By the beginning of January, 1632, the printing of the “Dialogues” was so far advanced, that on the 3rd Galileo had the satisfaction of telling his friend, Cesare Marsili, at Bologna, that the work would be completed in ten or twelve days.[254] It did not, however, appear till February. On the twenty-second of that month Galileo presented his book to the Grand Duke, to whom it was dedicated6, and to the other members of the house of Medici.[255] On the twenty-third he sent at first thirty-two copies to Cesare Marsili.[256] He had a large number of copies handsomely bound for his powerful friends and patrons at Rome, but they could not be despatched immediately, since, owing to the continued prevalence of the plague, they would have had to be purified in the quarantine houses, which might have injured them. It was not till May that two unbound copies reached the papal residence in a roundabout way.[257] One of these came into the hands of Cardinal7 Francesco Barberini, who lent it to Father Castelli. In a letter to Galileo of 26th September, 1631,[258] he had vowed8 that, after the appearance of the[152] “Dialogues,” he would read no other book but that and the Breviary; and in a letter of 29th May,[259] he now expressed to the author his admiration9 of his work, which surpassed all his expectations. Shortly afterwards, Count Filippo Magalotti, who was on very friendly terms with Galileo, and from his relationship to the Barberinis, was an influential10 personage, imported eight copies from Florence, and, as charged by the author, presented one copy each to Cardinal Antonio Barberini, to the Tuscan ambassador Niccolini, Father Riccardi, Mgr. Serristori, counsellor of the Holy Office, and the Jesuit Father Leon Santi.[260]
While these few copies were being eagerly devoured11 by impatient readers at Rome, and passed rapidly from hand to hand, the book had been circulating in the rest of Italy in spite of the difficulties of communication. The applause which this famous work called forth12 from all men of independent minds was unexampled, and was only equalled by the bitterness and consternation13 it excited among the scientific conservatives. The learned world of Italy was divided into two hostile camps: that of Ptolemy on the one side, that of Copernicus-Galileo on the other. In the one were to be found progress, recognition of truth, free independent thought and research; in the other blind worship of authority and rigid14 adherence15 to the old school. And the latter party was far the most numerous; it was also reinforced by those, of whom there were a considerable number, who opposed the great reformer of science from interested motives. Besides this, the academic corporations were not favourable16 to him, because he so dangerously revolutionised the modern methods of teaching. The university of his native city seemed especially adverse17 to him. It had carried its animosity so far a few years before as to try to deprive him of the income which he enjoyed as its first mathematician18 by the Grand Ducal decree of 12th July, 1620, though, thanks to[153] the energetic remonstrances19 of some influential patrons, the attempt was not successful.[261]
In addition to all this there is another consideration, which played a much larger part in the sad story of Galileo’s trial than is generally supposed. The clergy20, and especially the Jesuits, had hitherto had a monopoly of science. Everybody knows how assiduously it had been cultivated in ancient times in the cells and schools of the convents, and that the ecclesiastical orders were the guardians21 and disseminators of learning, while among both populace and nobles ignorance flourished like a weed. When by the natural law of progress the nations of Europe emerged from the simplicity22 of childhood into the storm and stress period of youth; when inventions,—especially printing,—and above all the discovery of America, began to spread knowledge and culture among the masses, it was once more the servants of Rome who, justly estimating the spirit of the age, placed themselves, so to speak, in the van of the intellectual movement, that they might guide its course. The strongest evidence that the Church was in exclusive possession of the highest mental powers is afforded by the Reformation; for the first stirrings of doubt, of critical, philosophical23 speculation24, arose in the bosoms25 of the Roman Catholic clergy. All the reformers, from Abelard and Arnold of Brescia, to Huss and Luther, sprang, without exception, from among them.
Just at the juncture26 when the split into two creeds27 threatened to divide the joints28 and marrow29 of the supreme30 power of the Church, the man appeared who most effectually contributed to restore it by founding a new ecclesiastical order, with a very peculiar31 organisation32. This was Ignatius Loyola. And if we seek for the explanation of the profound influence gained by this corporation in all parts of the world, and every grade of society, we shall find it in four factors: the highest enthusiasm for the common cause; willing[154] obedience33 to the central authority—the general for the time being; utter unscrupulousness as to means; and the supremacy34 which knowledge always confers. Far from occupying themselves, like the Protestant clergy, exclusively with theology, there was no branch of knowledge that was not cultivated by these champions of the Church; indeed they stood for a century at the summit of learning.[262] And now, in the most recent epoch35 of that stigmatised century, Galileo the layman36 steps forth upon the arena37 of the science of the heavens and the earth, and teaches the astonished world truths before which the whole edifice38 of scholastic39 sophistry40 must fall to the ground. The Jesuit monopoly of the education of youth and of teaching altogether, became day by day more insecure, and the influence of the society was threatened in proportion. Was it to be wondered at that the pious41 fathers strained every nerve in this final conflict for mastery, and in the attempt to prevent their world-wide mission of educating the people from being torn from their hands? This explains why the reformers of science appeared just as dangerous to them as those of religion; and they resisted the former, as they had done the latter, with all the resources at their command.
