Scarcely any Pope has left to posterity4 so accurate a delineation5 of his character and aims in his own trenchant6 utterances7 as Urban VIII. When shown the marble monuments of his predecessors8, he proudly observed that he “would erect9 iron ones to himself.” And the fortress10 of Castelfranco on the Bolognese frontier (called, in honour of his Holiness, Fort Urbino), the new breastworks of the Castle of St. Angelo, the Vatican Library turned into an arsenal11, the new manufactory of arms at Tivoli, and finally the costly12 harbour of Civita Vecchia, are so many silent testimonies13 to the cherished desire of this pontiff to transform the eternal city into an inviolable symbol in stone of the temporal power of the Pope, and to accredit14 himself as a true medi?val vicegerent of Christ with the two-edged sword of the world. His athletic15 physique and iron energy were ever the vigorous executors of his ideas. In his self-sufficiency he disdained16 to take counsel with the Sacred College, saying that he “knew better than all the cardinals17 put together,” and boldly set himself above all ancient constitutions, alleging18 the unheard of reason that “the sentence of a living Pope was worth more than all the decrees of a hundred dead ones.” And finally, to leave his flock, the Christian19 peoples, in no manner of doubt about his pastoral humility20, he revoked21 the resolve of the Romans never again[109] to erect a monument to a Pope in his lifetime, saying, “such a resolution could not apply to a Pope like himself.”
The desire for unlimited22 temporal power rises like a column out of the life of Urban VIII. Still it is not destitute23 of the embellishments of art, poetry, and love of learning. It is no fiction that this imperious pontiff found pleasure in turning passages of the Old and New Testaments24 into Horatian metre, and the song of Simeon into two sapphic strophes! His numerous and often cordial letters to Galileo bear witness also of his interest in science and its advocates; but if these scientific or poetic25 tastes clashed for a moment with the papal supremacy27, the patron of art and science had to give place at once to the ecclesiastical ruler, who shunned28 no means, secret or avowed29, of making every other interest subservient30 to his assumption of temporal and spiritual dominion31.
It is simply a psychological consequence of these traits of character, that arbitrary caprice, the twin brother of despotic power, often played an intolerable part in his treatment of those who came in contact with him.[178]
This then was the character of the new head of the Catholic Church, on whom Galileo placed great hopes for the progress of science in general, and the toleration of the Copernican system in particular, though they were to result in bitter disappointment. Yet to all appearance he was justified32 in hailing this election, for not only was Urban VIII. a refreshing33 contrast to his immediate34 predecessors, who cared little for art or science, but as Cardinal Maffeo Barberini, he had for years shown the warmest friendship for and interest in Galileo.
Many letters from this dignitary to Galileo which have come down to us bear witness to this.[179] Thus he wrote to him from Bologna on 5th June, 1612: “I have received your treatise35 on various scientific questions, which have been raised during my stay here, and shall read them with great[110] pleasure, both to confirm myself in my opinion, which agrees with yours, and, with the rest of the world, to enjoy the fruits of your rare intellect.”[180] The words, “in order to confirm,” etc., have led some not very careful writers to conclude that, at all events when cardinal, Urban VIII. was a follower36 of Copernicus. But this is quite beside the mark. For the work in question was the one on floating bodies, with which, though the Peripatetics got the worst of it, neither Ptolemy or Copernicus had anything to do. A little more attention would have saved Philarete Chasles and others from such erroneous statements.
Another letter to Galileo from the cardinal, 20th April, 1613, after the publication of his work on the solar spots, shows the interest he took in the astronomer37 and his achievements. He writes:—
“Your printed letters to Welser have reached me, and are very welcome. I shall not fail to read them with pleasure, again and again, which they deserve. This is not a book which will be allowed to stand idly among the rest; it is the only one which can induce me to withdraw for a few hours from my official duties to devote myself to its perusal38, and to the observation of the planets of which it treats, if the telescopes we have here are fit for it. Meanwhile I thank you very much for your remembrance of me, and beg you not to forget the high opinion which I entertain for a mind so extraordinarily39 gifted as yours.”[181]
But the cardinal had not confined himself to these assurances of esteem40 and friendship in his letters, but had proved them by his actions in 1615 and 1616, by honestly assisting to adjust Galileo’s personal affairs when brought before the Inquisition. And Maffeo Barberini attributed the success then achieved in no small degree to his own influence, and used even to relate with satisfaction when Pope, that he had at that time assisted Galileo out of his difficulties. But here we must remind those authors who represent Barberini, when cardinal, as a Copernican, in order to paint his subsequent attitude as Pope in darker hues41 than history warrants, that[111] although in 1615 and 1616 he exerted himself for Galileo personally, he in no way sought to avert42 the condemnation43 of the system.
