Seven years passed by, during which Galileo lived a secluded5 and studious life in the Villa6 Segni, at Bellosguardo, near Florence, without publishing any new work. How could he do so? The acceptance and further application of the Copernican system was the mainspring of all his scientific pursuits, of which, multifarious as they were, the principle of the double motion of the earth was both foundation and keystone. The general permission to employ the theory as a working hypothesis was of little service to him. The lofty structure of correct knowledge of our universe could not be raised on a pedestal of sand; it required the imperishable marble of truth. Galileo was compelled to withhold7 the results of his researches until, perchance, some altered state of things should change the mind of the papal court, at present so inimical to the Copernican cause. The publication of any researches in accordance with the Copernican system appeared especially dangerous, until the promised corrections had been made in the famous work of the Canon of Frauenburg, which had been temporarily placed on the Index. These corrections would give more[99] precise information as to how they wished the new doctrine8 handled at Rome, what limits had been set by ecclesiastical despotism to researches into nature. Galileo watched with great anxiety the labours of the papal censors9, and tried to hasten them through his friend Prince Cesi.[159] This eager interest in the earliest possible publication of the corrections is another thing which does not accord with the assumed stringent10 prohibition11 of February 26th. What difference would it have made to Galileo whether any facilities were offered for the discussion of the Copernican theory or not, if absolute silence on the subject had been enjoined12 on him?
During this period, when he could not venture to have the results of his various researches published, he was careful to make them known to some friends of science by means of long letters, numerous copies of which were then circulated in Europe. Very few of them, unfortunately, have come down to us, but there is one of them that deserves special notice. It indicates precisely13 Galileo’s position: on the one hand he feels constrained14 to make way for the recognition of the truth; but on the other, as a good Catholic, and from regard to his personal safety, he does not wish to clash with ecclesiastical authority. This letter, too, adds weight to the conclusion that there was no prohibition enjoining15 absolute silence on the Copernican theory on Galileo.
During his last stay at Rome, at the suggestion of Cardinal16 Orsini, he had written a treatise on the tides in the form of a letter to that dignitary, dated January 8th,[160] in which he expressed his firm conviction, erroneously as we now know, that this phenomenon could only be explained on the theory of the double motion of the earth. He represented it as an important confirmation17 of the truth of it. In May, 1618, he sent a copy of this treatise to the Archduke Leopold of Austria, who was friendly to him, and was a brother of the Grand Duchess. But as since it was written the decree[100] of March 5th had been issued, which only permitted discussion of the subject as a hypothesis, Galileo thought it advisable to add a sort of accompaniment to his treatise, in which he took the utmost pains to comply with the conditions imposed by the Church on her dutiful and orthodox son. He wrote:—
“With this I send a treatise on the causes of the tides, which I wrote rather more than two years ago at the suggestion of his Eminence18 Cardinal Orsini, at Rome, at the time when the theologians were thinking of prohibiting Copernicus’s book and the doctrine enounced therein of the motion of the earth, which I then held to be true, until it pleased those gentlemen to prohibit the work, and to declare that opinion to be false and contrary to Scripture19. Now, knowing as I do, that it behoves us to obey the decisions of the authorities, and to believe them, since they are guided by a higher insight than any to which my humble20 mind can of itself attain21, I consider this treatise which I send you merely to be a poetical23 conceit24, or a dream, and desire that your Highness may take it as such, inasmuch as it is based on the double motion of the earth, and indeed contains one of the arguments which I have adduced in confirmation of it. But even poets sometimes attach a value to one or other of their fantasies, and I likewise attach some value to this fancy of mine. Now, having written the treatise, and having shown it to the Cardinal above-mentioned, and a few others, I have also let a few exalted25 personages have copies, in order that in case any one not belonging to our Church should try to appropriate my curious fancy, as has happened to me with many of my discoveries, these personages, being above all suspicion, may be able to bear witness that it was I who first dreamed of this chimera26. What I now send is but a fugitive27 performance; it was written in haste, and in the expectation that the work of Copernicus would not be condemned28 as erroneous eighty years after its publication. I had intended at my convenience, and in the quiet, to have gone more particularly into this subject, to have added more proofs, to have arranged the whole anew, and to have put it into a better form. But a voice from heaven has aroused me, and dissolved all my confused and tangled30 fantasies in mist. May therefore your Highness graciously accept it, ill arranged as it is. And if Divine love ever grants that I may be in a position to exert myself a little, your Highness may expect something more solid and real from me.”[161]
On reading such passages one really does not know which to be the most indignant at,—the iron rule by which a privileged caste repressed the progress of science in the[101] name of religion, or the servility of one of the greatest philosophers of all times in not scorning an unworthy subterfuge31 in order to disseminate32 a grain of supposed truth in the world without incurring33 personal danger.