Galileo, as one of the most advanced pioneers of science, was in the highest degree inconvenient42 to the Jesuits; members of their order had also repeatedly measured lances with the great man in scientific discussion—Fathers Grassi and Scheiner, for instance—with very unfortunate results, by no means calculated to make the Society of Jesus more favourable to him. But now that his “Dialogues on the Two Systems of the World” had appeared, which, as every intelligent man must perceive, annihilated43 with its overwhelming mass of evidence the doctrines45 of the old school, and raised the modern system upon its ruins, the Jesuits set every[155] lever in motion, first to suppress this revolutionary book, and then to compass the ruin of the author.
Riccardi himself remarked to Count Magalotti at that time: “The Jesuits will persecute46 Galileo with the utmost bitterness.”[263]
Besides, they found welcome allies in the overwhelming majority of the rest of the clergy. With them the theological considerations we have mentioned formed the motive5. And the louder the applause with which the independent scientific world greeted Galileo’s latest remarkable47 work, the fiercer burnt the flame of ecclesiastical hate. There can be no doubt that the full significance of the “Dialogues” had not been apprehended48 by any of the censors49 to whom they had been submitted. This is obvious from the fact that they seriously thought that the diplomatic preface, and a few phrases in the work itself, would suffice to make it appear innocuous. The commotion50 made by the book in the scientific and theological world convinced them of their mistake.
Meanwhile, Galileo in Florence gave himself up to unmixed delight at the brilliant success of his “Dialogues.” His learned friends and followers51, such as Fra Bonaventura Cavalieri, Giovan Batista Baliani, Castelli, Fra Fulgenzio Micanzio, Alfonzo Antonini, Campanella, and many others, expressed to him in repeated letters, and often with genuine enthusiasm, their admiration of his splendid work,[264] not one of them had any foreboding that it was to bring its grey-headed author before the bar of the Inquisition; and Galileo himself least of all. He expected violent opposition52 from his scientific opponents, and was prepared to engage in the contest, but he considered himself quite secure from ecclesiastical persecution53. Had not influential personages at Rome, Cesi, Mgr.[156] Ciampoli, Cesarini, and Castelli, been urging him for years to finish his work, the tendency of which they well knew?[265] And when it was at last complete, it was these same friends, as well meaning as they were influential, who had done their best to forward the publication. Besides, the book had appeared not only with the imprimatur and under the protection of the Inquisition at Florence, as prescribed, and with the permission of the political authorities of the city, but Galileo could show also the imprimatur of the Pater Magister Sacri Palatii, which was not at all usual with works not printed at Rome.[266] He considered this a double security; Jesuitism, on the contrary, contrived54 afterwards to forge an indictment55 out of this unusual circumstance. Not a word had appeared in print without having been read by the organs of papal scrutiny56 and having received the sanction of the Church. Might not the author well look forward to the publication of his work with perfect tranquillity57, and feel himself secure from any collision with the ecclesiastical authorities? Undoubtedly58, if he had not made the solemn promise sixteen years before, “entirely to renounce59 the opinion that the sun is the centre of the universe, and is stationary60, and that the earth on the contrary moves, and neither to hold the same, nor in any way to teach or defend it in speaking or writing.”
