There is such a thing as a national character.91 The national character is reflected in the language, literature, laws and customs, arts, institutions and religion of a people. Even when the religion professed1 by different peoples is the same in name it is strongly tinctured in the different countries by the national differences. Compare for example the Christianity of Prussia with that of France, or that of England with that of Russia.
The national character, like that of the individual, has its plus and minus qualities, its excellent and its repellent traits.
The national character is to be spiritualized by raising the plus traits to the Nth degree.
To this end, as before, the three-fold reverence3 and especially the third reverence is the means. The backward peoples of the earth are the paramount4 object of reverence. The more advanced peoples are to bring to light325 the spiritual life latent in the backward. In order to do so, they are to carry out the principle of reverence toward past civilization, to sift5 out what is vital in the work of previous generations. And further, they are to conform to the second principle of reverence, that toward contemporaries approximately on the same level, i.e., toward the other civilized6 nations. No single nation is really competent to undertake the great task of awaking the stationary7 peoples of India and China, of educating the primitive8 peoples of Africa. A union of the civilized nations should be formed in order that together they may jointly9 accomplish the pedagogy of the less developed. The educational point of view once again appears as the ethical10. The relation of the less developed to the more advanced peoples should be analogous11 to that of the child towards the parents. Just as neither the father singly nor the mother alone can release spiritual life in the offspring, so the different civilized nations, each of which has its own gift, its own plus traits, are to interact for the purpose of jointly awakening12 the creative energies within the slumbering13 souls of the undeveloped peoples.
It follows that a nation cannot even be defined ethically14 except as a member of an international society, and we begin to see the help afforded by the spiritual conception in solving at least ideally the problem of right international relations. Whereas hitherto the notion of the sovereignty of each nation has been a formidable impediment to the formation of an overarching world society, the ethical conception not only permits this expansion of sovereignty, but necessitates15 it. A326 nation, ethically defined, is a unique member of the corpus internationale of mankind. As unique it maintains of right its relative independence, as a member it is bound by intrinsic ties to its fellow-members, and is subject to the greater sovereignty including them all alike.92 A nation indeed cannot even maintain its independence against other nations except by sheer might if it acknowledges none but capricious ties between itself and them, such as treaties, or Hague Conference agreements which can be dissolved at pleasure. There must be recognized an inner ethical tie between nation and nation, and it must receive legal formulation. This ethical tie is the true vinculum societatis human? and supplies what has hitherto been absolutely lacking,—an ethical basis for international law.
The ethical relation between nations is founded on the fact that each nation represents a significant type of humanity, that each nation has certain plus and minus qualities, that it is dependent on other nations to supplement its defects; and more than this, that it can expurgate, as it ought, its minus qualities only by striving to evoke16 the spiritual life in other peoples.
One salient point I must emphasize. The national character with its plus and minus traits is empirical, and327 the development of the empirical character is not itself the highest aim of the state. The spiritual transformation17 of this empirical character, as I must take pains to repeat, is the aim.
And herein appears the difference between the point of view taken in this chapter and the political doctrine18 of the eminent19 Swiss publicist Bluntschli. He too recognizes the development of the national character as the aim of the state; and in so far as he does this he is in advance of writers who limit the state’s functions to the protection of life and property, to defense21 against foreign aggression22, promotion23 of prosperity, and of power and prestige. Bluntschli has the insight to perceive that a nation is a collective entity24, having a certain defined character, and the development of the distinctive25 national gifts is in his eyes the supreme26 purpose of national life, the political organization of the state being a means to this end. But he falls into a grave error by identifying the empirical with the spiritual character of the nation, and setting up the former as an end worthy27 on its own account. The empirical character of a collective entity is in this respect no more worthy of honor, and no more fit to be a ground of obligation, than the empirical character of the individual. And the conclusions at which Bluntschli arrives are a sufficient proof of the ethical inadequacy28 of his vision. Some nations, a very few he thinks, possess political capacity, and they are to rule other peoples. Here we have the “White Man’s Burden”—an obvious violation29 of the ethical principle of national independence. Further, the world state, which is to include all nations, is to concern itself only with their328 common interests. Bluntschli thus accepts the uniformity principle in ethics30, excluding the idea of the reaction of differences which is of the very essence of the ethical relation; while the ideal future as he sees it is that of nations coexisting peacefully side by side, competing peacefully with each other, and doubtless borrowing from one another the best fruits produced by each. But it is idle to expect peaceful coexistence so long as the strong exist by the side of the weak without there being acknowledged an intrinsic spiritual tie between them; and competition between peoples will result, like competition between individuals, in strife31 and exploitation; while the mere32 borrowing by each of the fruits produced by the rest omits the vital point, upon which I lay the greatest stress, of the eliciting33 of the fruits in each by the spiritualizing influence of the rest.