But in spite of all precautions, in spite of “chimeras,” “fictions,” “fantasies,” and even “the voice from heaven,” the circulation of this treatise, based upon the theory of the double motion, would have been an infringement34 of the assumed absolute prohibition to Galileo, while, thanks to the ingenious accompaniment, it in no way clashed with the decree of 5th March. Galileo’s conduct shows plainly enough that he humbly35 submitted to the ecclesiastical ordinance36, but there is not a trace of the prohibition to discuss the doctrine “in any way.”
Little, however, as Galileo desired to engage, thus hampered37, in any perilous38 controversies39, the next time it was nature herself who enticed40 him into the field in which his genius and his polemical ingenuity41 acquired for him both splendid triumphs and bitter foes42.
In August, 1618, three comets appeared in the heavens, and the brilliant one in the constellation43 of the Scorpion44 strongly attracted the attention of astronomers45. Although it was visible until January, 1619, Galileo had very little opportunity of observing it, as he was confined to his bed by a severe and tedious illness.[162] But he communicated his views on comets to several of his friends, and among others to the Archduke Leopold of Austria, who had come to see the sick philosopher.[163] He did not consider them to be real heavenly bodies, but merely atmospheric46 appearances, columns of vapour which rise from earth to the skies, to a very considerable height, far beyond the moon, and become temporarily visible to the inhabitants of the earth, in the well-known form of a comet, by the refraction of the sun’s rays. As he judged comets to be without substance, and placed them on a par29 with mock suns and the aurora47 borealis, he[102] concluded that they could have no parallax determinations.
In the same year, 1619, a Jesuit, Father Grassi, delivered a lecture on the three comets in the Roman College, in which he gave out that such phenomena48 were not mere22 appearances, but real heavenly bodies; copies of this lecture were widely circulated, and Galileo was strongly urged by his adherents49 to publish his opinion. He was prudent50 enough to evade51 for the time a fresh controversy52, which, in the existing critical state of affairs, might bring him into danger, and apparently53 took no part in the scientific feud54 which was brewing55. But he induced his learned friend and pupil, Mario Guiducci, consul56 of the Academy at Florence, to publish a treatise on comets. Numerous alterations57 and additions, however, which are found in the original MS. in the Palatina Library at Florence, attest58 that he had a direct share in the editorship.[164] The opinions hitherto held by philosophers and astronomers on this subject were discussed, and the author’s own—that is Galileo’s—expounded. Grassi’s views were sharply criticised, and he was reproachfully asked why he had passed over Galileo’s recent astronomical discoveries in silence.
Grassi, who recognised the real originator of the work, in the reply which he issued a few months later entirely60 ignored the pupil, that he might the more vigorously attack the master. Under the pseudonym61 of Lothario Sarsi Sigensano, he published a pamphlet against Galileo, entitled, “The Astronomical and Philosophical Scales.”[165] It is written with[103] caustic62 bitterness, and is a model of Jesuitical malice63 and cunning. The comet question was for the time a secondary matter with Grassi, and he begins with a personal attack on Galileo, by disputing the priority of several of his most important discoveries and inventions, and reproaching him, with pious64 indignation, with obstinate65 adherence66 to a doctrine condemned by theologians. Up to this point he is only angry and spiteful, but as he goes on he becomes cunning. He sets up for a warm defender67 of the Peripatetic68 physics, and attacks the Copernican system, and its advocate Galileo, to compel him either to ignominious69 silence or dangerous demonstrations70. Under pretext71 of meeting Guiducci’s reproach that he (Grassi) had taken Tycho as his authority, he asks whether it would have been better to follow the system of Ptolemy, which had been convicted of error, or that of Copernicus, which every God-fearing man must abhor72, and his hypothesis, which had just been condemned? In discussing the causes of the movements of comets, it seemed to him that the arguments were insinuated73 on which the forbidden doctrines74 were based. “Away!” he exclaims in righteous indignation, “with all such words so offensive to truth and to every pious ear! They were prudent enough certainly scarcely to speak of them with bated breath, and not to blazon75 it abroad that Galileo’s opinion was founded upon this pernicious principle.”