Galileo’s proceedings61 at this time, as before and after, prove that he was totally unaware62 of this assumed prohibition63; anyhow, he pays not the slightest attention to it. He sends[157] copies of his work to the most eminent64 persons at Rome; is delighted at its immense success; arms himself for defence against the indignant Aristotelians, but never thinks of a conflict with the ecclesiastical authorities, which, sincere Catholic as he was, would have given him great pain apart from consequences. Even in June and July there were some ill-disposed persons, to the great annoyance65 of Riccardi, zealously66 trying to discover something in the book which could be formulated67 into an accusation against the author. The title page was adorned68 with a drawing of three dolphins, one with the tail of another in its mouth, with an insignificant69 motto above it.[267] This illustration was impugned70 because it had not been submitted to ecclesiastical approbation71, and they expatiated72 with more malice73 than wit upon the meaning of the mysterious device. It was a great relief to Riccardi’s mind when it was pointed74 out by Count Magalotti that the same illustration appeared on almost all the works which issued from the press of Landini at Florence, where the “Dialogues” had been printed. This bait, then, had not taken, and Galileo’s foes, worthy75 members of the Society of Jesus, had to find some other mode of ensnaring him. They now brought against him the twofold reproach, that the preface was printed in different type from the rest of the book, which was true; and that several weighty arguments which the Pope had brought against the Copernican system in conversation with Galileo, though they might perhaps have been adduced in the MS., were not in the printed book; this was a lie.[268] The truth however at once came to light, for these “weighty arguments” were reduced to one, which was brought forward at the conclusion of the “Dialogues.” But Jesuitism, as we shall soon see, drew very singular conclusions from the very natural circumstance that it was mentioned by Simplicius,[158] the defender76 of Ptolemy. The brethren of Father Grassi and Father Scheiner,[269]—the latter of whom had been for a few months at Rome, and was greatly incensed77 at the “Dialogues,”—well knew how to lay hold of the Pope by his most vulnerable points, his personal vanity and boundless78 ambition, which made him feel every contradiction like an attack on his authority. They were assiduous in confirming Urban in his opinion that the Copernican doctrine44 endangered the dogmas of the Christian79 Catholic faith in the highest degree, and now represented that the publication of the “Dialogues” was an incalculable injury to the Church. Besides this, they persuaded the Pope that in his latest work Galileo had again, though this time under concealment80, entered into theological interpretations81 of Holy Scripture82. They thus stigmatised him as a rebel against the papal decrees, who had only obtained the licence from Riccardi by[159] cunning devices,—a misrepresentation of the facts which, however, did not fail of its effect on Urban. This is conclusively83 proved by the despatches of Niccolini to Cioli of 5th and 11th September, 1632, of which we shall have to speak more particularly.[270]
The crowning point of the intrigues84 of Galileo’s foes was, however, the cunning assertion that by Simplicius no other was intended than Urban VIII. himself; and they actually made him believe it. One would scarcely have thought this possible with this shrewd Pope, who was so well-disposed towards Galileo; but it is beyond all question that it was so, and it put him in a boundless rage. It is decidedly indicated by his attitude towards Galileo at the trial, especially at the beginning of it. At that time it put him in such ill humour to be spoken to about Galileo, that all who interested themselves for him agreed that it was better not to confer with Urban himself, but with Cardinal Barberini or the ministers.[271] The repeated attempts also made by Galileo and his friends, even years afterwards, to convince Urban that it had never entered his head to insult him, and that it was a cunning slander85, prove that for a long time the Pope had taken Simplicius for his counterfeit86.
As this manifest falsehood is revived by certain writers, even at this time of day, as having been Galileo’s real intention, it seems necessary to throw a little more light on it. The telling remarks which Albèri makes on the subject might well suffice to show the absurdity87 of the imputation88. He says that in the first place the attachment89 and devotion always shown by Galileo towards Urban, to the sincerity90 of which numerous letters bear witness, exclude all idea of so perfidious91 an act; and in the second, that it was Galileo’s own interest to retain the goodwill92 of his powerful patron, and not frivolously93 to[160] fritter it away.[272] But we pass from this argument ad absurdum to one ad concretum. Simplicius is said to be Urban VIII. But not appropriately, for he was no such headstrong Peripatetic94 as is represented by Simplicius; had he been so, it was impossible that in 1624 he should have enjoyed having “Il Saggiatore” read to him at table, that cutting satire95 on the Aristotelian wisdom in general, and the wisdom of Father Grassi in particular; and that in the next year he should have been so much pleased with Galileo’s reply to Ingoli.