Surveying Bluntschli’s doctrine as a whole, it is clear that his empirical conception of the state leaves it a purely34 secular35 institution concerned with externals, and not really related to the inner life, certainly not a station in the development of personality. He practically acknowledges as much when he says that the state is man writ20 large, and the church woman writ large; that the state represents the masculine principle, the church the feminine principle. For the feminine, according to him, is the spiritual principle. The state deals with externals; to the church is reserved the prerogative36 of entering into and transforming the inner life.93
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But what shall be the motive37 force for the creation of an international society? I hold that the sense of national sin, or of national guilt38, must supply the motive force. At present all the more advanced nations are to be censured39 because of their pride. Germany prides itself on its science and its efficiency, England on its political liberalism, France on its logical conception of equality, America on its democratic individualism. Each of the great nations dwells complacently40 upon its fair traits, and vaunts its special type of civilization as that which should rightfully prevail among mankind generally. The national defects, acknowledged perhaps by the critical few, are glozed over. Indeed the consciousness of a collective national character though latent is not yet distinct. It must be evoked41. National self-knowledge must be promoted by the leaders and teachers of mankind, and with it must come, as in the case of the individual, the conscious recognition of deep defects—in the case of Germany the narrowness of the conception of the expert:94 in the case of England the discrepancy42 between political liberalism as applied43 to the white inhabitants of the British Isles44 and of the self-governing dominions45 on the one hand, and the “benevolent46 despotism” exercised over the subject millions of India on the other; in America the effacement47 of true individualism under the crushing pressure of mass opinion, etc.
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Moreover not only will the defects be admitted, but their detrimental48 influence on other peoples will have to be frankly49 avowed—every nation must cry its Peccavi—the effect for instance on Europe of the French love of glory, the effect of the efficiency notion of the Germans as it is at present penetrating50 all other nations,95 and in the still wider view the effect of Western civilization as a whole on the stationary civilization of China, on Egypt, on the myriads51 of Africa. The civilized peoples of the earth have sinned their sins and are best seen when we consider:
A. The spoliation and outrages53 perpetrated by the Western nations, for instance at the time of the entrance of the Allies into Pekin, the wholesale54 destruction of human life and the mutilations of the natives on the Congo. It has been stated that some ten millions of the natives of Africa perished as victims of the white race. If these acts do not warrant our speaking of the sins of the civilized nations, what kind of human behavior does deserve that name?
B. The effect of European example in practically forcing the peoples of the Orient to adopt militarism and navalism.
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C. The effect of Western individualism in undermining the religious foundation in Eastern civilization.96 The spreading of Christianity itself, despite the exemplary influence of the higher type of missionary55, must yet be classed, in one important respect, among the detrimental influences exercised by the West upon the East. For Christianity, in the form in which it is usually taught, tends to break up the sense of solidarity56 which is often strong among the less civilized peoples, without supplying an adequate principle upon which solidarity might be re?stablished on a higher plane. Hence Christian2 teaching in the Orient and in Africa, however friendly and merciful in intention, and however beneficent in many ways, is yet a disintegrating57 influence.
The great problem of the spiritual education of the lower races will have to be taken up anew. Not only are individual missionaries58 of broader mental and moral horizons needed, the civilized nations as such must reach a common understanding and establish a union among themselves, the keynote of which shall be reverence for the undeveloped, that is to say divination59 of what, under right educational influence, they, the undeveloped, may come to mean for humanity. And a union of this kind, consecrated60 to a noble object, will at the same time be the means of leading the Western world out of the chaotic61 condition in which it is at present weltering. The object for which nations combine may not be their own peace, their own prosperity. The key to peace between the adult peoples is a common, effectual resolve to win new varieties of spiritual expression from the child and adolescent peoples of the earth. Peace must come inci332dentally. The common object must be disinterested62, spiritual, because there is a duty on the part of the civilized towards the uncivilized to exercise a spiritual function. The task of humanity in general consists in extending the web of spiritual relations so as to cover larger and still larger areas of the finite world. The family is only partly spiritualized. The vocations63, the state, are not yet spiritualized. The international society hardly exists. But what I here endeavor to sketch64 is the human world as it would be in the light and under the influence of the spiritual ideal. And I set down as the saving task of the civilized nations that of extending the spiritual realm so as to cover backward, undeveloped peoples, so as to embody65 them in the corpus spirituale of mankind.
