannot escape from it. How?”
And then Clemenceau, whom in active life none would accuse of undue80 sentiment, goes off into a series of moral reflections and the need for perpetual moral preachments which really lead us nowhither; though, some pages further on, he quotes Karl Marx, who speaks of the unemployed81 as the inevitable “army of reserve” due not to human immorality82 but to the necessary functioning of the unregulated competitive capitalism83 of our period. Yet the great French Radical84 shrinks from the[132] organised social collective action and revolution needed to lift us out of this anarchy of oppression. He turns to the individual himself and his hard lot under the domination of fate. He has a justifiable85 tilt86 at free-will and personal responsibility. Thus:—
“But what is absurd, contradictory87, idiotic88 is the responsibility of the creature before the creator. I say to God, ‘If you are not satisfied with me, you had only to make me otherwise,’ and I defy him to answer me.” And then, quoting from “Lucian’s Dialogues of the Dead,” he cites Minos as discussing with a new-comer who is brought before him for punishment:
“All that I did in life,” says Sostrates, “was it done by me voluntarily, or was not my destiny registered beforehand by Fate?”
“Evidently by Fate,” answers Minos.
“Punish Fate, then,” is the reply.
“Let him go free,” says Minos to Mercury, “and see to it that he teaches the other dead to question us in like manner.”
“Substitute Fate for Jehovah or by the laws of the Universe, and tell me,” puts in Clemenceau, “when the pot owes his bill to the potter.” All this and the farewell benediction89 which the author vouchsafes90 to the human plaything of all these pre-ordered decisions of society do not get us much further, even though after so many mischances he may live on only to appreciate more thoroughly “the sublime91 indifference of things eternal.” That is not very consolatory92 by way of a materialist viaticum. But it is the best Clemenceau can give.
None the less it is easy to comprehend why this sort of philosophy, illustrated93 and punctuated95 by the keenest criticism and sarcasm96 on the wrongs and injustice of our existing society, produced a great effect. The commonest incidents of everyday life were made the text for vitriolic97 sermonising on the shortcomings of statesmen and judges, priests and police, industrial capitalists and mine-owners. Here and there, also, a description of working-class life is given, so accurate, so vivid, so telling that administrators98 of the easiest conscience were led to feel uncomfortable at the kind of social system with which[133] they had been hitherto satisfied. With no phase of French life is Clemenceau better acquainted than with the habits and customs of the French peasantry. Thus we have a description of the peasant tacked9 on to a nice little story of a poor fellow who, strolling along the highway on a hot day and feeling thirsty, plucks a few cherries from the branch of a cherry-tree which overhangs the road. The small proprietor99 is on the look-out for such petty depredations100 and at once kills the atrocious malefactor101 who had thus plundered102 him. The cherry-eater “had despoiled103 him of two-ha’porth of fruit!” It justified104 prompt execution of the thief by the owner. That such small robbery did not at once give the latter the power of life and death over the thief is a point of view that the peasant can never take. Why? Because of the penal105 servitude for life to which he is condemned106 by the very conditions of his existence, and the greed for property driven into him from birth to death. It is the outcome of private ownership: the result of the fatal saying, “This is mine.”
“The peasant is the man of one idea, of a sole and solitary107 love. Bowed, he knows only the earth. His activity has but one end and object: the soil. To acquire it, to own it, that is his life, harsh and rapacious108. He speaks of my land, my field, my stones, my thistles. To till, to manure109, to sow the land, to mow110, to uproot111, to prime, to cut what comes from the land, that is the eternal object of his entire physical or intellectual effort. Amusement for him: not a bit of it. He has no other resource than to console himself for the disappointment of to-day with the hope of to-morrow. He is at war with the seasons, the elements, the sun, rain, hail, wind, frost. He fights against the neighbouring intruder, the invading cattle, the birds, the caterpillars112, the parasites113, the thousand-and-one unknown phenomena which, without any apparent reason, bring down upon him all sorts of unlooked-for ills.
“Then has he risen at dawn for nothing, badly fed, badly clothed, sweating in the sun, shivering in the wind and the rain, exhausting his energies against things which resist his utmost[134] efforts? Do sowing, manuring, labour and the pouring out of life all, too, go for nothing, without rest, without leisure, without any thought but this: I toiled115 and suffered yesterday, I shall toil114 and suffer to-morrow? And all this is balanced by no pleasures but drunkenness and lust94. No theatres, no books, no shows, no enjoyments116 of any kind. Hard to others, hard to himself, everything is hard around him.”