Thus attacked, Galileo prepared to defend himself. The greatest caution was necessary, for Grassi was backed by the powerful party of the Jesuits, who made a great boast of this work.[166] The letters of this period from Prince Cesi and Galileo’s ecclesiastical friends at Rome show that they were very anxious that he should not make the influential76 order of Jesuits his enemies by a direct collision with them. But as they saw the absolute necessity of a reply, they gave him all sorts of good advice, how to parry the attack without incurring[104] their hatred77. They were of opinion that he should not honour an adversary78 concealed79 behind a pseudonym with a reply written by himself, but should depute the task to a pupil, or, if he intended to conduct his defence in person, clothe his reply in the form of a letter instead of a treatise, not addressed to Sarsi himself, but to one of his own party.[167] He decided80 for the latter; and adopting a hint from Mgr. Ciampoli,[168] he addressed the reply to Mgr. Cesarini, one of his most devoted81 friends and dauntless defenders82.
But the completion of this afterwards famous rejoinder was delayed for two years, and its publication, which, according to custom with all works by members of the Accadémia dei Lincei, was undertaken by the Society, was delayed fully59 another year owing to the scruples83 of Prince Cesi and other “lynxes.” Galileo’s procrastination84 is to be explained partly by his continued ill health, but more so by the position of affairs at Rome as well as in Tuscany, which was by no means encouraging for a contest with a Jesuit.
The imperious Paul V. was still the reigning85 Pope, and his good will towards Galileo would certainly only have lasted so long as he was entirely submissive. His dialectic reply, which was pervaded86 by cutting irony87 aimed at a father of the order of Jesuits, even sometimes making him appear ridiculous, could not have been much to the taste of a Pope to whom the inviolability of the Church and her ministers was all in all. It is characteristic of this pontiff that, as appears from the negotiations88 with James I., he seriously claimed the right of deposing89 kings, and called every attempt to make him relinquish90 this claim “a heretical proceeding,” and pronounced the writings of some Venetian ecclesiastics91 who disputed it, to be worse than Calvinistic. Just as this stern[105] pontiff was gathered to his fathers (16th January, 1621), in consequence of an attack of apoplexy on the occasion of the celebration of the victory on the Weissenberg, and the good-natured and infirm old man, Gregory XV., ascended92 the papal chair, Galileo sustained a blow which was most disastrous93 to him. This was the death, on 28th February, 1621, of his kind protector and patron, Cosmo II. The protection of an energetic prince who sincerely respected him, which he had hitherto enjoyed, was replaced by the uncertain favour of a feminine government, as the widowed Grand Duchess, whose tendencies were thoroughly94 Romish, assumed the regency for Ferdinand II., who was still in his minority.
Under these circumstances Galileo was but little inclined to bring out his reply; and perhaps the time when they were founding the Propaganda at Rome, and enrolling95 Loyola and Xavier among the saints, did not seem very opportune96. From the new Pope personally there was nothing to fear. The phlegmatic97 little man, who was so bowed down by age and sickness that those about him often feared to lay complicated business matters before him, lest he should entirely break down, was certainly not likely to inspire awe98; besides, Gregory had expressed himself to Ciampoli very favourably99 of Galileo.[169] But the Pope’s infirmities made it all the more necessary to proceed with caution; for they allowed the Romish administration to exercise full sway. And the man who guided it with almost sovereign authority was the Pope’s nephew, Cardinal Lodovico Lodovisi, a former pupil and therefore zealous100 friend of the Jesuits.