Some of the Principal Obstacles That Stand in the Way of the Organization of Mankind.
The first obstacle is to be found in the inadequate66 theories that underlie67 international law. Seventeenth and eighteenth century thinking is still, strange to say, the theoretical foundation. Grotius and Vattel remain the chief authorities. Grotius’s theory is a system of empirical individualism with Christian individualism grafted68 upon it, to mitigate69 its harsher features. The right of conquest is admitted. A nation is allowed to punish another, punishment being taken in the crude sense, while what has been permitted under natural law is subsequently modified by counsels of perfection derived70 from Christian individualism.
Vattel is the intellectual grandchild of Leibnitz. He333 derives71 from Leibnitz through Wolff. Vattel envisages72 the various states as so many individual entities73 without intrinsic ties. Peaceful coexistence and unhindered pursuit by each people of its own perfection or welfare with mutual74 aid to be voluntarily rendered are the ultimate conceptions beyond which this thinker does not venture. And if the root principles are thus infertile75, small wonder that the fruit of the tree should be what it is. In any handbook of international law, the preponderant space is allotted76 to the laws of war, and yet international law has proved impotent to restrain the passion of war, or even to prevent its excesses. International law binds77 the Samson of war with green withes which the giant snaps in derision. It is plain that we are still in the earliest stages, not only of international practice, but even of international thinking. The problem of the right ethical relations between the nations has hardly been broached78.
Another conspicuous79 obstacle in the way of international progress is to be seen in false hopes. Among the false hopes I class:
A. The hope that increased facilities of intercourse80 will automatically bring about more friendly relations. To expect this is to forget that closeness accentuates81 repugnances as well as congenialities, increases antipathy82 as well as amity83. When nations come within short range of each other they resemble antipathetical kinsmen84 who are compelled to live together. The Czechs and Germans in Bohemia would not hate each other as they do were they not such near neighbors. Spatial85 rapprochement, for instance, between East and West will334 not of itself guarantee moral rapprochement—far from it.
B. The hope that science may be relied on to bring the nations together. Science is neutral. Science is subservient86 to evil as well as good. Science is at present distilling87 the poisonous gases used on the European battlefields as well as inventing the improved methods of surgery. It has made possible instruments of destruction such as savages88 might have shrunk from using. Moreover, scientific as well as artistic89 interests are partial manifestations90 of a people’s life and the ethical relation is between peoples as totalities or collective entities—just as the ethical relation between man and man is between the whole man and the whole man, and not between some partial aspect of the man and of his fellows. Hence it is easy to explain why the scientists and the scholars of the different belligerent91 peoples were swept away by the war passion like the rest, and in their utterance92 have even carried animosity to greater lengths, expressing it in language calculated to wound more deeply and to leave more permanent scars. They felt that they belonged to the people as a whole, and when the occasion came for them to choose between their scientific co-workers across the frontier and their fellow-nationals, they sided with the latter.