Such is the peasant of Western France. Though the peasant of the South is of a livelier and happier disposition117 on the surface, both are at bottom the same. And France is still in the main rural France as Clemenceau himself impressed upon me many years ago. That is the influence which holds in check the advanced proletariat of the towns and mining districts. They can see nothing outside private property, property, property: yet it is this very unregulated individual ownership which forces them to fight out their existence against the hardships of nature with inefficient118 tools, insufficient119 manure and no adequate arrangements for marketing120 the produce they have for sale. High prices and a few advantages gained have somewhat ameliorated the lot of the peasant, but it is still a hard, depressing existence which cannot be made really human and happy for the great majority under the conditions of to-day. The only boon121 the peasant has is that he is not under the direct sway of the capitalist exploiter. What that means in the mines Clemenceau had an opportunity of seeing very close, as a member of the Commission appointed to examine into the coal-mines of Anzin in 1884. He tells of his experience ten years later in one of the pits he descended122. “Never go down a coal-mine,” wrote Lord Chesterfield to his son. “You can always say you have been below, and nobody can contradict you.” Clemenceau did not follow this cynical123 advice. He went down, “and after having waded124 through water, bent125 double, for hundreds upon hundreds of yards through dripping scales which hang from the upper stratum126, I crawled on hands and knees to a nice little vein127 twenty inches thick. On this seam human beings were at work, lying on their side, bringing[135] down coal which fell on their faces and replacing it continuously by timber in order not to be crushed by the upper surface. You must not neglect this part of the work!” He was not allowed to talk with the men themselves, and when they came to interview him secretly they implored128 him not to let the manager or the employers know, or they would be discharged at once! The old story of miners in every country which even the strongest Trade unions are as yet scarcely able to cope with, though the tyranny in French mines has been checked since the time Clemenceau wrote. These and similar cases of oppression on the part of the capitalist class caused Clemenceau to support Socialists more and more in their demands for limitation of the then unrestricted powers of individual employers and “anonymous” companies. So, too, individualist as he was, he wrote article after article in defence of the right of the men to strike against grievous oppression, holding that the combination of the workers was more than sufficiently129 handicapped by the fact that they were bound to imperil their own subsistence as well as the maintenance of their wives and children by going on strike at all. This argument he applied to all strikes in organised industries.
But Clemenceau naturally found himself drawn130 into bitter antagonism to the doctrine131 of laissez-faire and the law of supply and demand. “You say all must bow down to them. I contend all must revolt against them.” “The individual struggle for existence is only a great laissez-faire! Far from being liberty, it is the triumph of violence, it is barbarism itself. The man who mastered the first slave founded a new system . . . so completely that after some ages of this rule a physiocrat overlooking it all would have sagely132 pronounced: Slavery is the law of human societies. This with the same amount of truth as he says to-day: The law of supply and demand is an immutable133 ordinance134. And, for all that, the supreme135 irony136 of fate has decreed that the first slave-driver was at the same time the first sower of the seed of liberty, of justice. For by enslaving men he created a social relation, a relation different[136] from that enjoined137 by the primitive138 form of the struggle for existence: kill, eat, destroy. Henceforth man was bound to man. The social body was formed.” Man had to discover the law governing the new relation, and he found it at last in the first flashes of justice and liberty. “What, then, is this your laissez-faire, your law of supply and demand, but the pure and simple expression of force? Right overcomes force: that is the principle of civilisation139. Your law once formulated140, let us set to work against barbarism!”
All that is telling criticism; though to-day it reads a bit antiquated141 in view of the revolt everywhere against both these catch-phrases and the anarchist142 chaos143 which they connote. But here again Clemenceau, with all his acuteness and brilliancy, displays the need for a guiding historic and economic theory—the sociologic theory which scientific Socialism supplies. It was not justice or liberty which created slavery, or destroyed slavery, but economic development and social necessity. The cult4 of abstraction leads to social revolt but not to material revolution.