In 1620, however, Barberini gave Galileo a really enthusiastic proof of his esteem. He celebrated44 his discoveries in some elegant and spirited verses, in which astronomy was allied45 with morality, and he sent them to Galileo, under date of 28th August, with the following letter:—
“The esteem which I always entertain for yourself and your great merits has given occasion to the enclosed verses. If not worthy46 of you, they will serve at any rate as a proof of my affection, while I purpose to add lustre47 to my poetry by your renowned48 name. Without wasting words, then, in further apologies, which I leave to the confidence which I place in you, I beg you to receive with favour this insignificant49 proof of my great affection.”[182]
When this dignitary, who was generally regarded as a friend and protector of science, had ascended50 the papal chair, the “Accadémia dei Lincei” hastened to dedicate “Il Saggiatore” to his Holiness, in order to spoil the sport of the author’s enemies beforehand.
To the annoyance51 of Galileo’s opponents and delight of his friends, by the end of October, 1623, “Il Saggiatore” appeared. This work is a masterpiece of ingenuity52; for the author not only dexterously53 avoids falling into the snares54 laid for him by Father Grassi, but prepares signal defeats for him. Galileo takes his attack on him, “The Astronomical55 and Philosophical56 Scales,” paragraph by paragraph, throws light on each, and disputes or confutes it. And it is done in so sparkling and spirited a style, and the reasoning, pervaded57 by cutting sarcasm58, is so conclusive59, that “Il Saggiatore” certainly deserves to be called a model of dialectic skill.[112] Our limits preclude60 going further into its scientific contents. For our purpose it will suffice to say that Galileo took occasion in it to lash26 many errors in Grassi’s work unmercifully, and thereby62 incurred63 the eternal hatred64 of the all powerful Jesuit party. Thus it was to a great extent the purely65 scientific “Saggiatore” which subsequently conjured66 up the tragic67 element in Galileo’s fate.
Another interesting point in the work is the way in which Galileo replies to Grassi’s interpellations about the system of the universe. Admirable as is the ingenuity with which he performs this ticklish68 task, one cannot sympathise with the denial of his inmost convictions. He parries the provocations69 of his adversary70 by demonstrating that the Ptolemaic and Copernican doctrines72 had nothing to do with the controversy73 about comets, and that this question was only raised by “Sarsi” in order to attack him (Galileo). He adds the ambiguous remark: “As to the Copernican hypothesis, I am fully61 convinced that if we Catholics had not to thank the highest wisdom for having corrected our mistake and enlightened our blindness, we should never have been indebted for such a benefit to the arguments and experiences of Tycho.”[183] He then shows that the Copernican system, “which, as a pious74 Catholic, he considers entirely75 erroneous and completely denies,” perfectly76 agrees with the telescopic discoveries, which cannot be made to agree at all with the other systems. But since, in spite of all this caution, a defence of the new system might have been detected in these statements, Galileo hastens to the conciliatory conclusion, that since the Copernican theory is condemned77 by the Church, the Ptolemaic no longer tenable in the face of scientific research, while that of Tycho is inadequate78, some other must be sought for.
Notwithstanding all this fencing, however, no one can fail to see in “Il Saggiatore” an underhand defence of the Copernican system, as is evident from the passages quoted. Such[113] a vague discussion of it as this, however, did not compromise Galileo according to the decree of 5th March, 1616; but “Il Saggiatore” would have directly contravened79 the assumed absolute injunction to silence on that system of 26th February, and Galileo would certainly not have ventured to write in this style if the Commissary-General of the Holy Office had, in 1616, solemnly forbidden him to discuss the said doctrine71 in any way whatever (quovis modo). This is another proof that this famous prohibition was not issued to Galileo in the form in which it occurs in the archives of 26th February.
“Il Saggiatore” was, indeed, denounced to the Inquisition in 1625, by Galileo’s opponents, as containing a concealed80 endorsement81 of the Copernican system, and a motion was made in the Congregation of the Holy Office to prohibit it, or at any rate to have it corrected; but it was not carried, and the party only prepared a defeat for themselves. In consequence of the denunciation, a cardinal was charged to investigate the matter, and to report upon it. He selected Father Guevara, General of the Theatines, to assist him, who, after careful examination of the work in question, spoke82 in high praise of it, recommended it most warmly to the cardinal, and even gave him a written statement, in which he explained that the opinion of the earth’s motion, even if it had been maintained, would not have appeared to him a reason for condemning83 it.[184] Even Urban VIII., who, we must suppose, was perfectly acquainted with the proceedings84 of 1616, does not appear to have had any scruples85 about “Il Saggiatore,” for he had it read aloud to him at table, immediately after its publication,[185] and, as Galileo was assured, enjoyed it highly.
