Harper loved his country and its people, and in all that he undertook, which was of a public nature, he was animated3 by an enthusiasm for the common good. Of the self-imposed tasks he had undertaken in addition to his regular duties at the department of labour, and in each of which he had made some progress, were treatises4 on “Labour Legislation in[106] Canada,” and the “Outlines of an Industrial History of the Dominion5.” Among his contributions to publications other than the Labour Gazette, was a short essay on Colleges and Citizenship6 in a Christmas number of the Acta Victoriana of Victoria College, one or two articles in The Commonwealth7 on Canada’s Attitude Towards Labour, and an uncompleted monograph8, intended for publication, on The Study of Political Economy in the High Schools. He was president of the Ottawa Social Science Club, secretary-treasurer of the Ottawa section of the University of Toronto Alumni Association, and an active member of the Ottawa Literary and Scientific Society. He was at the same time promoting the organization of a University Club, a plan of which he had carefully prepared, and the object of which was to bring the university men of the city into closer touch with each other, and make their influence more widely felt in the civic10 and social life of the community.
The background of all Harper’s thinking[107] on social and political problems was coloured by his belief in a moral order; in the forefront was ever the individual proclaiming this order, and seeking to realize it in his own life. Institutions of whatever kind, whether national or religious, were to him of human creation. Their usefulness was in proportion to the degree to which they helped to give expression to the unseen purpose in the universe. Nature and man, alone, were divine. It followed logically from this that man’s work among his fellows in the world was to discover the moral order, reveal and maintain it, so far as within him the power lay. Harmony with this order meant happiness, want of harmony, whether by the individual or the state, unhappiness. In this view, the individual is vastly superior to any institution he and his fellows may construct, superior as an end, and as a means to an end. If a set of conditions exist which are counter to the moral order, or obstruct11 its fulfillment in the lives of men, these conditions should be changed, the individual should not be sacri[108]ficed to them. On the other hand, change may be, and ought to be accomplished12 more by men than by institutions, and can only be accomplished in the degree to which beliefs become active, potent13 factors in individual lives.
It is true that human knowledge is limited, and that the purpose of God is infinite, and so there may rightly be among men differences of opinion as to what, under any circumstances, are the ends to be sought, and the best means to attain14 those ends; and humility15 may well characterize all expressions of belief relative thereto; but, to the extent of knowledge gained, the ground underfoot is firm, and humility will not excuse the want of assertion, where right reason is set at naught16 by wrongful conduct. Moreover, there is much on which men can be agreed, broken arcs visible to all, though the perfect round is seen by none. There are right and wrong, truth and falsehood, honesty and dishonesty, love and hate, purity and vice17, honour and dishonour18, and the difference between them is as apparent and real as the difference[109] ’twixt day and night, albeit19, now and again, a twilight20 of uncertainty21 may render doubtful the confines of separation. Harper’s exclusive insistence22 was only upon what in this way was acceptable to all; and knowing that it was acceptable, he was sure the appeal would find a response in those to whom it was addressed. Whatever men might be in seeking privately23 their own selfish ends, their belief in a moral order was apparent once action became collective; the public had a conscience to which it was generally true, though men at times might seem to betray their better selves; and public opinion might be expected to guard for society as a whole a right for which individuals sometimes lost respect. How great, therefore, was the responsibility upon those who had the capacity, or opportunity, to see that public opinion was rightly formed and directed, and that, in social and political affairs, truth and right should be made to prevail!
This insistence upon the recognition of responsibility in those favoured by educa[110]tional training or opportunity, is well brought out in a paragraph or two in the short essay on Colleges and Citizenship. Referring to a quotation24 from Sir Alfred Milner’s life of Arnold Toynbee, in which “the estrangement25 of the men of thought from the leaders of the people” is referred to as having constituted, in Toynbee’s mind, the great danger of the democratic upheaval26 of the time, Harper writes:
“People in Canada to-day are doubtless not so anxious about democratic upheaval. Fortunately the aggravated27 conditions of an old world metropolis28 have not yet been developed. The task is easier; the duty none the less imperative29. It is more possible to secure the confidence of men who are not embittered30 by the pangs31 of slumdom. But because conditions here are not as distressing32 as they have been and are elsewhere, it is surely no less desirable, with a view to promoting industrial peace and healthy national development, that the men who have opportunity and capacity for the serious study of social and economic problems, should not allow themselves to become fenced off by a wall of indifference33 of their own[111] creation from those to whom the mass of the people look for direction, inspiration and suggestion. It is reasonable to expect that he who claims to be engaged in the pursuit of truth should not give countenance34 to what makes for social disorder35 and national decay.
