Galileo was unceasingly active in his seclusion4 at Arcetri. In the year 1636 he completed his famous “Dialoghi delle Nuove Scienze.”[513] He also exerted himself, like a loving father who wishes to see his children provided for before he dies, about the preservation5 and republication of his works which were quite out of print. But all these efforts were frustrated6 by envy, ecclesiastical intolerance, and the unfavourable times. His cherished scheme of bringing out an edition of his collected works could neither be carried out by the French mathematician7, Carcavy, who had warmly taken up the subject,[514] nor by the Elzevirs through the mediation8 of Micanzio.[515] He had also to give up his project[285] of dedicating his “Dialoghi delle Nuove Scienze” to the German Emperor, Ferdinand II., and of publishing them at Vienna, as he learnt from his friend and former pupil there, Giovanni Pieroni, that his implacable foes10, the Jesuits, were all-powerful; that Ferdinand himself was entirely11 under their influence; and moreover that his bitterest foe9, Father Scheiner, was just then at Vienna.[516] In the following year, however (1637), Pieroni succeeded by his prudent12 and untiring efforts, during the temporary absence of Scheiner, in obtaining a licence for Galileo’s latest work,[517] and afterwards one at Olmütz also; but meanwhile he had sent the MS. by Micanzio[518] to be printed by the Elzevirs at Leyden, and, under the circumstances described by Pieroni, he did not prefer to bring out his book at a place where his bitterest enemies were in power.
He was at this time also deeply interested in a subject which originated as far back as 1610. It had occurred to him soon after the discovery of Jupiter’s moons, by a series of observations of them, to make astronomical13 calculations and tables which would enable him to predict every year their configurations14, their relative positions and occasional eclipses with the utmost precision; this would furnish the means of ascertaining15 the longitude of the point of observation at any hour of the night, which appeared to be of special importance to navigation. For hitherto the eclipses of the sun and moon had had to be employed for the purpose, which, however, on account of their rarity and the want of precise calculation, were neither entirely to be relied on nor sufficient. Galileo had offered his discovery,—the practical value of which he overrated,—in 1612, to the Spanish Government, and in 1616 tedious negotiations16 were carried on about it, which however led to no result,[286] were then postponed17 till 1620, and in 1630 entirely given up.[519] Now (August, 1636,) as he heard that the Dutch merchants had even offered a premium18 of thirty thousand scudi to any one who should invent a sure method of taking longitudes at sea, he ventured, without the knowledge of the Inquisition, to offer his invention to the Protestant States-General. Diodati at Paris was the mediator19 in these secret and ceremonious negotiations. On 11th November, Galileo’s offer was entertained in the most flattering manner in the Assembly of the States-General, and a commission was appointed, consisting of the four savans, Realius, Hortensius, Blavius, and Golius, to examine into the subject and report upon it.[520]
While Galileo was impatiently waiting for the decision that was never come to, he made his last great telescopic discovery, although suffering much in his eyes, that of the libration and titubation of the moon, about which he wrote his remarkable20 letter to Alfonso Antonini, bearing the signal date: “Della mia carcere di Arcetri li 10 febbrajo 1637.”[521]
The complaint in Galileo’s eyes grew rapidly worse. By the end of June the sight of the right eye was gone, and that of the other diminished with frightful21 rapidity from a constant discharge.[522] But in spite of this heavy calamity22, combined with his other sufferings, his interest in science did not diminish for a moment. Even at this sad time we find him carrying on a brisk correspondence with the learned men of Germany, Holland, France, and Italy, continuing his negotiations with the States-General with great zest,[523] as well as occupying himself perpetually with astronomy[287] and physics. He was indeed often obliged to employ the hand of another;[524] but his mind worked on with undiminished vigour23, even though he was no longer able to commit to paper himself the ideas that continually occupied him.