Galileo’s enemies founded their assertion on the circumstance that at the end of the work Simplicius employs an argument which the Pope himself had brought forward in repeated conversations in 1624 with Galileo, and on the weight of which he plumed96 himself not a little.[273] It consisted of the reflection, undoubtedly more devout97 than scientific, that God is all-powerful, so that all things are possible to Him, and that therefore the tides could not be adduced as a necessary proof of the double motion of the earth without limiting His omnipotence98. This pious objection is received by both Salviati and Sagredo with the utmost reverence99. The former calls it heavenly and truly admirable, and the latter thinks that it forms a fitting conclusion to the discussion, which opinion is acted upon.[274] The Pope’s argument is thus by no means made to appear ridiculous, but quite the contrary. As to the main point, Simplicius says expressly that “he had this argument from a very eminent and learned personage.” If this means Urban VIII., it is plain that Simplicius cannot be Urban VIII. Q.E.D.[275]
In writing his “Dialogues,” Galileo found himself in a difficult position. As he brought forward all the arguments[161] of the disciples100 of Ptolemy against the new system, the vain pontiff would have been sorely offended if he had not introduced his. But who should mention it, if not Simplicius? Galileo might think that Urban would not perhaps like to see his argument treated as the original suggestion of Simplicius, who did not appear in a brilliant light, and devised the expedient101 of making him quote it, as that of “a very eminent and learned personage,” whereby he would imagine that he had steered102 clear of every obstacle. But there was no security against calumny103. How little idea Galileo could have had of making Urban ridiculous under the guise104 of Simplicius appears also from the fact that in 1636, when seeking full pardon from the Pope, and when he would be most anxious not to irritate him, he had just completed his famous work, “Dialogues on the Modern Sciences,” in which Simplicius again plays the part of defender of the ancient principles; and that he published it in 1638, just when, in view of the unfavourable answer of 1636, he was begging at least for the favour of being nursed at Florence. There can be no doubt that this suspicion materially contributed to injure Galileo’s cause. Pieralisi, indeed, makes an assertion as novel as it is untenable, that this bold slander was first heard of in 1635, and therefore not until after the famous trial; and in his book, “Urban VIII. and Gal1. Galilei,”[276] he devotes a chapter of forty-six pages to prove this latest novelty. But all his arguments are upset by the following passage by Galileo in a letter to his friend Micanzio on 26th July, 1636:—
“I hear from Rome that his Eminence105 Cardinal Antonio Barberini and the French ambassador have seen his Holiness and tried to convince him that I never had the least idea of perpetrating so sacrilegious an act as to make game of his Holiness, as my malicious106 foes have persuaded him, and which was the primary cause of all my troubles.”[277]
[162]
Pieralisi is acquainted with these words, and seeks to weaken their indisputable force as evidence in a lengthy107 disquisition; but an impartial108 critic only sees in this the apologist of Urban VIII., who desires, at all hazards, to shield him from the suspicion of having been actuated in the matter of Galileo’s trial by personal motives, which will always be recognised in history as a fact, though it is also an exaggeration of some historians to maintain that it was the actual starting-point of the whole process, Urban having wished to revenge himself for this assumed personal insult.[278] No, it had its effect, but was not the chief motive. The Jesuits had inspired the Pope with the opinion that the “Dialogues” were eminently109 dangerous to the Church, more dangerous and abhorrent110 even than the writings of Luther and Calvin,[279] and he was highly incensed at the representation that Galileo had shamefully111 outwitted Father Riccardi, Mgr. Ciampoli, and even his Holiness himself, in obtaining the licence. Offended majesty112, the determination to guard the interests of the Church and the authority of the Bible, indignation at Galileo’s assumed cunning, and annoyance at having been duped by it,—these were the motives which impelled113 Urban VIII. to the deed called the institution of the trial of the Inquisition against Galileo.
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gal
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| n.姑娘，少女 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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vowed
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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mathematician
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| n.数学家 | |
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remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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guardians
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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juncture
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creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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joints
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| 接头( joint的名词复数 )； 关节； 公共场所（尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所） （非正式）； 一块烤肉 （英式英语） | |
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marrow
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| n.骨髓；精华；活力 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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organisation
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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layman
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arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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edifice
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scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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sophistry
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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censors
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| 删剪（书籍、电影等中被认为犯忌、违反道德或政治上危险的内容）( censor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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63
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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67
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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impugned
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| v.非难，指谪( impugn的过去式和过去分词 )；对…有怀疑 | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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expatiated
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| v.详述，细说( expatiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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interpretations
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| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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84
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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counterfeit
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| vt.伪造，仿造；adj.伪造的，假冒的 | |
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absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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frivolously
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| adv.轻浮地，愚昧地 | |
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peripatetic
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| adj.漫游的，逍遥派的，巡回的 | |
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satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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plumed
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| 饰有羽毛的 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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101
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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102
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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103
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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104
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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105
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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106
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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107
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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108
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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109
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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110
abhorrent
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| adj.可恶的，可恨的，讨厌的 | |
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111
shamefully
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| 可耻地； 丢脸地； 不体面地； 羞耻地 | |
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112
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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113
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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