“Men are as much open to reason, as liable to accept truth, when they have been convinced of it, as when Arnold Toynbee studied, lectured and wrote. They are as prone36 to prefer what is genuine to what is pretense37 and dissimulation38. Surely a peculiar39 obligation to see that men think rightly and act sanely40, devolves upon those whose vantage ground should enable them to distinguish what is genuine. Sir Alfred Milner, having in mind the earnest friend of his undergraduate days, said six years ago to the members of Toynbee Hall: ‘I do not go so far as to say that what Oxford42 thinks to-day England will do to-morrow, but certainly any new movement of thought at the universities in these days rapidly finds its echo in the press and in public opinion.’ Indeed, is there not fair ground for the belief that much of the virtue43 which has marked the conduct of Great Britain’s High Commissioner44 at Cape45 Town, throughout the South African crisis[112] is due to association with the high-minded student, who, in the congenial atmosphere of Oxford, did not forget that he was a citizen?”
It was his belief in the importance of men recognizing their duties as citizens, and being able to discharge these duties with intelligence and for the common good, which led Harper to prepare a scheme for the teaching of Political Economy in the high schools. The merits of this plan he had summarized as follows:
“Such a study would tend to remedy the great evil of democratic institutions, the susceptibility of the masses to the influence of demagogues, and their liability to misconstrue the relations of cause and effect because of ignorance. It would tend to promote mental development, especially in the direction of individual thought. It would tend to raise the standard of such studies in the universities, and this in time would react upon the high schools in the way of more competent teachers, and, in the end, create great possibilities for the prosecution46 of research in this all important branch of knowledge in our country. It would tend to remedy social evils by giving the[113] philanthropist and the public generally, something like an accurate idea of the true state of society. It would react beneficially upon the government, which, with a more critical observation, would be more careful in its actions.”
He modestly concludes,
“I simply put forward a proposal which, I think, if carried out, would tend to modify the evils fostered by ignorance. I have to a great extent taken it as an axiom that whatever tends to disseminate47 knowledge, to advance truth, and to develop the intellect, cannot be wrong, and should be accepted by all liberal minded men; and this, I think, would be the result of the study of Political Economy in our high schools.”
From the notes he had made, and from what is contained in the body of the article, it would appear that he had in mind a course on Civic Ethics48, quite as much as on the Elements of Economics, and that he would have liked, if possible, to have had a beginning made in the public schools.
[114]
“I am becoming more and more convinced that the true rulers of the nation are outside of our parliaments and our law courts, and that the safety of society lies in informing those who form public opinion.”
“I feel more and more the necessity of emphasizing the importance of the scientific study of economic and political problems in a country in which every man has the franchise50, and is supposed to be in a position to express an intelligent opinion upon public questions, and particularly at a time when labour and kindred problems are prominent in the public mind.”
“A man who truly loves his country should be disposed to do his utmost to see it rightly governed.”
“The poor downtrodden have more to hope for from men who, having a specialized51 training in the operation of social forces, apply themselves to the proper remedy, than from all the windy, ultra-radical demagogues.”
[115]
“It is the alienation—partly, no doubt, due to indolence—of the men of thought from those from whom the mass of the people habitually52 receive their inspiration, which accounts for much of the crass53 ignorance and purposeless passion of the people and their demagogues.”
“For myself, I have long deplored54 the foolish worship of this or that set of political machinery55 by apparently56 well intentioned men. In Matthew Arnold’s Culture and Anarchy57, there is a solution for much of our distressing bluster58 and blunder. With confidence in the possibilities of man and a resolute59 endeavour to strive towards perfection, to allow our best consciousness to play about our stock notions and our painful conditions of society, we should be able to see the real value of things, and ultimately to approach more nearly to right and truth. If our well-intentioned, but perhaps ‘over-Hebraized’ ultra-socialists60 and ultra-individualists would have perfection more prominently in mind than the pet panacea61 they have ever before them, and would allow their best consciousness to play about their notions of society and its evils, there would be less of viciousness and ignorance in their propaganda.”
