The first six years of Galileo’s professorship at Padua had passed away, but the senate were eager to retain so bright a light for their University, and prolonged the appointment of the professor, whose renown3 was now great, for another six years, with a considerable increase of salary.[35]
As we have seen, he had for a long time renounced4 the prevailing5 views about the universe; but up to this time he had discussed only physical mathematical questions with the Peripatetic6 school, the subject of astronomy had not been mooted7. But the sudden appearance of a new star in the constellation8 of Serpentarius, in October, 1604, which, after exhibiting various colours for a year and a half, as suddenly disappeared, induced him openly to attack one of the Aristotelian doctrines10 hitherto held most sacred, that of the unchangeableness of the heavens. Galileo demonstrated, in three lectures to a numerous audience, that this star was neither a mere11 meteor, nor yet a heavenly body which had before existed but had only now been observed, but a body which had recently appeared and had again vanished.[36] The subject,[17] though not immediately connected with the Copernican question, was an important step taken on the dangerous and rarely trodden path of knowledge of nature, uninfluenced by dogmatism or petrified12 professorial wisdom. This inviolability of the vault13 of heaven was also conditioned by the prevailing views of the universe. What wonder then that most of the professors who had grown grey in the Aristotelian doctrine9 (Cremonio for instance, Coressio, Lodovico delle Colombo, and Balthasar Capra) were incensed14 at these opinions of Galileo, so opposed to all their scientific prepossessions, and vehemently15 controverted17 them.
The spark, however, which was to set fire to the abundant inflammable material, and to turn the scientific and religious world, in which doubt had before been glimmering18, into a veritable volcano, the spark which kindled19 Galileo’s genius and made him for a long time the centre of that period of storm and stress, was the discovery of the telescope.
We will not claim for Galileo, as many of his biographers have erroneously done, priority in the construction of the telescope. We rely far more on Galileo’s own statements than on those of his eulogists, who aim at effect. Galileo relates with perfect simplicity20 at the beginning of the “Sidereus Nuncius,” published at Venice in 1610, that he had heard about ten months ago that an instrument had been made by a Dutchman, by means of which distant objects were brought nearer and could be seen very plainly. The confirmation21 of the report by one of his former pupils, a French nobleman, Jean Badovere of Paris, had induced him to reflect upon the means by which such an effect could be produced. By the laws of refraction he soon attained22 his end. With two glasses fixed23 at the ends of a leaden tube, both having one side flat and the other side of the one being concave and of the other convex, his primitive24 telescope, which made objects appear three times nearer and nine times larger, was constructed. But now, having “spared neither expense nor labour,” he had got so far as to construct an instrument which magnified an object[18] nearly a thousand times, and brought it more than thirty times nearer.[37] Although, therefore, it is clear from this that the first idea of the telescope does not belong to Galileo, it is equally clear that he found out how to construct it from his own reflection and experiments. Undoubtedly25 also the merit of having made great improvements in it belongs to him, which is shown by the fact that at that time, and long afterwards, his telescopes were the most sought after, and that he received numerous orders for them from learned men, princes and governments in distant lands, Holland, the birthplace of the telescope, not excepted.[38] But the idea which first gave to the instrument its scientific importance, the application of it to astronomical26 observations, belongs not to the original inventor but to the genius of Galileo. This alone would have made his name immortal27.[39]
A few days after he had constructed his instrument, imperfect as it doubtless was, he hastened with it to Venice, having received an invitation, to exhibit it to the doge and senate, for he at once recognised its importance, if not to the full extent. We will now let Galileo speak for himself in a letter which he wrote from Venice to his brother-in-law, Benedetto Landucci:—
“You must know then that about two months ago a report was spread here that in Flanders a spy-glass had been presented to Prince Maurice, so ingeniously constructed that it made the most distant objects appear quite near, so that a man could be seen quite plainly at a distance of two miglia. This result seemed to me so extraordinary that it set me thinking;[19] and as it appeared to me that it depended upon the theory of perspective, I reflected on the manner of constructing it, in which I was at length so entirely28 successful that I made a spy-glass which far surpasses the report of the Flanders one. As the news had reached Venice that I had made such an instrument, six days ago I was summoned before their highnesses the signoria, and exhibited it to them, to the astonishment29 of the whole senate. Many noblemen and senators, although of a great age, mounted the steps of the highest church towers at Venice, in order to see sails and shipping30 that were so far off that it was two hours before they were seen steering31 full sail into the harbour without my spy-glass, for the effect of my instrument is such that it makes an object fifty miglia off appear as large and near as if it were only five.”[40]
Galileo further relates in the same letter that he had presented one of his instruments to the senate, in return for which his professorship at Padua had been conferred on him for life, with an increase of salary to one thousand florins.[41]
On his return to Padua he became eagerly engrossed32 in telescopic observation of the heavens. The astonishing and sublime33 discoveries which were disclosed to him must in any case have possessed34 the deepest interest for the philosopher who was continually seeking to solve nature’s problems, and were all the more so, since they contributed materially to confirm the Copernican theory.