Holding the opinions he did, it was inevitable that Clemenceau should put the case of the Anarchists144 such as Vaillant, Henry, Ravachot. They were the victims of a system. They could not rise as a portion of a collective attack against the unjust class dominion145 and economic servitude which crushed them and their fellows down into interminable toil with no reward for their lifelong sufferings. So they made war as individuals for anarchy. Vive l’Anarchie! were the last words of Henry. The man was a fanatic146. “The crime seems to me odious147. I make no excuse for it,” says Clemenceau, but he objects to the capital penalty. “Henry’s crime was that of a savage148. The deed of society seems to me a loathsome149 vengeance150.” Clemenceau compares, too, the anarchists of dynamite151 to the would-be assassin Damien, so hideously152 tortured before death. “My motive,” said he, “was the misery153 which exists in three-quarters of the kingdom. I acted alone, because I thought alone.” The anarchist, asked by his mother[137] why he had, become an anarchist, answered, “Because I saw the suffering of the great majority of human beings.” Vaillant, Henry, Caserio and their like are overmastered by the same idea as Damien. They kill members of the king caste of our society of to-day in order to scare the bourgeoisie into justice. There is no arguing with honest fanatics154 of this type. Whether society is justified in guillotining or hanging them is another matter. That their method is futile155, as all history shows, gives society the right if it so chooses to regard it also as criminal.
The above is all argument and criticism put with almost savage vigour. But Clemenceau used likewise the lighter156 touch of French irony. Thus a wretched family of father, mother and six children, tramping along the high road near Paris, found some coal which had dropped from a wagon157 long since out of sight. They pick up these bits of chance fuel as a godsend. They have gleaned158 after the reapers159. Straightway, the story of Boaz and Ruth occurs to Clemenceau, of Boaz and his descendant of Nazareth, who is the God of Europe to-day. The Hebrew Boaz, the landowner of old, gladly leaves the wheat-ears to be gleaned by Ruth and marries her into the bargain. The Christian160 Boaz, the coal-owner of our time, gets the males of the distressed161 family of coal-gleaners six days’ imprisonment162. Such is progress through the centuries! The moral of the whole story is brilliantly touched in.
So again in his comment on the catastrophe163 at the Charity Bazaar164. It was the rank and religiosity of the persons burnt alive which rendered the tragedy so much more terrible than if the crowd thus incinerated had only consisted of common people! It was the cream of French piety165 that was there sacrificed. Quite an ecclesiastical and political propaganda was developed from their ashes. The spirit of class made these accidental victims of gross carelessness martyrs166 of Christian heroism167. Yet “if I go to dance at a charity ball, paying twenty francs for my ticket, and expire on the spot, I am not on that account a hero. . . . These gatherings168 are not exactly places of torture. People laugh, flirt169, and amuse themselves,[138] it is an opportunity to display fine dresses, and the charity sale has supplemented the Opéra Comique for marriage-provoking interviews superintended by good grandmothers. . . . Here is class distinction in action. Observe these aristocratic young gentlemen beating with their canes170 and kicking their frightened womenkind in their cowardly attempt to get out of danger. Then see the servants rushing in to save them! Look also at the workmen by chance on the spot risking their lives with true heroism, the plumber171 Piquet, who saved twenty people and, though much burnt himself, went back to his work-shop without a word.” The contrast is striking. It is not drawn by a Socialist23.
Then the criticism on the German fête in commemoration of the victory of Sedan. “William II is obliged to keep his people in training, to militarise them unceasingly, body and soul. . . . In spite of the handsome protests of most of the Socialist leaders, we may be sure that it is in very truth the soul of Germany whose innermost exultation172 is manifested in these numberless jubilations which have be-flagged every village in the Empire. . . . It is the curse of the triumphs of brute173 force to leave room in the soul of the conqueror174 for nothing but a blind faith in settlement by violence.” Then follows a prophetic summary of what must be the inevitable consequence of this consecration175 of brutal176 dominion inspired by the hateful instincts of barbarism, which together prepare to use in Central Europe the most efficient means of murder at the disposal of scientific civilisation. The ethics177 of the nation are being deliberately178 corrupted179 for the realisation of the Imperial policy!