[116]
“The fallacy of political panaceas62! And the vital importance of improving the individual morally, and encouraging him to elevate his ideals! What a splendid thing it would be if every labour agitator63, every demagogue, every member of parliament, every professor, teacher and minister, and, in fact, every one who exerts an influence upon the public mind, could realize and act upon the truth which came to Alton Locke after his life of bitter trial: ‘My only ground was now the bare realities of life and duty. The problem of society—self-sacrifice, the one solution.’”
“We are too apt to regard social phenomena64 as if they are entities65 in themselves, instead of incidents in the development of society, a fact which a man who is amidst the strife66 of existing social and economic conditions should not lose sight of.”
“I am continually impressed with the wisdom of keeping a mind open to suggestion and impressions from the men one meets in the ordinary course of life, in fine, the importance of keeping an open mind. If one can accomplish this, even[117] the din67 of ‘the world’s most crowded streets’ becomes interesting and instructive, even beautiful, because of the opportunities of seeing truth and discovering the remedy for evils.”
“Justice and truth must prevail over tyranny and ignorance.”
The true mind is revealed in its unconscious moments, and it is, therefore, from passages like these, casually68 expressed, and constantly recurring69 in much that he wrote, which was of a private nature, that his real views and beliefs are to be gathered. One or two other passages in a similar vein70 will disclose these views more fully9.
During Christmas week of 1900 he visited New York for the first time. Of the many impressions made upon his mind, the contrasts of wealth and poverty, and all that they implied, were to him more real than aught else.
“What was particularly irritating to me,” he writes in his journal, after returning from this trip,[118] “was the constant evidence of the power of money rule in that throbbing71 metropolis. The story is written, even on the store signs on Broadway, that this, the greatest commercial city in America, is practically owned by monied persons, whose tastes and ambitions strike one as being essentially72 low, mean and vulgar. I felt strongly a growing pride in British institutions and British character compared with what I saw about me. The ground taken by Mr. Mulock, on behalf of labour, came strongly before me. I felt that selfishness must be reckoned with in the solution of social problems. What is to be hoped is that strong men may be brought to see that right legislation is good politics, that they may thus be persuaded to lend their aid to those who hope to avoid the growth in Canada of a corrupt73 system by which the power is in the hands of the octopus74 who owns the money bags, and who fattens75 on the blood of the people whom he crowds under him. There is luxury and magnificence on Fifth Avenue, but I envied not the proud possessors of those costly76 mansions77. I want naught but what my own ability and effort will bring me. I believe in making one’s surroundings as beautiful as may be, but I feel that there is much waste and vulgar[119] display in the way in which wealthy New York arrays herself. Her luxury is ponderous78 and heavy and dull, when one remembers that much of it rests on the necks of the hundreds of thousands of toilers who gasp79 for breath in the narrow streets, from whom are withheld80 God’s free gifts, the sunlight and the pure air.”
Elsewhere, he writes after a walk through the city streets:
“On the way home I turned over in my mind the question as to how wealthy men come to be so much appreciated in spite of the fact that it is only the lovable in man which is truly loved—by right-minded men at all events, and I am satisfied that, consciously or unconsciously, men come to compromise with their own sense of justice in their estimate of men, until a habit of thought and regard is fixed81. What goes forward is something like this: we do not love the man with the big house, but we would love to be the man with the big house. And since the man with the big house often has it in his power to get a bigger house than we have, we come to appreciate him. Many men do this until it comes to be usual to appreciate the man with the big house, and he[120] comes to be a large figure in the eyes of the world, however little we may love him and his methods. This is particularly the case in a young nation like the United States which has, as yet, scarcely come to realize the really valuable things, an appreciation82 of which comes from genuine culture.