On 2nd September he received a visit from his sovereign, who came to console and encourage him in his pitiable situation.[525] A few months later an unknown young man, of striking appearance from his handsome face and the unmistakable evidences which genius always exhibits, knocked at the door of the solitary24 villa25 at Arcetri: it was Milton, then twenty-nine years of age, who, travelling in Italy, sought out the old man of world-wide fame to testify his veneration26.[526]
In December of the same year Galileo became permanently27 quite blind, and informed Diodati of his calamity on 2nd January, 1638, in the following words:—
“In reply to your very acceptable letter of 20th November, I inform you, in reference to your inquiries28 about my health, that I am somewhat stronger than I have been of late, but alas29! revered30 sir, Galileo, your devoted31 friend and servant, has been for a month totally and incurably32 blind; so that this heaven, this earth, this universe, which by my remarkable observations and clear demonstrations33 I have enlarged a hundred, nay34, a thousand fold beyond the limits universally accepted by the learned men of all previous ages, are now shrivelled up for me into such narrow compass that it only extends to the space occupied by my person.”[527]
Up to the time when Galileo entirely lost his sight, absolutely[288] nothing had been able to be done for his liberation at Rome. Even the faithful Castelli wrote on 12th September, to Galileo’s son Vincenzo, that he had not been able to do anything whatever for his father; but he piously35 adds, “I do not fail every morning at holy mass to pray the Divine Majesty36 to comfort him, to help him, and to grant him His Divine grace.”[528] This precisely37 indicates the hopeless state of Galileo’s affairs. Just then, during the first few days of December of the same year, darkness closed round him for ever; and not long afterwards, 12th December, Castelli suddenly wrote to him, that he had been given to understand that Galileo had not been forbidden in 1634 to send petitions direct to the Holy Office, but only through other persons.[529] When the decided38 papal rescript of 23rd March, 1634,[530] is compared with this curious interpretation39 of it, there can be no doubt that it was intended to enable the curia to take a more lenient40 view without direct collision with a former mandate41. Galileo at once sent Castelli’s letter to the Tuscan Court, with a request for instructions, as he did not wish to do anything without the concurrence42 of his sovereign.[531] He was informed that he had better draw up a petition to the Holy Office, and get it handed in at Rome through Castelli.[532] The latter had meanwhile informed himself under what formalities Galileo should make his request, and sent him on 19th January, 1638,[533] a draught43 of the petition, with the remark that it must be sent, together with a medical certificate, direct to the assessor of the Congregation of the Holy Office; this Galileo immediately did. The petition was as follows:—
[289]
“Galileo Galilei, most humble44 servant of your most worthy45 Eminence46, most respectfully showeth that whereas, by command of the Holy Congregation, he was imprisoned48 outside Florence four years ago, and after long and dangerous illness, as the enclosed medical certificate testifies, has entirely lost his eyesight, and therefore stands in urgent need of medical care: he appeals to the mercy of your most worthy Eminences49, urgently intreating them in this most miserable50 condition and at his advanced age to grant him the blessing51 of his liberty.”
The utmost caution was exercised at Rome before granting this petition. No confidence was placed in the medical certificate; but the Inquisitor-General of Florence, Father Fanano, was instructed to visit Galileo and to make an exact report of his health, and whether it was to be feared, if he lived at Florence, that he would promote the propagation of his errors.[534] Fanano at once conscientiously53 executed his commission, and on 13th February, 1638, sent the following report to Cardinal54 Francesco Barberini:—
“In order the better to execute his Holiness’s commission, I went myself, accompanied by a strange physician, an intimate friend of mine, to see Galileo, quite unexpectedly, at his villa at Arcetri, to find out the state he was in. My idea was not so much by this mode of proceeding55 to put myself in a position to report on the nature of his ailments56, as to gain an insight into the studies and occupations he is carrying on, that I might be able to judge whether he was in a condition, if he returned to Florence, to propagate the condemned57 doctrine58 of the double motion of the earth by speeches at meetings. I found him deprived of his eyesight, entirely blind; he hopes for a cure, as the cataract59 only formed six months ago, but at his age of seventy the physician considers it incurable60. He has besides a severe rupture61, and suffers from continual weariness of life and sleeplessness62, which as he asserts, and it is confirmed by the inmates63 of his house, does not permit him one hour’s sound sleep in the twenty-four. He is besides so reduced that he looks more like a corpse64 than a living man. The villa is a long way from the city, and the access is inconvenient65, so that Galileo can but seldom, and with much inconvenience and expense, have medical aid.[535] His studies are interrupted by his[290] blindness, though he is read to sometimes; intercourse66 with him is not much sought after, as in his poor state of health he can generally only complain of his sufferings and talk of his ailments to occasional visitors. I think, therefore, in consideration of this, if his Holiness, in his boundless67 mercy, should think him worthy, and would allow him to live in Florence, he would have no opportunity of holding meetings, and if he had, he is so prostrated68 that I think it would suffice, in order to make quite sure, to keep him in check by an emphatic69 warning. This is what I have to report to your Eminence.”[536]
This report at last opened the eyes of Urban VIII. as to Galileo’s real condition. The cry of distress70 from the blind old man, approaching dissolution, was too well justified71 to be wholly ignored, and a partial hearing was given to it at all events, at a sitting of the Congregation held on 25th February, under the presidency72 of the Pope.[537] But a full release, in spite of the information that Galileo was more like a corpse than a living man, still appeared too dangerous to be ventured on. On 9th March Galileo received from the Inquisitor-General, Father Fanano, the following communication:—
“His Holiness is willing to allow you to remove from your villa to the house which you own in Florence, in order that you may be cured of your illness here. But on your arrival in the city you must immediately repair, or be taken, to the buildings of the Holy Office, that you may learn from me what I must do and prescribe for your advantage.”[538]
Galileo availed himself of the permission to return to his little house, Via della Costa, at Florence, on the very next day. Here the Inquisitor-General, as charged by the Holy Office, informed him, “for his advantage,” of the order, not to go out in the city under pain of actual imprisonment73 for life and excommunication, and not to speak with any one whomsoever of the condemned opinion of the double motion of[291] the earth.[539] It was also enjoined74 upon him not to receive any suspicious visitors.
