Galileo’s fame, especially through his telescopic discoveries, and partly also through the exertions4 of his noisy opponents, had long extended beyond the narrow bounds of Italy, and the eyes of all central Europe were directed to the great astronomer5. Numbers of pupils flocked to him from all countries, so that no lecture room in Padua was large enough to hold them. There were some distinguished6 personages among them, such as the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, the princes of Alsace, Mantua, etc., who mostly came to attend the lectures of the versatile7 master on fortification. It is, however, another fable8 of over zealous9 biographers to state that even Gustavus Adolphus, the hero of the thirty years’ war, went to school for some months to Galileo.[57]
This close occupation, with lectures and private lessons of all kinds, took him too much away from his own studies, and after twenty years’ professorship Galileo longed for a post in which he could prosecute10 his own researches, and devote himself to the completion of his works, free from academic[28] duties. A letter from Padua, even in the spring of 1609,[58] shows his longing11 for this salaried leisure. But he is aware that the republic can never offer him such a post, “for it would not be suitable to receive a salary from a free state, however generous and magnanimous, without serving the public for it; because if you derive12 benefit from the public, you have the public to please, and not a mere13 private person.” He also mentions that he can only hope for such a favour from some absolute sovereign; but it must not be supposed that he wishes for an income without doing anything for it; he was in possession of various inventions, was almost daily making new ones, and should make more if he had the necessary leisure. Galileo adds that it has always been his intention “to offer them to his own sovereign and natural lord before any other, that he may dispose of them and the inventor according to his pleasure; and if it seemed good to his serene14 highness to accept it, to present him not only with the jewel but with the casket also.”
This first attempt of Galileo’s, however, to gain a footing at the court of Tuscany seems to have been unsuccessful. At any rate in the extant correspondence of this period there is not a word more on the subject; and a few months later, after the construction of the telescope, he thankfully accepted the chair of mathematics at Padua offered to him for life by the republic. But this invention and the consequent discoveries had meanwhile acquired such vast importance, and had, as we have seen, raised such a storm in the whole educated world, that it now appeared very desirable to the court of Tuscany to attach to itself for ever the man on whom the eyes of scientific Europe were fixed16.
The first steps towards this end were taken when Galileo went to Florence in the Easter recess17 of 1610 to show his telescopic discoveries to Cosmo II., especially the stars which[29] bore the name of the reigning18 house. We afterwards find Galileo entering eagerly into the negotiations19 which followed. In the letter to Vinta before mentioned, of May 7th, 1610, he presses for a decision, for, he says, observing that day after day goes by, he was determined20 to set a definite purpose before him in the ordering of the life that may be left to him, and to devote all his powers to perfect the fruits of his previous efforts and studies, from which he might look for some fame. He then mentions the conditions on which he at present serves the republic, perhaps in order that they might be guided by it at Florence; but what he lays most stress on is that it is of the utmost moment to him that leisure should be assured him for the completion of his labours, by his being freed from the obligation to give public lectures; but it will always confer on him the highest honour to give lectures to his sovereign, to whom also he will dedicate all his writings.
The same letter is also of the highest interest as giving us an insight into the scientific projects he was then cherishing. He communicates to the Tuscan secretary of state the works the completion of which lies so near his heart. He says:—
“The works which I have to finish are chiefly two books de systemate, seu constitutione universi, a vast project full of philosophy, astronomy, and geometry; three books de motu locali, an entirely21 new science, for no other inquirer, ancient or modern, has discovered any of the wonderful phenomena22 which I show to be present in natural and induced motion; I may therefore with perfect justice call it a new science discovered by me from its first principles; three books on mechanics, two relating to the demonstration23 of the principles and fundamental propositions, one containing the problems; although others have treated of the same subject, what has been hitherto written upon it is neither as to extent nor in other respects a fourth part of what I am writing. I have also various smaller works in view on matters connected with nature, such as de sono et voce, de visu et coloribus, de maris ?stu, de compositione continui, de animalium motibus, and others. I am also thinking of writing some books for the soldier, not only to cultivate his mind, but to teach him by select instruction all those things connected with mathematics which it would be an advantage to him to[30] know, as, for instance, castrametation, military tactics, fortification, sieges, surveying, estimate of distances, artillery25, the use of various instruments, etc.”[59]
We regard with astonishment26 the wonderful versatility27 which we find displayed in Galileo’s works. And amongst them are not only all the larger ones announced in the above letter; his important telescopic discoveries and his ceaselessly active mind led him far to surpass the bounds he had set himself, for he was the first to infuse conscious life into the slumbering28 idea of the Copernican system.