“Again, whilst there is no great sin per se in being rich, I can see the truth in the old scriptural saying, ‘It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God.’ When it is so hard for an earnest student to keep his mind rivetted upon the eternal realities of life, through which character building and true happiness come, how much harder must it be for the man whose circumstances make the existing order, if not sufficient, yet comfortable, who has his vanity flattered by the things which he has been pursuing, and who has a vast web of houses and other possessions to shut him off from even an occasional view of the realities. These facts, of course, only hold in their general application and tendencies. There have been, doubtless, splendid rich men. When these reach that state when, of their own free will, and of deliberate choice, they are prepared to go,[121] sell all that they have, and give to the poor, then they have reached an attitude of mind and heart which enables them to distinguish between semblances83 and realities, to deliberately84 select the latter, and so realize the greatest happiness, the Kingdom of Heaven.”
His fine spirit is no less clearly revealed in the views which he held of the duties of the department of labour, and of the ideals he believed should govern and direct its work. The following extracts from letters to the one with whom he was associated, may serve to show with what purpose and to what end he had given himself to the work. The letters were written during the summer of 1901, while he was in charge of the department:
“As I lay in a hammock last night at Kingsmere, and gazed into the deep blue moonlit vault85 of heaven, and ran over in my mind the progress already made by the department, and taxed my imagination to see its future, the one formidable obstacle which I saw ever before us was the difficulty of keeping firm to one’s convictions in the face of growing clamours for things which one[122] cannot approve, yet which are uttered by people whom one cannot ignore. Nevertheless, I am convinced that all will be well in the end. We will have the good will of the decent, fair-minded people, and that is all one should be much concerned about, after one has satisfied one’s own sense of right and justice. I feel a deep sense of the gravity of our position, and I am determined86 that you shall command my best effort in your endeavours to make the work of the department effective, and to defeat unworthy attacks. I do not think that I am lacking either in faith in human nature or in the ultimate triumph of right, but I am coming to realize more, day by day, that it is a great man’s work which we are called upon to perform. I have every confidence in our ability to weather the storms which we will undoubtedly87 be called upon to meet, and you can be assured that you will find me ready to do my share. It behooves88 us both to steadfastly89 keep before us those things which are true, and, if we do, Nature, as Carlyle says, will be on our side.
“The work on the Labour Gazette allows opportunity for a careful and searching analysis of the industrial and social life of the Dominion. Already I can see the practical usefulness of the[123] work. In addition to the obvious recognition of the claims of labour involved in the creation of the department, we have it in our power to publish information which should lead to a better understanding all round, as well as to further such movements as arbitration90 and conciliation91 which tend to promote industrial peace.
“With the added responsibility there has come to me an increasing sense of the usefulness of the work which we are doing. I believe we can do much towards determining the direction of social progress. With a knowledge of fact, an absence of sectarian prejudice, some understanding of the progress of human institutions, and of the motives92 which influence men, we should, if we can keep control of ourselves, and maintain high ideals as inspiration for the development of the best that is in us, be able to render a lasting93 service to this country.”
In this connection his views as to the relation of the State and Labour, and of labour problems generally, may not be without interest.
“I think,” he writes, “we should discourage anything that tends to prevent Canadian workers[124] from being good citizens, and enough means and leisure to avoid the brutalizing tendency of suppressed bitterness and poverty, is necessary to that end. I am inclined to believe that healthy, rational development will be best furthered by restraining those influences which tend to lower the level of citizenship, and the material well-being94 of the mass of the workers in a country in which, as in Canada, the workers are an important element in the governing of the nation. Society must insist upon rules of fairness governing our industrial system, and upon frowning down the ‘mean man.’ Let each individual have to himself the reward of his energy, and of his legitimate95 effort, but let him work in accordance with rules of fair play, and frown down, and banish96, if need be, the ‘mean man.’
“There are those who have held that man has but one right, the right to live, if he can. Modern British democracy does not stop there. That same sense of self-respect which prevents us considering as tolerable a society which allows men and women, who are unable to provide for themselves, to lie down on the street and die, forces us to insist that there shall be some rules for the regulation of industrial life, more particularly[125] where the parties in an industrial contest are of unequal strength. Most modern societies are prepared to admit that industry should be so conducted that men who are willing to work shall be allowed to work under as wholesome97 conditions as are reasonably possible, and that they shall be allowed such a return for their labour and so much leisure, as is necessary to health. For, to put it on no higher ground, no society, however hard hearted, can afford for long, when the remedy lies in its own hands, to countenance conditions which create in the hearts of reasonable men, that bitterness which tends to provoke social upheavals98 and revolutions.