It is characteristic of the mode of proceeding of the Inquisition, that Fanano set Galileo’s own son, who was nursing him with the tenderest affection, to watch over him. The Inquisitor enjoined upon Vincenzo to see that the above orders were strictly75 obeyed, and especially to take care that his father’s visitors never stayed long. He remarks, in a report to Francesco Barberini of 10th March, that Vincenzo could be trusted, “for he is very much obliged for the favour granted to his father to be medically treated at Florence, and fears that the least offence might entail76 the loss of it; but it is very much to his own interest that his father should behave properly and keep up as long as possible, for with his death a thousand scudi will go, which the Grand Duke allows him annually77.” In the opinion of the worthy Father Fanano, then, the son must be anxious for his father’s life for the sake of the thousand scudi! In the same letter the Inquisitor assured Barberini that he would himself keep a sharp look out that his Holiness’s orders were strictly obeyed, which, as we shall soon see, he did not fail to do.
Galileo’s confinement78 in Florence was so rigorous that at Easter a special permission from the Inquisition was required to allow him to go to the little Church of San Giorgio, very near his house, to confess, to communicate, and to perform his Easter devotions,[540] and even this permission only extended expressly to the Thursday, Good Friday, Saturday, and Easter Sunday.[541] On the other hand, as appears from the dates of his letters,[542] he was allowed,[292] during June, July, and August, to go several times to and fro between his villa at Arcetri and Florence.
Galileo was now once more to discover how rigidly79 he was watched by the Inquisition. His negotiations with the States-General, in spite of the urgent intercession of such men as Diodati, Hortensius, Hugo Grotius, Realius, Constantine Huyghens (Secretary of the Prince of Orange, and father of the celebrated80 Christian81 Huyghens), and others, had not led to any result. His proposed method of taking longitudes at sea, well worked out as it was theoretically, presented many difficulties in practical application. His methods of precisely determining the smallest portions of time, and of overcoming the obstacles occasioned by the motion of the vessel82, did not prove to be adequate.[543] He had endeavoured, in a long letter to Realius of 6th June, 1637,[544] to dismiss or refute all the objections that had been made; but this did not suffice, and although the States-General acknowledged his proposal in the main in the most handsome terms, even accepted it, and offered him a special distinction (of which presently), it appeared necessary to have some personal consultation83 on the subject with the inventor. For this purpose, Hortensius, who had also a great desire to make Galileo’s acquaintance, was to go to Florence.[545] The Inquisitor-General heard that a delegate was coming from Germany to confer with Galileo on the subject. He at once reported this on 26th June to Rome,[546] whence he received instructions under date of 13th July from the Congregation of the Holy Office, that Galileo must not receive the delegate if he were of a heretical religion, or from a heretical country, and the Inquisitor will please communicate this to Galileo; on the other hand, there was nothing to prevent the interview if the[293] person came from a Catholic country, and himself belonged to the Catholic religion; only, in accordance with the previous regulations, the doctrine of the double motion of the earth must not be spoken of.[547]
A few days after the Inquisitor had delivered his instructions to Galileo, the German merchants of the name of Ebers residing in Florence, presented him in the name of the Dutch Government with a very flattering letter, and a heavy gold chain, as a recognition of his proposals and a pledge of the ultimate adjustment of the negotiations. The envoys85 of the States-General found Galileo very ill in bed, his blinded eyes continually running and very much inflamed86. He felt the gold chain, which he could not see, and had the letter read to him. He then handed the chain back to the merchants, on the plea that he could not keep it now, as the negotiations had been interrupted by his illness and loss of sight, and he did not at all know whether he should ever be in a position to carry them through.[548] The real motive87, however, was nothing but fear of the Inquisition,[549] and as the sequel showed, he was quite right. Fanano sent a report on 25th July of all these circumstances to Cardinal Barberini at Rome. It is so characteristic that we cannot refrain from giving it:—
“The person who was to come to see Galileo has neither appeared in Florence, nor is likely to appear, so far as I am informed; but I have not yet been able to learn whether in consequence of some hindrance88 on the journey or from some other cause. I know, however, that presents for Galileo and a letter to him have come to some merchants here. A highly estimable person, who is in my confidence, and has spoken with the person who has the presents and letter in charge, told me that both bear the seal of the Dutch Government; the presents are in a case, and may be gold or silver work. Galileo has steadily89 refused to accept either the letter or the presents, whether from fear of incurring90 some danger, on account of the warning I gave him on the first news of the[294] expected arrival of an envoy84, or whether because he really could not perfect his method of taking longitudes at sea, and is not in a state to do it; for he is now quite blind, and his head is more in the grave than fit for mathematical studies. Insurmountable difficulties had also occurred in the use of the instruments indicated by him. Besides, it is said here, that if he had fully47 brought his plan to perfection, his Highness (Ferdinand II. of Tuscany) would never have permitted it to pass into the hands of renegades, heretics, or enemies of the allies of his house. This is what I have to report to your Eminence.”[550]