This memorable29 letter of Galileo’s soon brought the court of Tuscany to a decision. Fourteen days later, 22nd May, Vinta wrote to him, as a preliminary, that the Grand Duke seemed well disposed to recall him to his native country and to grant all his wishes.[60] He promised to inform Galileo as soon as it was all settled. On 5th June he wrote that Cosmo II. was willing to nominate him as first philosopher and mathematician30 of the University of Pisa, with an annual stipend31 of 1000 Florentine scudi, without any obligation to live at Pisa or to give lectures. Vinta requested Galileo to let him know whether he agreed to these conditions, in order that he might have the necessary application drawn32 up in Galileo’s name, as well as the decree and rescript; the time of their publication shall be left to Galileo, and meanwhile all shall be kept secret.[61] Galileo wished particularly that nothing should be known at Venice of these negotiations, which did not place his gratitude33 to the republic which had shown him so much favour in the best light, until all was decided34 and therefore irrevocable.
Having declared himself entirely satisfied with the proposed conditions, in a letter to the secretary of state, the[31] only alteration35 being that he should like not only to be first mathematician at Pisa, but also first mathematician and philosopher to the Grand Duke himself,[62] the decree summoning him to the court of Tuscany in this twofold capacity was issued on 12th July, 1610.
Notwithstanding all the great advantages which this new post secured to him, it was a very bad exchange for Galileo from the free republican soil to the doubtful protection of a princely house which, although very well disposed towards him, could never offer so decided an opposition36 to the Roman curia as the republic of Venice. It was indeed the first step which precipitated37 Galileo’s fate.[63] In the Venetian republic full liberty of doctrine38 was really enjoyed, in religious Tuscany it was only nominal39. In Venice politics and science were secure from Jesuitical intrigues; for when Pope Paul V. thought proper to place the contumacious40 republic under an interdict41 in April, 1606, the Jesuit fathers had been compelled to quit the soil of Venice “for ever.”[64] In Tuscany, on the contrary, where they felt quite at home, their influence weighed heavily on everything affecting their own interests, and especially therefore on politics and science. Had Galileo never left the pure, wholesome42 air of the free city for the stifling43 Romish atmosphere of a court, he would have escaped the subsequent persecutions of Rome; for the republic which, not long before, had been undaunted by the papal excommunication of their doge and senate, would assuredly never have given up one of its university professors to the vengeance44 of the Inquisition.
At the beginning of September, 1610, Galileo, to the no small displeasure of the Paduans, left their university, at which eighteen years before he had found willing reception[32] and support when his longer tarriance at Pisa had become impossible; deserted45 his noble friends, Fra Paolo Sarpi, Francesco Sagredo, and others; and proceeded to the capital of the court of Tuscany on the lovely banks of the Arno, where at first, it is true, much honour was done him, but where afterwards envy, jealousy46, narrowness, ill will, and fanaticism48 combined together to his destruction. One of his most devoted49 friends, Francesco Sagredo, foresaw it. When Galileo left Venice he was in the East, in the service of the republic, and did not return till the spring of 1611, when he wrote a remarkable50 letter to his friend at Florence. After having heartily51 expressed his regret at not finding Galileo on his return home, he states his doubts about the step his friend had taken. He asks, among other things, “where will he find the same liberty as in the Venetian territory? And notwithstanding all the generous qualities of the young ruler, which permitted the hope that Galileo’s merits will be justly valued, who can promise with any confidence that, if not ruined, he may not be persecuted52 and disquieted53 on the surging billows of court life, by the raging storms of envy?” It is evident from another passage in the letter that Galileo’s behaviour had made a bad impression at Venice, where they had not long before raised his salary to a thousand florins, and conferred his professorship on him for life; towards the end of the letter Sagredo lets fall the ominous54 words that he “was convinced that as Galileo could not regain55 what he had lost, he would take good care to hold fast what he had gained.”[65]
Only a month after Galileo’s arrival at Florence he made a fresh discovery in astronomy which eventually contributed to confirm the Copernican theory, namely, the varying crescent form of the planet Venus. With this the important objection to the new system seemed to be removed, that Venus and Mercury did not exhibit the same phases of light as the moon, which must be the case if the earth moved, for they would[33] vary with her position in the universe. Galileo communicated this appearance, which entailed56 conclusions so important, and which he therefore wished to investigate more thoroughly57 before making it known, to his friend and correspondent Julian de’ Medici at Prague, in an alphabetical58 enigma59, as in the case of the singular appearance of Saturn60. It was as follows:
“H?c immatura a me jam frustra leguntur o y.”[66]
Having fully15 convinced himself by nearly three months’ observations that Venus and Mars exhibited phases similar to those of the moon, he made it known in two letters of 30th December[67] to Father Clavius, at Rome, and to his former distinguished pupil Benedetto Castelli, abbot of the congregation of Monte Cassino, in Brescia; and in a letter of 1st January, 1611, he sent the following solution of the anagram to Julian de’ Medici:—
“Cynthi? figuras ?mulatur mater amorum.”