“Where the governing power is dependent upon the governed, no abstract theory of individual liberty or what not, will long prevent the State from taking cognizance of apparent and remediable injustice99. Doctrinaire100 political philosophers, painters of Utopias, peddlars of political panaceas, still have their own little nostrums101 for society, but the law has been built up, as has seemed right or expedient102 to the law makers103 of the time, as a series of arbitrary rules based upon experience, and defining the terms upon which people may best live in each other’s society.
[126]
“The attitude taken by those who have fashioned British policy in industrial matters, recognizing the principle that upon individual ability and individual energy rests national progress, allows to the individual the enjoyment104 of the fruits of his industry. But it insists that in the getting of it he must be governed by rules of fair play. The rule which underlies105 the various labour laws seems to be ‘leave well enough alone, but get after the mean man.’ A parent has a right to chastise106 his child, but that does not mean that he has a right to beat his child whenever he feels inclined, or allow him to be so worked as to start him in life a crippled, deformed107, little creature. The Factories Acts, perhaps the best known department of labour legislation, both in England and in Canada, have been created to correct abuses, which would not have arisen but for the practices of hard-hearted employers. In order to thwart108 the mean man, who will consider neither the comfort nor the well-being of his employees, certain rules have been laid down, declaring how establishments, where abuses are likely to arise, shall be conducted.
“The generally accepted rule nowadays is, that good done is sufficient justification109 of an act, in[127] the absence of evidence that equal or greater evil will follow. Take as an illustration the inspection110 of apples and pears, which does not fall within the scope of what is normally considered labour legislation. It was found that, left to themselves, some men who sold apples were so short-sighted as to fill the centre of the apple barrels with inferior fruit, straw, old boots, clothes, and other material which cost less than the hand-picked fruit of the Canadian orchards111, and which could not be seen when covered up with rosy112, sweet smelling Northern Spies. But the appetite of the British consumer does not extend to the contents of the refuse cart, and Canadian fruit growers as a whole suffered. Because some men are prepared to carry their meanness to the extent of counterfeiting113, and of impairing114 the reputation of their countrymen, the Canadian parliament felt called upon, in the interest of common decency115 and the good of the apple trade, to require an inspection, which, while it will defeat the mean man, will involve the regulation of every honest Canadian shipper who is content to take his chances on the principle, ‘caveat emptor.’
“Here, then, is an illustration which may be applied116. Let every man stand upon his own feet,[128] says the parliament at Westminster. Let every man choose and pursue his own aim in life, and have for himself the reward of his efforts. But where an abuse develops to such an extent that it becomes a menace to public safety, or an invasion of the rights of others, we are prepared to so legislate117 as to defeat the offender118, whilst restricting individual enterprise to the least possible extent.”
And of the application of the same principle of fair play to industrial disputes, he writes:
“Partly because society feels that it cannot afford to see the machinery of production tied up and inactive, partly because of the effect upon consumers of increased inconvenience and increased prices as the result of that suspension, but largely, I think, because society demands that the men who work shall have fair treatment, because the great heart of society, stripped of its shams119, its semblances, its dilettantisms, its hypocrisies120 and its follies121, demands that justice and fair play shall rule between man and man, that they who are willing to work with, their hands shall have a fair return for their work, and shall be allowed to work under fair conditions, it has come to pass[129] that, in British countries, there is an answer to the demand of labour for some kind of arbitrament other than the strong hand, when the parties to an industrial dispute fail to agree. In New Zealand the answer has come in compulsory122 arbitration, which, at bottom, means, practically, the fixing of wages by the State. In Great Britain and Canada individualism will not go so far. Public opinion, for the time being at least, is satisfied with the creation of machinery for the operation of voluntary conciliation. We hope that public opinion will, in most cases and in the long run, strike a true note. Under modern conditions, as Carlyle says, ‘Democracy virtually extant will insist upon becoming palpably extant.’