C. The hope that reliance can be placed on international trade to bring about ethical relations between nations. But trade, like science, is ethically neutral. In its own interest it is favorable to order and security in colonies and dependencies, and when, sufficiently93 enlightened, to the impartial94 administration of justice.335 The European nations abolished the slave trade in Africa because it decimated the native population, and decreased the supply of labor95.97 On the other hand England in the eighteenth century, even at that time the most liberal country of Europe, did not hesitate to wage war with Spain for the maintenance of the monopoly of the hideous96 slave-trade, and the Opium97 War occurred in the “full light” of the nineteenth century. But the most striking example of the ethical neutrality of the commercial mind is to be found in the recent partition of Africa between England, France, the Congo Free State and Germany. The methods which these four nations adopted in the “scramble98 for Africa” were marked by a perfect disregard of the rights of the native populations of the African continent. Two devices were used—proclamations, and treaties with native chiefs. The Queen of England proclaimed that a certain territory would thenceforth be a British possession, as if proclamation could convey a right to the territory. The German emperor indulged in the same fiction. And there was a veritable race between French and English in the West; between Germans and English in the East, as to which of the two could outdistance or outwit the other in treaty-making. Karl Peters came in disguise with a stock of blank treaties in his pocket. Forty or fifty treaties were concluded by the French annually99 for several years in the West—as if a treaty with a native chief, who might be bribed100 or coerced101 into lending his signature, could be336 the foundation of moral right to the territory occupied by his tribe. The European nations artfully employed the fictions of sovereignty in order to varnish102 their acts of plunder103 with a semblance104 of legality. Of course these proclamations and treaties were not intended to justify105 exploitation in the eyes of the natives—the natives were not consulted or regarded—but rather to base thereon the division of the spoils between the exploiters. A proclamation or the conclusion of a treaty with a chief was notice given to rivals not to interfere106 with the spoils reserved for the nation that had issued the proclamation or secured the treaty. It meant “hands off” to competing exploiters.
If it be asked whether this picture is not too dark? Whether the civilized nations of the twentieth century in their dealings with the helpless natives were merely selfish? Whether their motives107 are so sinister108? Whether they are not animated109 by better, more moral aims? the answer is that the commercial mind, and it is the commercial mind that chiefly rules the world today, allays110 its scruples111 and justifies112 its aggressions by the fallacy that to extend trade is to spread civilization, and to spread civilization is to contribute to the advancement113 of the human race. The interests of trade and of civilization are simply identified. To build railroads, to stretch telegraph lines across the Dark Continent, to launch steamboats on lakes that never heard the whistle of a steam engine before, these are assumed to be the evidences of “progress.” Besides are not the natives disciplined in habits of industry, are they not encouraged to cultivate the raw products needed by Europe, and in337 return to receive the overflow114 of European markets? The instruments of civilization are thus confounded with civilization itself; the means with the end; while the real object, veiled by sophistry115, is nevertheless the material benefit to be secured by the white race. Even the humane116 treatment of the natives, where it is humane, resembles somewhat too unpleasantly the fattening117 of the calf118 prior to its consumption by the owner.
Furthermore, the interests of Trade being supposed to be paramount, it is held that any country the people of which do not sufficiently cultivate the products desired by other peoples, or who close their doors against the industrial surplus of Europe, may be annexed119, the land forcibly seized, and the inhabitants subjugated120, and moreover that such action is right and proper and in the interests of humanity. So long as this view obtains, there will be no peace on earth. The competition for foreign territories and foreign markets, the scramble between the “civilized” exploiters, will be indefinitely provocative121 of new wars.
The root disease that afflicts122 the world at the present day is the supremacy123 of the commercial point of view. Intercourse and exchange of products is no doubt desirable. The education of backward peoples in agriculture and in industry for their own good and along their own line is indispensable. The fallacy of the commercial mind consists in erecting124 the means into the paramount end, in brusquing the love of independence which is so strongly entrenched125, even among many primitive peoples, and in preventing their development in the direction prescribed by their own natures. All this for338 the sake of the immediate126 increase of material wealth. The white race shall have the lion’s share of the wealth; the native population are to be accorded a lesser127 share, with which they must be content. This is the extent of the concession128 to humanity. This is, in plain words, what is signified by the haughty129 phrase—“the spread of civilization.”
The commercial mind is neither benevolent nor malevolent—as little as science is. It seems at times to be beneficent; at other times it seems to be almost fiendish—as in the case of the atrocities130 perpetrated on the Congo. It is not fiendish, it is simply ethically neutral or blind.
From this series of reflections, certain conclusions may be drawn131 as to fundamental points of view relating to international law. The main principle is respect for the total personality of peoples, recognition of them as potential members of the spiritual body of mankind.