Thus Clemenceau, like others of us who knew the old Germany well, and had watched its sad hypnotisation by the spirit of ruthless militarism, foresaw what was coming more than twenty-five years ago. And thus anticipating and reflecting, he chanced to see on one of the monuments of Paris illumined by the sun, “The German Empire falls.” It was dated 1805! “Short years pass. What remains of these follies180? If law[139] and right outraged181, reason flouted182, wisdom contemned183 must blight184 our hopes, as your warlike demonstrations185 too clearly prognosticate, then for you, men of Germany, the inscription186 of the Carrousel is patient and bides187 its time.
“And yet two great rival peoples worthy188 to understand one another could nobly make ready a nobler destiny.”
There you have the statesman and idealist as well as the clear-sighted journalist. Clemenceau saw the storm-cloud ever menacing and ready to break upon France. He warned his countrymen of their danger, bade them prepare to meet it, but hoped continuously that his forecasts might prove wholly erroneous. Jaurès unfortunately, with all his vast ability, was too idealist and far too credulous189. Hence his great influence was thrown against the due preparation of his own country; he did his utmost to support the anti-navy men even in Great Britain, and only began to recognise how completely mistaken he had been just before he was assassinated190 by the modern Ravaillac of religionist reaction. To anticipate fraternity in a world of conflict is to help the aggressor and to court disaster. This Clemenceau the Radical knew: to this the French Socialists shut their minds.
It was natural that the Vendéen by birth, the Parisian by adoption191, should feel himself drawn rather to the ideals of the French capital, which in matters of intelligence and art is also the capital of Europe, rather than to the narrow spirit of the Breton countryside which he has so vigorously sketched192. In his writings as in his political activities this preference, this admiration193 find forcible expression. From the days of Julian the great Pagan Emperor down to the French Revolution and thence onwards, Clemenceau briefly194 traces the development of the City by the Seine, the French Renaissance195 and the University of Paris, by the influence of the writings of Montaigne—“this city in right of which I am a Frenchman”—and Rabelais: this meeting-place of Europe, this Central Commune of the planet proposed by Clootz, the Prussian idealist, becomes in the words of the same foreign enthusiast196 “a mag[140]nificent Assembly of the peoples of the West.” We may forgive the French statesman his unbounded enthusiasm for the Paris where he has spent the whole of his active life. “One phrase alone, ‘The Rights of Man,’ has uplifted all heads. Lafayette brings back from America the victory that France sent thither197 and straightway the great battle is joined between Paris of the French Revolution and the coalition198 of things of the past.” “True, we have measured
“but at least we have striven, and we abate200 not a jot201 of our generous ambitions. Thus decrees the tradition of Paris . . . that Paris which now as ever holds in her hands the key to supreme victory.”
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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cult
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thoroughly
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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interfered
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jealousies
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tacked
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| 用平头钉钉( tack的过去式和过去分词 )； 附加，增补； 帆船抢风行驶，用粗线脚缝 | |
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persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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relentless
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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mere
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inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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reactionary
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esteem
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diabolical
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cliques
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oratory
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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exclusion
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boycotted
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socialist
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socialists
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averted
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avert
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vigour
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devoted
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vocation
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applied
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materialist
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ethic
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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inevitable
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usurping
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wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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37
cannibalism
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| n.同类相食；吃人肉 | |
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38
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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39
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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40
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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41
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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42
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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43
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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44
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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45
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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46
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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47
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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48
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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49
pessimism
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| n.悲观者，悲观主义者，厌世者 | |
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50
galaxy
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| n.星系；银河系；一群(杰出或著名的人物) | |
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51
inevitably
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|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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52
eventual
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| adj.最后的，结局的，最终的 | |
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53
cosmos
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|
| n.宇宙；秩序，和谐 | |
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54
eludes
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|
| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的第三人称单数 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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55
entity
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|
| n.实体，独立存在体，实际存在物 | |
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56
criticise
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|
| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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57
immolates
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|
| vt.宰杀…作祭品（immolate的第三人称单数形式） | |
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58
nemesis
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| n.给以报应者，复仇者，难以对付的敌手 | |
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59
sentient
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|
| adj.有知觉的，知悉的；adv.有感觉能力地 | |
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60
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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61
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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62
deity
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|
| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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63
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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64
impels
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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65
antagonism
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|
| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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66
engendered
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|
| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
isolated
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|
| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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68
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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69
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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70
economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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71
economists
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|
| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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72
altruism
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|
| n.利他主义，不自私 | |
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73
calumniate
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|
| v.诬蔑，中伤 | |
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74
regiment
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|
| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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75
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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76
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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77
anarchy
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|
| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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78
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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79
fatality
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|
| n.不幸，灾祸，天命 | |
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80
undue
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|
| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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81
unemployed
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|
| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
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82
immorality
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|
| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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83
capitalism
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|
| n.资本主义 | |
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84
radical
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|
| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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85
justifiable
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|
| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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86
tilt
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|
| v.(使)倾侧；(使)倾斜；n.倾侧；倾斜 | |
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87
contradictory
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|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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88
idiotic
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|
| adj.白痴的 | |
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89
benediction
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|
| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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90
vouchsafes
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|
| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的第三人称单数 )；允诺 | |
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91
sublime
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|
| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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92
consolatory
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|
| adj.慰问的，可藉慰的 | |
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93
illustrated
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|
| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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94
lust
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|
| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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95