“Inasmuch as many industrial disputes have their origin in misunderstandings, and in sentimental123 alienations from the arbitrary disposition124 of one party or the other, the Acts in Great Britain and Canada, providing as they do for the appointment of an unbiased mediator125 to bring the parties together, are calculated to sweep away all unessential entanglements126, and make the way clear for a settlement by means of amicable127 compromise without taking away from either of the parties the privilege, to which each claims a right, of using[130] its strength to further its own legitimate individual ends. The existence of the machinery makes it difficult for either party in a serious dispute to refuse to employ it; the prestige of the government behind the conciliator enables him to deal freely with each party, and to throw the full light of day upon the real condition of affairs. This done, the full strength of the system of voluntary conciliation comes into play. Public opinion will force a settlement which approximates to justice and fairness. The mean party, whether it be the employer or the labour organization, must inevitably128 give way to the extent of its meanness, and at the same time, the right of the individual to realize for himself the fullest fruits of his legitimate effort, at once the stimulus129 of the capitalist, and raison d’être of the trade union, is preserved. The system, it is true, acknowledges, at once, the imperfection of trade union machinery, and the selfishness, even to the extent of meanness, of employers; it goes further than the grasping and heartless employer would allow; it falls short of what many unionists, especially among the socialists in the organizations, would demand; but it adequately represents the general attitude of the British public in matters of labour legislation[131] generally, preserves the reward of individual effort to the individual who makes the effort, but makes it impossible for the mean man to profit by his meanness. Meanwhile, with the option, in case of disputes, of the arbitrament of public opinion, an employer is apt to give greater consideration to a proposal for the creation of a permanent conciliation board, representative of himself and his employees, to determine questions which may arise within his establishment.
“Such a bringing together of the two classes in the producing scheme for the consideration of their mutual130 interests, as well as their mutual differences, is calculated to promote a harmony which should make for the great aim of all, the promotion131 of industrial peace. Granted the existence of a fair rate of wages and fair conditions of work, the existence of conditions, which can, with little difficulty, merge132 into a modified form of industrial association or partnership133, and there is the vindication134 of the truth, that there is no necessary warfare135 between the parties to production.”
Lastly, of Democracy; its problems were to him mainly industrial; a well informed public opinion was the one hope, a[132] recognition of the duties of citizenship, the one necessity of the times. In obedience136 to a moral order lay the secret of happiness, for the heart of a people like the heart of man, was governed by truth.
“If we are to have faith in democracy, we must believe that the people, when informed, will choose what is right in preference to what is base. If we can judge of the disposition of the press and the expressed opinions of prominent men who give thought to the matter, Canada has deliberately set her face towards the promotion of industrial peace, the stamping out of the mean man. Canadians seem disposed to declare with Carlyle, that ‘cash payment is not the sole nexus137 of man with man. Deep, far deeper than supply and demand are laws, obligations as sacred as man’s life itself. He that will not learn them, perpetual mutiny, contention138, hatred139, isolation140, execration141, will wait on his footsteps, till all men discern that the thing which he attains142, however golden it look or be, is not success, but the want of success.’”
“Working men are not asking for favours. In their federations143 less and less is heard of technical[133] differences, and more of a desire to secure the good will of the general public by means of a cool, deliberate presentation of views upon public questions primarily affecting them. It is impossible not to accept the general views of Mr. Henry Compton, that as working men acquire their full rights, their leaders will turn to the noble task of impressing upon them the duties of citizenship. Outside of parliaments and law courts, the destiny of the nation’s workers and employers is being shaped by the consciousness of right in the minds of the mass of the people.”
“I have confidence that public opinion will, in most cases and in the long run, strike a true note. I have faith in the saying, ‘the people may make mistakes, but the people never lie.’ Show the people what it all means, and the people will do what is right. They are learning the insufficiency of political catch words. They know that no political pill, call it by ever so attractive a word, is a cure for all ills.”
“Whatever course we may pursue we must not forget that it is but a means to an end. Machinery is good, so long as we remember that it[134] is machinery. No system will, even for a short time, avoid industrial evils unless the people have respect for what is right and true and just. The present system has its omissions144 and its weaknesses, but it keeps in mind some of the principles of public policy, which experience has shown to be sturdy, sane41 and wholesome. I think it is a stride in the right direction. If men will but be true to themselves, a new era is dawning upon us; an era, which, if it will not be free of pain, hardship and suffering for many, will, while preserving a premium145 as a reward for the energetic, a punishment for the mean, leave the final judgment146 in industrial questions with public opinion, which, when informed, is ready to choose what is right in preference to what is base. The ultimate solution of industrial problems, now as never before, lies with the people at large, and all will be well if citizens will but discharge the duties of their citizenship.”