In this letter he draws the important conclusions, first that none of the planets shine by their own light, and secondly61 “that necessarily Venus and Mercury revolve62 round the sun; a circumstance which was surmised63 of the other planets by Pythagoras, Copernicus, Kepler, and their followers64, but which could not be proved by ocular demonstration, as it could now in the case of Venus and Mercury. Kepler and the other Copernicans may now be proud to have judged and philosophised correctly, and it may well excite disgust that they were regarded by the generality of men of book learning as having little understanding and as not much better than fools.”[68]
At this time Galileo was also eagerly occupied with a phenomenon which was to be a further confirmation65 of the[34] Copernican view of the universe, the spots on the sun. By attentively66 observing their motions on the sun’s disk he afterwards discovered the sun’s motion on its own axis67, a fatal blow to the Ptolemaic system. Although to science it may be quite indifferent whether Galileo, or Fabricius, or the Jesuit father Scheiner first espied68 the spots on the sun (for they all lay claim to the discovery), for us it has its importance, because the bitter contention69 between Galileo and Scheiner on the subject materially contributed to set the stone rolling which, in its fall, was no less disastrous70 to the moral greatness of Galileo than to the erudition of Rome.
In consideration of the intense interest excited by Galileo’s “epoch-making” discoveries, the Roman curia, which still held it to be one of its most important duties to guard mankind as much as possible from precocious71 knowledge, was of course eager to learn more about them, and above all, of the conclusions which the discoverer drew from them. It must also have appeared of great importance to Galileo to acquaint the Roman savans and dignitaries of the Church with his scientific achievements, for the authority and influence then exercised by them over the free progress of science made their opinions of the utmost moment to him. They must, if possible, be first made to see the premises72 with their own eyes, that they might afterwards be able to comprehend and assent73 to the conclusions. Galileo clearly saw this, as appears from a letter of 15th January, 1611, to Vinta[69] (who was then with the court at Pisa), in which he urgently begs permission for a visit to the papal residence. The request was not only immediately granted, but the court placed a litter at his disposal, undertook to defray all his expenses, and directed the Tuscan ambassador at Rome to prepare quarters for him at the embassy and to entertain him during the whole of his stay.[70] Meanwhile, however, Galileo was attacked[35] by an illness which delayed his journey for nearly two months. On 22nd March he received a cordial letter of introduction[71] from Michel Angelo the younger to Cardinal Barberini, afterwards Urban VIII., and on the next day he set out provided with his most convincing arguments, namely several excellent telescopes.
He was received with the greatest honour. His triumphs were really extraordinary, so great that they were sure to secure for him numerous personal enemies in addition to the opponents of his doctrines74. He exhibited the oft discussed appearances to cardinals75 and learned men through the telescope, and, whenever he could, dispelled76 their doubts by the incontrovertible evidence of their own eyes. People could not refuse to believe this, and Galileo’s success in the papal city was complete. Of still greater importance, however, was the opinion given on 24th April by four scientific authorities of the Roman College, on the character “of the new astronomical77 discoveries of an excellent astronomer,” at the request of Cardinal Robert Bellarmine. This commission, consisting of the learned fathers Clavius, Griemberger, Malcotio, and Lembo, confirmed what they had long denied and ridiculed78, convinced by the evidence of their own senses of the truth of the facts maintained by Galileo.[72] By this opinion of the papal experts his discoveries received, to a certain extent, the sanction of the Church, and became acknowledged truths. The care with which the mention of Galileo’s name is avoided both in the request and the opinion is remarkable.