punctuated
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|
| v.（在文字中）加标点符号，加标点( punctuate的过去式和过去分词 )；不时打断某事物 | |
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96
sarcasm
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|
| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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97
vitriolic
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|
| adj.硫酸的，尖刻的 | |
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98
administrators
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|
| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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99
proprietor
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|
| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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100
depredations
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|
| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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101
malefactor
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|
| n.罪犯 | |
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102
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
despoiled
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|
| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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105
penal
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|
| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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106
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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107
solitary
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|
| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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108
rapacious
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|
| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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109
manure
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|
| n.粪，肥，肥粒；vt.施肥 | |
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110
mow
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| v.割（草、麦等），扫射，皱眉；n.草堆，谷物堆 | |
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111
uproot
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|
| v.连根拔起，拔除；根除，灭绝；赶出家园，被迫移开 | |
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112
caterpillars
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|
| n.毛虫( caterpillar的名词复数 )；履带 | |
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113
parasites
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|
| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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114
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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115
toiled
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|
| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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116
enjoyments
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|
| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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117
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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118
inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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119
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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120
marketing
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| n.行销，在市场的买卖，买东西 | |
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121
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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122
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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123
cynical
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|
| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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124
waded
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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125
bent
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|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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126
stratum
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| n.地层，社会阶层 | |
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127
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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128
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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130
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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131
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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132
sagely
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| adv. 贤能地，贤明地 | |
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133
immutable
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| adj.不可改变的，永恒的 | |
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134
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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135
supreme
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|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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136
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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137
enjoined
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|
| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138
primitive
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|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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139
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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140
formulated
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|
| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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141
antiquated
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|
| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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142
anarchist
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| n.无政府主义者 | |
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143
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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144
anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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145
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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146
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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147
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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148
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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149
loathsome
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|
| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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150
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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151
dynamite
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| n./vt.(用)炸药(爆破) | |
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152
hideously
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|
| adv.可怕地，非常讨厌地 | |
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153
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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154
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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155
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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156
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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157
wagon
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| n.四轮马车，手推车，面包车；无盖运货列车 | |
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158
gleaned
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|
| v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的过去式和过去分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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159
reapers
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| n.收割者，收获者( reaper的名词复数 )；收割机 | |
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160
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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161
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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162
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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163
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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164
bazaar
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| n.集市，商店集中区 | |
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165
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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166
martyrs
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|
| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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167
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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168
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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169
flirt
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| v.调情，挑逗，调戏；n.调情者，卖俏者 | |
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170
canes
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| n.（某些植物，如竹或甘蔗的）茎( cane的名词复数 )；（用于制作家具等的）竹竿；竹杖 | |
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171
plumber
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| n.(装修水管的)管子工 | |
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172
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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173
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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174
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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175
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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176
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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177
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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178
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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179
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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180
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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181
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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182
flouted
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| v.藐视，轻视( flout的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183
contemned
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| v.侮辱，蔑视( contemn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
blight
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| n.枯萎病；造成破坏的因素；vt.破坏，摧残 | |
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185
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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186
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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187
bides
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| v.等待，停留( bide的第三人称单数 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待；面临 | |
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188
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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189
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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190
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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191
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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192
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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193
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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194
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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195
renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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196
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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197
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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198
coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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199
hauteur
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| n.傲慢 | |
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200
abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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201
jot
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| n.少量；vi.草草记下；vt.匆匆写下 | |
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