His observations were first directed to the moon, and he discovered that its surface was mountainous, which showed at all events that the earth’s satellite was something like the earth itself, and therefore by no means restored it to the aristocratic position in the universe from which it had been displaced by Copernicus. The milky35 way, as seen through the telescope, revealed an immense number of small stars. In Orion, instead of the seven heavenly bodies already known, five hundred new stars were seen; the number of the Pleiades, which had been fixed at seven, rose to thirty-six; the planets showed themselves as disks, while the fixed stars appeared as before, as mere bright specks36 in the firmament37.
But the indefatigable38 observer’s far most important discovery,[20] in its bearing on the Copernican theory, was that of the moons of Jupiter, in January 1610. As they exhibited motions precisely39 similar to those which Copernicus had assumed for the whole solar system, they strongly fortified40 his theory. It was placed beyond all doubt that our planet was not the centre of all the heavenly bodies, since Jupiter’s moons revolved41 round him. The latter was brought, so to speak, by the discovery of his attendants, into relations with the earth which, considering the prevailing views, were humiliating enough, and the more so since Jupiter had four satellites while the earth had only one. There remained, however, the consoling assurance that he and they revolved round our abode42!
In honour of the reigning43 house of his native country, and as an acknowledgment of favours received from it (for since the accession of Cosmo II.[42] Galileo had been in high favour), he called Jupiter’s moons “Medicean stars.” The urgent solicitude44 of the French court to gain, by Galileo’s aid, a permanent place on the chart of the heavens, is very amusing. Thus, on 20th April, 1610, he received a pressing request, “in case he discovered any other fine star, to call it after the great star of France, Henry IV., then reigning, the most brilliant in the whole universe, and to give it his proper name of Henry rather than that of the family name of Bourbon.” Galileo communicated this flattering request, as he seems to have considered it, with much satisfaction to the secretary of the Tuscan court, Vincenzo Giugni, in a letter from Padua, on 25th June, 1610,[43] as an evidence of the great importance attached to his telescopic discoveries. He added that he did not expect to find any more planets, as he had already made many very close observations.
[21]
Galileo published by degrees all the discoveries he had made at Padua, of which we have only noticed the most important, in the work before mentioned, the “Sidereus Nuncius”; it was dedicated45 to the Grand Duke, Cosmo II., and the first edition appeared at Venice, in March, 1610.
Although the unexpected discoveries which Galileo had made with his telescope had confirmed his opinion that the system of Copernicus was the only one consistent with the facts of nature, had indeed made it his absolute conviction, he had not yet ventured to defend it in his works. He contented46 himself with stating bare facts, without showing their relation to the ideas of Copernicus, leaving this to the learning and insight of the reader. Moreover, the logical inferences from Jupiter’s moons must surely stare every thoughtful man in the face, and so indeed they did in a way very unwelcome to the scientific conservatives.
The storm raised by Galileo’s latest announcements was tremendous. People heard with amazement47 the extraordinary things which the new invention had brought to light, and paid a just tribute of admiration48 to the man to whose labours it was due. But these discoveries were so directly opposed to the traditional natural philosophy, still regarded as the highest wisdom, that the “Sidereus Nuncius” had met with many opponents. It must however be borne in mind that at the time of its first publication very few of the learned were in a position to convince themselves with their own eyes of the correctness of the appearances seen with the telescope, simply because they had not the instrument at hand. From this cause, even Kepler did not see the satellites of Jupiter till 30th August, 1610. But men so free from jealousy49 and prejudice as Kepler (who, on reading the “Sidereus Nuncius,” at once recognised the truth of the discoveries, and said with enthusiasm that “Galileo had in this book given evidence of the divinity of his genius”[44]), have at all times been rare.