Attentions of all sorts were heaped upon the astronomer. Pope Paul V. granted him a long audience and graciously assured him of his unalterable good will, which however did not remain quite unaltered in the sequel. The highest dignitaries[36] of the Church testified their admiration79; the Accadémia dei Lincei (of the Lynxes), founded six years before by Prince Cesi, made the renowned80 guest a member; when he took his departure at the beginning of June he left behind him in the metropolis81 of catholicism as many sincere friends and admirers as envious82 foes84, the fate of all really great men.
A letter from Cardinal del Monte of 31st May, 1611, to Cosmo II., best shows how successful Galileo’s visit to Rome was. He writes with real enthusiasm:—
“Galileo has during his stay at Rome given great satisfaction, and I think he must have felt it no less himself, for he had the opportunity of showing his discoveries so well that to all clever and learned men in this city they seemed no less true and well founded than astonishing. Were we still living under the ancient republic of Rome, I verily believe there would have been a column on the Capitol erected85 in his honour. It appeared to me to be my duty to accompany his return with this letter, and to bear witness to your Highness of the above, as I feel assured that it will be agreeable to you, since your Highness entertains such gracious good will towards your subjects, and to distinguished men like Galileo.”[73]
But the watchful86 Inquisition had already directed its attention to the man who had made such portentous87 discoveries in the heavens. How far this had gone we unfortunately do not exactly know. The only well authenticated88 indication we possess is the following notice in the protocols89 of the sittings of the Holy Congregation: “Feria iii. die, 17 Maii, 1611. Videatur an in Processu Doctoris C?saris Cremonini sit nominatus Galilaeus Philosophi? ac Mathematic? Professor.”[74] This is the first time that the name of Galileo occurs in the papers of the Congregation of the Holy Office, and it was in the midst of the applause which greeted him in the eternal city. Whether, and in what way, this official query90 was answered is not to be found in the documents of the Inquisition. But it looks ominous that there should be an inquiry91 about a connection between[37] Galileo and Cremonini who was undergoing a trial. The causes and course of the trial of Cremonini by the Inquisition are not yet known. All that is known is that he was Professor of the philosophy of Aristotle at the University of Padua; and it appears from the letters of Sagredo to Galileo, that his lectures and writings had given rise to suspicions of atheism92. For the rest, Cremonini was all his life one of Galileo’s most decided enemies.
The very triumphs of Galileo and his telescopic discoveries were the causes, to a great extent, of those ceaseless and relentless93 persecutions which were to restrict his labours and embitter94 his life. The Aristotelians perceived with rage and terror the revolutionary discoveries of this dangerous innovator95 were surely, if slowly, gaining ground. Every one of them, with its inevitable96 logical consequences, pulled down some important stone in the artistic98 structure of their views of nature; and unless some measures were taken to arrest the demolition99, it was clear that the venerable edifice100 must fall and bury the inmates101 beneath the ruins. This must be averted102 at any price, even at the price of knowledge of the acts of nature. If Galileo’s reformed physics offered no point of attack, his astronomy did; not indeed in the honourable103 contest of scientific discussion, but by bringing theology into the field against science.