The news that Galileo had not accepted the distinction offered him by the Dutch Government gave great satisfaction at Rome; and Urban VIII. even charged the Inquisitor at Florence, by a mandate of 5th August, to express to Galileo the gratification of the Holy Congregation at his conduct in this affair.[551]
About this time he was sunk so low, physically91 as well as mentally, that he and every one thought his dissolution was at hand. In a letter to Diodati of 7th August, in which he told him of his interview with the German merchants at Florence, he expressed the fear that “if his sufferings increased as they had done during the last three or four days, he would not even be able to dictate92 letters.”[552] He added, perhaps in reference to the Inquisitor’s intimation of 13th July: “It would be a fruitless undertaking93 if Signor Hortensius were to take the trouble to come and see me, for if he found me living (which I do not believe), I should be quite unable to give him the least satisfaction.”
His profound vexation about the regulations imposed upon him in this matter by the Roman curia is very evident in a letter to Diodati of 14th August. He writes:—
“As ill luck would have it, the Holy Office came to know of the negotiations I was carrying on about the geographical94 longitude with the[295] States-General, which may do me the greatest injury. I am extremely obliged to you for having induced Signor Hortensius to give up his intended journey, and thereby95 averted96 some calamity from me which would probably have been in store for me if he had come. It is indeed true that these negotiations ought not to do me any harm, for the just and obvious reasons that you mention, but rather to bring me fame and honour, if my circumstances were but like those of other men, that is, if I were not pursued by misfortune more than others. But having been often and often convinced by experience of the tricks fate plays me, I can but expect from its obstinate97 perfidy98, that what would be an advantage to any one else will never bring anything but harm to me. But even in this bitter adversity I do not lose my peace of mind, for it would be but idle audacity99 to oppose inexorable destiny.”[553]
Galileo, who thought his hours were numbered, dictated100 his will on 21st August, in the presence of a notary101 and witnesses, and directed that he should be buried in the family vault102 of the Galilei in the Church of Santa Croce at Florence.[554] On 8th September the Grand Duke paid the dying astronomer103, as was supposed, a visit of two hours, and himself handed him his medicine.[555]
It had been for a long time a cherished wish of Galileo’s to have with him during the evening of his days his most devoted and favourite disciple104, Father Castelli.[556] But the professorship which he held at Rome made the attainment105 of this wish difficult. As it was now supposed that a speedy death would deprive the world of the great philosopher, the Grand Duke requested through Niccolini at Rome that Castelli might come to Florence, for a few months at least, that he might yet receive from the lips of his dying master many ideas of importance for science, which he might not perhaps confide52 to any but his trusted friend.[557] After some difficulties were surmounted106, he actually received the papal[296] consent, but only on condition that a third person should always be present during the conversations with Galileo.[558] Early in October Castelli arrived in Florence, where the Inquisitor-General, as charged by the Holy Office, gave him permission to visit Galileo, with the express prohibition107, under pain of excommunication, to converse108 with him on the condemned doctrine of the earth’s double motion.[559] The permission, however, to visit Galileo seems to have been very limited, for Castelli repeatedly wrote to Cardinal Francesco Barberini, with the most urgent entreaties109 to obtain an extension of it for him from the Pope. Castelli protests in this letter that he would rather lose his life than converse with Galileo on subjects forbidden by the Church. He gives as a reason for the need of more frequent interviews that he had received from the Grand Duke the twofold charge to minister to Galileo in spiritual matters, and to inform himself fully about the tables and ephemerides of the Medicean stars, because the Prince Giovanni Carlo, Lord High Admiral, was to take this discovery to Spain.[560] The cardinal replied that in consideration of these circumstances, Urban VIII. granted permission for more frequent visits to Galileo, under the known conditions;[561] but the official permission, was not issued until about November.[562] Nothing is known in history, however, of the Lord High Admiral’s having ever taken Galileo’s method of taking longitudes to the Peninsula.