[22]
At first, therefore, the majority of the learned world shook their heads incredulously about the phenomena50 announced by the “Nuncius,” especially in Italy, where envy lent its aid to bring an armed opposition into the field. Little did it at first avail that Kepler, renowned51 as the first astronomer52 in Germany, was on the side of the “Sidereus Nuncius”; for in May of the same year he had a reprint of the work issued at Prague, with an introduction in which he expressed his entire conviction of the truth of the telescopic discoveries made known by it, and answered all objections.[45] In vain. These new discoveries were too revolutionary to be believed. Even upright and estimable scientific men, like Welser in Augsburg, and Clavius at Rome, did not give credit to Galileo’s statements until they learnt better by their own observations. The latter, who was the first mathematician53 in Rome in his day, even said “he laughed at the pretended satellites of Jupiter; you must construct a telescope which would first make them and then show them.” Let Galileo hold his own opinions, and he (Clavius) would hold his.[46]
But the leader of an unworthy agitation54 in Italy against Galileo was a man who assumed this attitude from very different motives55 from the sacred service of science. This was the well-known Professor Magini, astronomer at the university of Bologna, who, next to Galileo, enjoyed the highest reputation for learning in Italy. He could not brook56 that his famous countryman should all at once obtain the highest fame with seven-league boots, leaving a pigmy like himself far behind, by means of the discoveries made known in his “Sidereus Nuncius.” He must not only be refuted,[23] the refutation must be circulated as widely as possible. But the most repulsive57 feature in Magini’s conduct towards Galileo is his double-facedness. He never openly ventured with any work into the arena58 himself, but incited59 others all the more from behind concealment60.[47] Even if we do not, with Martin Hasdal and Alexander Sertini, accuse him of being exactly the instigator61 of the famous libel “Peregrinatio contra Nuncium Sidereum,” published by his assistant, Martin Horky, against Galileo in 1610, which excited the indignation of all the right-minded learned world, we cannot acquit62 him of complicity with him, and of having had a hand, more or less, in that pamphlet. The suspicion is strongly confirmed by the ostentation63 with which Magini, when told of the publication of the “Peregrinatio,” drove the author, with disgust and ridicule64, out of his house, and took occasion to assert on all hands that he had nothing whatever to do with the shameful65 act of his famulus, an assertion in strange contradiction with the excuse afterwards made by Horky to Kepler.[48] By Kepler’s advice Galileo did not do him the honour of answering. The task was undertaken by Wedderburn, a Scotchman, formerly66 a pupil of Galileo’s, and Antonio Roffeni, professor of philosophy at the university of Bologna; the former at Padua during the same year, the latter at Bologna in 1611.[49]
Meanwhile, in July, 1610, Galileo had observed a new appearance in the heavens by means of his telescope, the ring of Saturn. In consequence, however, of the imperfection[24] of the instrument, it did not appear like a ring, but Saturn looked like a triple star. Galileo, who on the one hand did not wish to make the new discovery public until he had sufficiently67 observed it, yet feared on the other that some one might claim priority, at once communicated it in a letter from Padua, 30th July, 1610,[50] to his influential68 friend Belisario Vinta, chief secretary of state to Cosmo II., but urgently begged him to keep it a secret. But even this did not seem sufficient to secure his right to the first observation of Saturn, so he announced it to his friends in the following absurd anagram:—
SMAJSMRMJLMEPOETALEVNJPVNENVGTTAVJRAS.
Kepler puzzled for a long time over this enigma69, and at last only made out the barbaric line, “Salve umbistineum geminatum Martia proles,” which he incorrectly applied70 to the planet Mars. At length, after repeated requests, and after Julian de’ Medici, Tuscan ambassador at the Imperial court, had been charged by the Emperor to ask for a solution, he complied with the illustrious wish, and in a letter to Julian of 13th November, 1610,[51] gave the following startling explanation:—
Altissimum Planetam tergeminum observavi.