Galileo had never openly proclaimed his adoption104 of the earth’s double motion, but the demonstration of his telescopic observations alone sufficed to make it one of the burning questions of the day. What were the phases of Venus and Mercury, the motions of the solar spots, and above all Jupiter and his moons, this little world within our large one, as Galileo afterwards called it himself,[75] but telling proofs of the truth of the Copernican theory? The question of the two systems had been hitherto an exclusively scientific one. How else could the famous philosopher and astronomer Nicholas of Casa, who taught the double motion of the earth[38] in the fifteenth century, have gained a cardinal’s hat? How could the German, Widmanstadt, have explained his theory, which was based upon the same principles, to Pope Clement105 VII. in 1533? How could learned men like Celio Calganini, Wurteis, and others, have given public lectures on the subject in Italy in the second half of the sixteenth century? Neither Casa, however, nor Widmanstadt, Calganini, Wurteis, nor even Copernicus, had ventured openly to declare war with the school of Aristotle, nor to overthrow106 by the crushing evidence of experiment the dogmas of natural science based upon philosophy and a priori arguments alone. These learned men had been tolerated because they fought with the same weapons as the followers of Ptolemy, logic97 and philosophy. They did not possess the powerful lever of direct evidence, because they were not acquainted with the telescope. But Galileo, with his fatal system of demonstration by observation of nature, was far too dangerous a foe83. Peripateticism107 was no match for the home thrusts of arguments obvious to the senses, and its defenders108 were well aware that if they would not yield their position they must call in some other ally than mere science. And they adopted the means best adapted for putting a temporary drag on the wheels of truth, and for ruining Galileo; in order to prop24 up the failing authority of Aristotle they called in the inviolable authority of Holy Scripture109!
This dragging of the Bible into what had previously110 been a purely111 scientific controversy, a proceeding112 which proved so fatal to Galileo, must not however, as has been done by several authors, be attributed solely113 to party considerations or even personal motives114. This is absolutely false. Greatly as these factors were concerned in it, it must be admitted that at first they were only incidentally mixed up with it. The multitude of the learned, who still adhered entirely to the old system of the universe, and regarded the theories of Copernicus (not yet based on ocular demonstration) as mere fantasies, were really aghast at the telescopic discoveries[39] of Galileo which threatened to overturn all their previous beliefs. The learned, and still more the semi-learned, world of Italy felt the ground tremble beneath their feet; and it seemed to them as if the foundations of all physics, mathematics, philosophy, and religion, were, with the authority of Aristotle, which had reigned115 for two thousand years, being borne to the grave. This did not present itself to them as progress but as sacrilege.
A young fanatic47, the monk116 Sizy (the same who seven years later was broken on the wheel for political crimes at Paris), was the first to transfer what had been a purely scientific discussion to the slippery arena117 of theology. At the beginning of 1611 he published at Venice a work called “Dianoja Astronomica”[76] in answer to the “Sidereus Nuncius,” in which he asserted that the existence of the moons of Jupiter was incompatible118 with the doctrines of Holy Scripture. He appropriately dedicated119 his book to that semi-prince of the blood, John de’ Medici, who was known to be the mortal enemy of Galileo. The author, as we learn from his own work, was one of those contemptible120 men who carefully abstained121 from even looking through a telescope, although firmly convinced that the wonders announced by Galileo were not to be seen. Galileo did not vouchsafe122 to defend himself from this monkish123 attack any more than from Horky’s libel the year before. He contented124 himself with writing on the back of the title page of the copy still preserved in the National Library at Florence the following lines from Ariosto:—
“Soggiunse il duca: Non sarebbe onesto
Che io volessi la battaglia torre,
Quando ti piaccia, innanci agli occhi torre.”[77]
[40]
But Galileo’s envious foes at once consorted126 with the, at all events, honourable fanatics127 of the old school, and eagerly seized the opportunity of pursuing their miserable128 designs “to the glory of God and imperilled religion.” It was in Florence itself, in the palace of the Tuscan Archbishop Marzimedici, who had once studied under Galileo at Pisa, that secret consultations129 were held, presided over by this prelate, how the inconvenient130 philosopher and his revolutionary system might best be ruined. They even then went so far as to request a preacher to hurl131 at Galileo from the pulpit the accusation132, more dangerous than any other in the sixteenth century, that he was attacking the Bible with his doctrines. But for this time these pious133 gentlemen had gone to the wrong man, for the priest, seeing through the foul134 purpose of the commission, declined it.
Galileo had not the slightest knowledge of the secret conspiracy135 which was plotting against him, and was first roused from the security into which he had been lulled136 by the brilliant success of his visit to Rome by a letter from his friend there, Cigoli the painter, of 16th December, 1611.[78] But he did not at first attach to these communications the importance they deserved, and it was not until several months afterwards that he addressed himself to Cardinal Conti, who was very friendly to him, to ask how far the Holy Scriptures137 did really favour the Aristotelian views of the universe, and whether the Copernican system contradicted them.