Nevertheless Galileo’s adherents, and especially his clerical friends at Rome, considered it absolutely necessary to publish his reply as soon as possible, with the precautions before mentioned, because his opponents construed101 his silence into a triumph for Grassi and the Aristotelian school.[170] Prince[106] Cesi, Mgrs. Cesarini and Ciampoli—the latter of whom meanwhile had become Secretary of the Papal Briefs to Gregory XV., a post which he also held under his successor, Urban VIII., until he fell into disgrace about Galileo—urged him repeatedly to finish his reply.[171]
Francesco Stelluti, a member of the Accadémia dei Lincei, a learned friend of Galileo’s, did indeed at this time (June, 1622) bring out a work against “Lothario Sarsi,” but he only defended Guiducci, and studiously avoided touching102 on the reproaches cast on Galileo, in order not to anticipate him.[172]
At length, in October of the same year, Galileo sent the MS. of his celebrated103 work, “Il Saggiatore” (The Assayer), to Mgr. Cesarini, at Rome.[173] For five months it passed from hand to hand among the members of the Accadémia dei Lincei, who carefully criticised it, and with Galileo’s consent, altered the passages which might possibly have been taken advantage of by his enemies to renew their intrigues104 against him. The Jesuits meanwhile had got wind of the completion of the reply, and did their utmost to get hold of one of the numerous copies of the MS.; but Cesarini, Cesi, Ciampoli, and the other “Lynxes,” took good care of them, well knowing that if the Jesuits once made acquaintance with this crushing reply, they would use every endeavour to prevent its receiving the imprimatur.[174] This was granted on 2nd February, 1623, by the supreme105 authorities of the censorship, not only without hesitation106, but they spoke107 of the work in very favourable108 and flattering terms. The opinion—which[107] was drawn109 up by Father Nicolo Riccardi, a former pupil of Galileo’s, who will often be mentioned in the sequel, then examiner, and afterwards even Magister Sacrii Palatii—was as follows:—
“By command of the Master of the Palace I have read the work, ‘Il Saggiatore,’ and not only have I detected nothing in it which is contrary to good morals, or deviates110 from the divine truth of our religion, but I have found in it such beautiful and manifold observations on natural philosophy, that I think our age will not have to boast merely of having been the inheritor of the labours of earlier philosophers, but also of having been the discoverer of many secrets of nature which they were not able to penetrate111, thanks to the subtle and solid researches of the author, whose contemporary I think myself happy to be, for now the gold of truth is no longer weighed wholesale112 and with the steelyard, but with the delicate scales used for gold.”[175]
The commencement of the printing was again delayed till the beginning of May,[176] and then proceeded but slowly, for it was not until 27th May that Ciampoli sent the first two sheets of the “Saggiatore” to the author, in order to prove to him the falseness of a report which had meanwhile gained currency, that the printing of the work had been prohibited.[177]
An event then took place which seemed likely to produce a great change in Galileo’s relations with Rome; indeed in the whole attitude of ecclesiastical authority towards the free progress of science. At all events, as we shall see, Galileo flattered himself with this hope, and not without some justification113. On 8th July, 1623, Gregory XV. succumbed114 to age and infirmity in the second year of his pontificate. The man who at the age of fifty-five was now elevated to the papacy, not only did not in the least resemble his immediate115 predecessors116, but his tendencies were in striking contrast to theirs. He was previously117 Cardinal Maffeo Barberini, and now ascended the papal throne as Urban VIII.
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1
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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censors
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| 删剪（书籍、电影等中被认为犯忌、违反道德或政治上危险的内容）( censor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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10
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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enjoining
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| v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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chimera
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| n.神话怪物；梦幻 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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subterfuge
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| n.诡计；藉口 | |
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disseminate
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| v.散布；传播 | |
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incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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controversies
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| 争论 | |
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enticed
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| 诱惑，怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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constellation
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| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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scorpion
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| n.蝎子，心黑的人，蝎子鞭 | |
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astronomers
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| n.天文学者，天文学家( astronomer的名词复数 ) | |
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atmospheric
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| adj.大气的，空气的；大气层的；大气所引起的 | |
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aurora
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| n.极光 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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pseudonym
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| n.假名，笔名 | |
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caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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68
peripatetic
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| adj.漫游的，逍遥派的，巡回的 | |
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69
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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70
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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71
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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72
abhor
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| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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insinuated
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| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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74
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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75
blazon
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| n.纹章，装饰；精确描绘；v.广布；宣布 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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83
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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84
procrastination
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| n.拖延，耽搁 | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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86
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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deposing
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| v.罢免( depose的现在分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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90
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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91
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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enrolling
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| v.招收( enrol的现在分词 )；吸收；入学；加入；[亦作enrol]( enroll的现在分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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phlegmatic
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| adj.冷静的，冷淡的，冷漠的，无活力的 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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100
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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101
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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102
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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103
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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104
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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105
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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106
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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107
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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108
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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109
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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deviates
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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111
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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112
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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113
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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114
succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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115
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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116
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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117
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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