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1 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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2 dedication | |
n.奉献,献身,致力,题献,献辞 | |
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3 prohibition | |
n.禁止;禁令,禁律 | |
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4 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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5 delineation | |
n.记述;描写 | |
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6 trenchant | |
adj.尖刻的,清晰的 | |
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7 utterances | |
n.发声( utterance的名词复数 );说话方式;语调;言论 | |
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8 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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9 erect | |
n./v.树立,建立,使竖立;adj.直立的,垂直的 | |
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10 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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11 arsenal | |
n.兵工厂,军械库 | |
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12 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
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13 testimonies | |
(法庭上证人的)证词( testimony的名词复数 ); 证明,证据 | |
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14 accredit | |
vt.归功于,认为 | |
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15 athletic | |
adj.擅长运动的,强健的;活跃的,体格健壮的 | |
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16 disdained | |
鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 ); 不屑于做,不愿意做 | |
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17 cardinals | |
红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 ); 红衣凤头鸟(见于北美,雄鸟为鲜红色); 基数 | |
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18 alleging | |
断言,宣称,辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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19 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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20 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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21 revoked | |
adj.[法]取消的v.撤销,取消,废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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22 unlimited | |
adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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23 destitute | |
adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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24 testaments | |
n.遗嘱( testament的名词复数 );实际的证明 | |
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25 poetic | |
adj.富有诗意的,有诗人气质的,善于抒情的 | |
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26 lash | |
v.系牢;鞭打;猛烈抨击;n.鞭打;眼睫毛 | |
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27 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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28 shunned | |
v.避开,回避,避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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30 subservient | |
adj.卑屈的,阿谀的 | |
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31 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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32 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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33 refreshing | |
adj.使精神振作的,使人清爽的,使人喜欢的 | |
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34 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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35 treatise | |
n.专著;(专题)论文 | |
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36 follower | |
n.跟随者;随员;门徒;信徒 | |
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37 astronomer | |
n.天文学家 | |
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38 perusal | |
n.细读,熟读;目测 | |
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39 extraordinarily | |
adv.格外地;极端地 | |
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40 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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41 hues | |
色彩( hue的名词复数 ); 色调; 信仰; 观点 | |
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42 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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43 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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44 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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45 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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46 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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47 lustre | |
n.光亮,光泽;荣誉 | |
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48 renowned | |
adj.著名的,有名望的,声誉鹊起的 | |
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49 insignificant | |
adj.无关紧要的,可忽略的,无意义的 | |
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50 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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52 ingenuity | |
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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53 dexterously | |
adv.巧妙地,敏捷地 | |
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54 snares | |
n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 );圈套;诱人遭受失败(丢脸、损失等)的东西;诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉,诱陷,陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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55 astronomical | |
adj.天文学的,(数字)极大的 | |
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56 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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57 pervaded | |
v.遍及,弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58 sarcasm | |
n.讥讽,讽刺,嘲弄,反话 (adj.sarcastic) | |
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59 conclusive | |
adj.最后的,结论的;确凿的,消除怀疑的 | |
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60 preclude | |
vt.阻止,排除,防止;妨碍 | |
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61 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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62 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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63 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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64 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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65 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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66 conjured | |
用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 ); 祈求,恳求; 变戏法; (变魔术般地) 使…出现 | |
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67 tragic | |
adj.悲剧的,悲剧性的,悲惨的 | |
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68 ticklish | |
adj.怕痒的;问题棘手的;adv.怕痒地;n.怕痒,小心处理 | |
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69 provocations | |
n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 );激怒;刺激;愤怒的原因 | |
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70 adversary | |
adj.敌手,对手 | |
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71 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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72 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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73 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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74 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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75 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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76 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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77 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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78 inadequate | |
adj.(for,to)不充足的,不适当的 | |
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79 contravened | |
v.取消,违反( contravene的过去式 ) | |
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80 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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81 endorsement | |
n.背书;赞成,认可,担保;签(注),批注 | |
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82 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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83 condemning | |
v.(通常因道义上的原因而)谴责( condemn的现在分词 );宣判;宣布…不能使用;迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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84 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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85 scruples | |
n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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