Conti answered him in a letter of 7th July, 1612,[79] that the statements of Holy Scripture were rather against the Aristotelian principle of the unchangeableness of the heavens than in favour of it, for all the fathers had held the contrary opinion. But the case was different with the doctrine of the earth’s revolution round the sun, as held by the Pythagoreans, Copernicus and others. This certainly did not seem to agree with Holy Scripture, unless it was assumed that it merely[41] adopted the customary mode of expression. But, added the cardinal, that was a method of interpretation138 to be employed only in case of the greatest necessity. Diego di Zu?iga had indeed explained in this way, conformably with the Copernican opinions, the passage in which Joshua commanded the sun to stand still; but the explanation was not generally admitted.
Father Lorini also, professor of ecclesiastical history at Florence, afterwards a ringleader of the base intrigues against Galileo and an informant against him, wrote to him 5th November, 1612,[80] to deny a report that he had publicly preached against Galileo. He only confessed to having given it as his opinion, in a conversation about the two systems, that the View of this Ipernic, or whatever his name might be, appeared to be contrary to Holy Scripture. Galileo wrote in a letter of 5th January, 1613,[81] to Prince Cesi: “The good man is so well acquainted with the author of these doctrines that he calls him Ipernic. You can see how and by whom poor philosophy suffers.” It appears also from the same letter that Galileo was now well aware of the intrigues being carried on against him in Florence, for he says among other things: “I thank you and all my dear friends very much for your anxiety for my protection against the malice139 which is constantly seeking to pick quarrels even here, and the more so since the enemy is so near at hand; but as they are but few in number, and their ‘league,’ as they call it among themselves, is but of limited extent, I laugh at it.”
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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astronomer
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| n.天文学家 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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versatile
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| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
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fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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longing
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derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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fully
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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phenomena
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demonstration
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prop
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artillery
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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versatility
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slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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mathematician
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| n.数学家 | |
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stipend
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| n.薪贴；奖学金；养老金 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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38
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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contumacious
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| adj.拒不服从的，违抗的 | |
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41
interdict
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| v.限制；禁止；n.正式禁止；禁令 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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43
stifling
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| a.令人窒息的 | |
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44
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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46
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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47
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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48
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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49
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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50
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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51
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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52
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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53
disquieted
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| v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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58
alphabetical
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| adj.字母（表）的，依字母顺序的 | |
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59
enigma
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| n.谜，谜一样的人或事 | |
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60
Saturn
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| n.农神，土星 | |
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61
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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62
revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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63
surmised
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的过去式和过去分词 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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axis
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| n.轴，轴线，中心线；坐标轴，基准线 | |
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espied
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| v.看到( espy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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70
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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71
precocious
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| adj.早熟的；较早显出的 | |
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72
premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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73
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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74
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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75
cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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76
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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78
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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80
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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81
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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82
envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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83
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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84
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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85
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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86
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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87
portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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88
authenticated
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| v.证明是真实的、可靠的或有效的( authenticate的过去式和过去分词 )；鉴定，使生效 | |
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89
protocols
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| n.礼仪( protocol的名词复数 )；（外交条约的）草案；（数据传递的）协议；科学实验报告（或计划） | |
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90
query
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| n.疑问，问号，质问；vt.询问，表示怀疑 | |
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91
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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92
atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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93
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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94
embitter
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| v.使苦；激怒 | |
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95
innovator
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| n.改革者；创新者 | |
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96
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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97
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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98
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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99
demolition
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| n.破坏,毁坏,毁坏之遗迹 | |
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100
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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101
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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102
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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103
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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104
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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105
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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106
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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107
peripateticism
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| 逍遥学派；亚里士多德学派 | |
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108
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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109
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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110
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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111
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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112
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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113
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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114
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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115
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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116
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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117
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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118
incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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119
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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120
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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121
abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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122
vouchsafe
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| v.惠予，准许 | |
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123
monkish
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| adj.僧侣的，修道士的，禁欲的 | |
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124
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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125
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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126
consorted
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| v.结伴( consort的过去式和过去分词 )；交往；相称；调和 | |
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127
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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128
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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129
consultations
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| n.磋商（会议）( consultation的名词复数 )；商讨会；协商会；查找 | |
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130
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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131
hurl
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| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
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132
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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133
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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134
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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135
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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136
lulled
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| vt.使镇静，使安静（lull的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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137
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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138
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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139
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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