The territory of a people is to be regarded as the body of that people’s soul. Their independence is to be strictly132 respected. Expropriation or annexation133 is to be characterized as outrage52. Intrusion, except for purposes of education, is to be forbidden. The conception which underlies134 the scramble for Africa and for the Far East—that the material interests of the advanced nations entitle them to force the backward to become receptacles of the industrial overflow of the West, the producers of raw material for the factories of the West must be abandoned.98
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And now the main point may once more be stated. The salvation135 of the civilized peoples, their spiritualization in the effort to spiritualize the less advanced demands a new turn in the history of humanity. union in a common sublime136 object will overcome the antagonisms137 and discords138 that prevail among the civilized nations themselves. The sword will never be turned into a plow-share until the nations come to love the work of the plow—the work of spiritual tilth in the human field. The strong peoples will never cease to harm the weak, and in so doing to harm themselves, until they see in the weak, members of the corpus spirituale of mankind, depositaries of potential spiritual life in liberating139 which they the strong themselves will find increased340 life. And the task of uplifting the lower peoples will never be successfully prosecuted140 until it is seen to be part of the task of humanity in general, which is to spread the web of spiritual relations over larger and ever larger provinces of the finite realm.
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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sift
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| v.筛撒，纷落，详察 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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ethically
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| adv.在伦理上，道德上 | |
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necessitates
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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evoke
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| vt.唤起，引起，使人想起 | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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entity
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| n.实体，独立存在体，实际存在物 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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inadequacy
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| n.无法胜任，信心不足 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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eliciting
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| n. 诱发, 引出 动词elicit的现在分词形式 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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complacently
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| adv. 满足地, 自满地, 沾沾自喜地 | |
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evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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effacement
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| n.抹消，抹杀 | |
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detrimental
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| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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myriads
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| n.无数，极大数量( myriad的名词复数 ) | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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56
solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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57
disintegrating
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| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的现在分词 ) | |
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58
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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59
divination
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| n.占卜，预测 | |
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60
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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61
chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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62
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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63
vocations
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| n.（认为特别适合自己的）职业( vocation的名词复数 )；使命；神召；（认为某种工作或生活方式特别适合自己的）信心 | |
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64
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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65
embody
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| vt.具体表达，使具体化；包含，收录 | |
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66
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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67
underlie
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| v.位于...之下，成为...的基础 | |
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68
grafted
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| 移植( graft的过去式和过去分词 )； 嫁接； 使（思想、制度等）成为（…的一部份）； 植根 | |
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69
mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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70
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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71
derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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72
envisages
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| 想像，设想( envisage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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73
entities
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| 实体对像； 实体，独立存在体，实际存在物( entity的名词复数 ) | |
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74
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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75
infertile
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| adj.不孕的；不肥沃的，贫瘠的 | |
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76
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
binds
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| v.约束( bind的第三人称单数 )；装订；捆绑；（用长布条）缠绕 | |
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78
broached
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| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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81
accentuates
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| v.重读( accentuate的第三人称单数 )；使突出；使恶化；加重音符号于 | |
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82
antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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83
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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84
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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85
spatial
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| adj.空间的，占据空间的 | |
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86
subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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87
distilling
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| n.蒸馏（作用）v.蒸馏( distil的过去式和过去分词 )( distilled的过去分词 )；从…提取精华 | |
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88
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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89
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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94
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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95
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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96
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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opium
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| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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98
scramble
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| v.爬行，攀爬，杂乱蔓延，碎片，片段，废料 | |
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annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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100
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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101
coerced
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| v.迫使做( coerce的过去式和过去分词 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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102
varnish
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| n.清漆；v.上清漆；粉饰 | |
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103
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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104
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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105
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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106
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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107
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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108
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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109
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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110
allays
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的第三人称单数 ) | |
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111
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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112
justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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113
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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114
overflow
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| v.(使)外溢，(使)溢出；溢出，流出，漫出 | |
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115
sophistry
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| n.诡辩 | |
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116
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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117
fattening
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| adj.（食物）要使人发胖的v.喂肥( fatten的现在分词 )；养肥（牲畜）；使（钱）增多；使（公司）升值 | |
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118
calf
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| n.小牛，犊，幼仔，小牛皮 | |
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119
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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120
subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
provocative
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| adj.挑衅的，煽动的，刺激的，挑逗的 | |
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122
afflicts
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的名词复数 ) | |
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123
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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124
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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125
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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126
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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127
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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128
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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129
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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130
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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131
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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132
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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133
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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134
underlies
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的第三人称单数 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起 | |
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135
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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136
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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137
antagonisms
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| 对抗，敌对( antagonism的名词复数 ) | |
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138
discords
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| 不和（discord的复数形式） | |
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139
liberating
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| 解放，释放( liberate的现在分词 ) | |
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140
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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