The learned and semi-learned world of Italy had not yet had time to become reconciled to the surprising discoveries announced in the “Sidereus Nuncius” of March in the same year, when the asserted triple nature of Saturn contravened71 the prevailing idea that there was nothing new to be discovered in the heavens. The recognition of Galileo’s telescopic discoveries made way very slowly. From the first he spared no pains in popularising them. He did this repeatedly in public lectures, and with so much success that he could write to Vinta: “even the most exalted72 personages, who have been most vehement16 in attacking my doctrines, at[25] length gave up the game for lost, and acknowledged, coram populo, that they were not only convinced but ready to defend them against those philosophers and mathematicians73 who ventured to attack them.”[52]
But it was only at the University of Padua that Galileo could report such rapid progress; and until the Maginis, Clavios, and others were convinced by their own eyes, and confirmed to their own party the truth of Galileo’s disclosures, he had to sustain a hard struggle with incredulity, malice74, and peripatetic fanaticism75. Some rabid Aristotelians went so far as to say that Galileo’s telescope was so constructed as to show things that did not exist! Nor did it mend the matter much when he offered 10,000 scudi to any one who should construct so cunning an instrument.[53] Others resolutely76 refused even to look through the telescope, giving it as their firm conviction that they would not be able to see appearances which Aristotle had not said a word about in all his books! The answer that Aristotle was not acquainted with the telescope, and could not have known anything of telescopic appearances, rebounded77 without effect from the petrified infallibility of Aristotelian wisdom. Nor must it be supposed that these short-sighted conservatives only numbered a few would-be savans of the Peripatetic school; on the contrary, celebrities78 like Cesare Cremonino da Cento, and Julius Libri, denied Galileo’s discoveries a priori.[54] When Libri died in December, 1610, without having been willing to look through a telescope, and protesting against Galileo’s “absurdities,” Galileo wrote in a letter of 17th December that this rigid79 opponent of his “absurdities,” as he was never willing to look at them from earth, might perhaps see them on his way to heaven![55]
Some passages from a letter of Galileo’s to Kepler, of 19th August, 1610, will best show how some of these men of science turned away with a righteous awe80 from the inconvenient[26] recognition of the truth. Galileo writes among other things:—
“You are the first and almost the only person who, even after but a cursory81 investigation82, has, such is your openness of mind and lofty genius, given entire credit to my statements.... We will not trouble ourselves about the abuse of the multitude, for against Jupiter even giants, to say nothing of pigmies, fight in vain. Let Jupiter stand in the heavens, and let the sycophants83 bark at him as they will.... In Pisa, Florence, Bologna, Venice, and Padua many have seen the planets; but all are silent on the subject and undecided, for the greater number recognise neither Jupiter nor Mars and scarcely the moon as planets. At Venice one man spoke84 against me, boasting that he knew for certain that my satellites of Jupiter, which he had several times observed, were not planets because they were always to be seen with Jupiter, and either all or some of them, now followed and now preceded him. What is to be done? Shall we side with Democritus or Heraclitus? I think, my Kepler, we will laugh at the extraordinary stupidity of the multitude. What do you say to the leading philosophers of the faculty85 here, to whom I have offered a thousand times of my own accord to show my studies, but who with the lazy obstinacy86 of a serpent who has eaten his fill have never consented to look at planets, nor moon, nor telescope? Verily, just as serpents close their ears, so do these men close their eyes to the light of truth. These are great matters; yet they do not occasion me any surprise. People of this sort think that philosophy is a kind of book like the ?neid or the Odyssey87, and that the truth is to be sought, not in the universe, not in nature, but (I use their own words) by comparing texts! How you would laugh if you heard what things the first philosopher of the faculty at Pisa brought against me in the presence of the Grand Duke, for he tried, now with logical arguments, now with magical adjurations, to tear down and argue the new planets out of heaven.”
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1
Saturn
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| n.农神，土星 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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peripatetic
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| adj.漫游的，逍遥派的，巡回的 | |
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mooted
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| adj.未决定的，有争议的，有疑问的v.提出…供讨论( moot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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constellation
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| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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petrified
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| adj.惊呆的；目瞪口呆的v.使吓呆，使惊呆；变僵硬；使石化(petrify的过去式和过去分词) | |
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vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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controverted
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| v.争论，反驳，否定( controvert的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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glimmering
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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steering
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| n.操舵装置 | |
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engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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possessed
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milky
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| adj.牛奶的，多奶的；乳白色的 | |
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specks
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firmament
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| n.苍穹；最高层 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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revolved
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| v.（使）旋转( revolve的过去式和过去分词 )；细想 | |
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abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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astronomer
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| n.天文学家 | |
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mathematician
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| n.数学家 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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instigator
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| n.煽动者 | |
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acquit
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| vt.宣判无罪；(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
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ostentation
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| n.夸耀，卖弄 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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enigma
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| n.谜，谜一样的人或事 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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contravened
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| v.取消，违反( contravene的过去式 ) | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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mathematicians
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| 数学家( mathematician的名词复数 ) | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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rebounded
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| 弹回( rebound的过去式和过去分词 )； 反弹； 产生反作用； 未能奏效 | |
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celebrities
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| n.（尤指娱乐界的）名人( celebrity的名词复数 )；名流；名声；名誉 | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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cursory
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| adj.粗略的；草率的；匆促的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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sycophants
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| n.谄媚者，拍马屁者( sycophant的名词复数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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odyssey
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| n.长途冒险旅行；一连串的冒险 | |
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