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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monograph
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| n.专题文章，专题著作 | |
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fully
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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obstruct
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accomplished
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potent
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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humility
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naught
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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18
dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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19
albeit
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| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
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twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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21
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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22
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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23
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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24
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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25
estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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26
upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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27
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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28
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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29
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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30
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31
pangs
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| 突然的剧痛( pang的名词复数 )； 悲痛 | |
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32
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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33
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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34
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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35
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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36
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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37
pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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38
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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39
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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40
sanely
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| ad.神志清楚地 | |
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41
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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42
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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43
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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44
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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45
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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46
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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47
disseminate
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| v.散布；传播 | |
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48
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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49
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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50
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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51
specialized
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| adj.专门的，专业化的 | |
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52
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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53
crass
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| adj.愚钝的，粗糙的；彻底的 | |
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54
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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56
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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57
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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58
bluster
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| v.猛刮；怒冲冲的说；n.吓唬，怒号；狂风声 | |
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59
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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60
socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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61
panacea
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| n.万灵药；治百病的灵药 | |
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62
panaceas
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| n.治百病的药，万灵药( panacea的名词复数 ) | |
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63
agitator
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| n.鼓动者；搅拌器 | |
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64
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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65
entities
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| 实体对像； 实体，独立存在体，实际存在物( entity的名词复数 ) | |
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66
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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67
din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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68
casually
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| adv.漠不关心地，无动于衷地，不负责任地 | |
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69
recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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70
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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71
throbbing
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| a. 跳动的,悸动的 | |
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72
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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73
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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74
octopus
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| n.章鱼 | |
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75
fattens
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| v.喂肥( fatten的第三人称单数 )；养肥（牲畜）；使（钱）增多；使（公司）升值 | |
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76
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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77
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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78
ponderous
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| adj.沉重的，笨重的，(文章)冗长的 | |
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79
gasp
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| n.喘息，气喘；v.喘息；气吁吁他说 | |
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80
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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81
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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82
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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83
semblances
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| n.外表，外观（semblance的复数形式） | |
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84
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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85
vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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86
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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87
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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88
behooves
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| n.利益，好处( behoof的名词复数 )v.适宜( behoove的第三人称单数 ) | |
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89
steadfastly
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| adv.踏实地，不变地；岿然；坚定不渝 | |
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90
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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91
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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92
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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93
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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94
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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95
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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96
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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97
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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98
upheavals
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| 突然的巨变( upheaval的名词复数 )； 大动荡； 大变动； 胀起 | |
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99
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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100
doctrinaire
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| adj.空论的 | |
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101
nostrums
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| n.骗人的疗法，有专利权的药品( nostrum的名词复数 )；妙策 | |
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102
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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103
makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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104
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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105
underlies
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的第三人称单数 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起 | |
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106
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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107
deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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108
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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109
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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110
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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111
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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112
rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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113
counterfeiting
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| n.伪造v.仿制，造假( counterfeit的现在分词 ) | |
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114
impairing
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| v.损害，削弱( impair的现在分词 ) | |
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115
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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116
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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117
legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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118
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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119
shams
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| 假象( sham的名词复数 )； 假货； 虚假的行为（或感情、言语等）； 假装…的人 | |
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120
hypocrisies
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| n.伪善，虚伪( hypocrisy的名词复数 ) | |
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121
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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122
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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123
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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124
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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125
mediator
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| n.调解人，中介人 | |
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126
entanglements
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| n.瓜葛( entanglement的名词复数 )；牵连；纠缠；缠住 | |
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127
amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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128
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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129
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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130
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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131
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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132
merge
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| v.(使)结合，(使)合并，(使)合为一体 | |
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133
partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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134
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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135
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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136
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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137
nexus
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| n.联系；关系 | |
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138
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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139
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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140
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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141
execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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142
attains
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的第三人称单数 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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143
federations
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| n.联邦( federation的名词复数 )；同盟；联盟；联合会 | |
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144
omissions
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| n.省略( omission的名词复数 )；删节；遗漏；略去或漏掉的事（或人） | |
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145
premium
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| n.加付款；赠品；adj.高级的；售价高的 | |
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146
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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