During the same year (1638), the Elzevirs at Leyden issued Galileo’s famous work: “Discourses on and Demonstrations[297] of Two New Sciences appertaining to Mechanics and Motion.”[563] This work, known under the abridged110 title, “Dialoghi delle Nuove Scienze,” was dedicated111 to the Count de Noailles, in grateful remembrance of the warm interest which he had always shown in the author.[564] It is the most copious112 and best of all Galileo’s writings, and he himself valued it more highly than any of the others.[565] In it he created the new sciences of the doctrine of cohesion113 in stationary114 bodies, and their resistance when torn asunder115; also that of phoronomics, and thereby opened up new paths in a field of science that had been lying fallow. He must, indeed, be regarded as the real founder116 of mechanical physics. It is not our province to enter farther into the contents of this work, or its importance for science. It has, however, some significance in our historical review of Galileo’s relations with the curia, for it excited immense attention in all learned circles, and increasingly attracted the notice of the scientific world to the prisoner of the Inquisition. This was by no means agreeable to the Romanists, who would have been glad to see him sink into oblivion. Galileo now again received communications from all countries, some of them expressing the highest admiration117 of his new work, and others asking more information on many of the theories expounded118. And we now behold119 the shattered old man of seventy-four, only partially120 recovered from his severe illness, carrying on an extensive correspondence full of the most abstruse121 problems in physics and mathematics.[566]
In January, 1639, as his health had so far improved as to allow the hope to be indulged that he might be spared some[298] time longer, he returned to his villa at Arcetri, not to leave it again alive. Was this move a voluntary one? We have no document which finally settles the question. But we hold ourselves justified in doubting it. Not only because it is difficult to reconcile a voluntary return to Arcetri with his previous efforts to obtain permission to reside in Florence, but there is a later letter from him bearing the expressive122 date: “From the Villa Arcetri, my perpetual prison and place of exile from the city.”[567] And when the wife of Buonamici, who was distinguished123 for her mental powers, gave him a pressing invitation to Prato, which is only four miles from Florence, he reminds her in his reply of 6th April, 1641, that “he was still a prisoner here for reasons which her husband was well aware of”; he then presses her to visit him at Arcetri, adding: “Do not make any excuses, nor fear that any unpleasantness may accrue124 to me from it, for I do not trouble myself much how this interview may be judged by certain persons, as I am accustomed to bearing many heavy burdens as if they were quite light.”[568] From such utterances125 it is clear that Galileo had little pleasure in residing at Arcetri, and that therefore his second banishment126 from Florence was not voluntary, but was the result of a papal order.
点击收听单词发音
1 longitude | |
n.经线,经度 | |
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2 longitudes | |
经度 | |
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3 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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4 seclusion | |
n.隐遁,隔离 | |
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5 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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6 frustrated | |
adj.挫败的,失意的,泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 );挫败;使受挫折;令人沮丧 | |
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7 mathematician | |
n.数学家 | |
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8 mediation | |
n.调解 | |
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9 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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10 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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11 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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12 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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13 astronomical | |
adj.天文学的,(数字)极大的 | |
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14 configurations | |
n.[化学]结构( configuration的名词复数 );构造;(计算机的)配置;构形(原子在分子中的相对空间位置) | |
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15 ascertaining | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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16 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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17 postponed | |
vt.& vi.延期,缓办,(使)延迟vt.把…放在次要地位;[语]把…放在后面(或句尾)vi.(疟疾等)延缓发作(或复发) | |
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18 premium | |
n.加付款;赠品;adj.高级的;售价高的 | |
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19 mediator | |
n.调解人,中介人 | |
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20 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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21 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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22 calamity | |
n.灾害,祸患,不幸事件 | |
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23 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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24 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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25 villa | |
n.别墅,城郊小屋 | |
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26 veneration | |
n.尊敬,崇拜 | |
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27 permanently | |
adv.永恒地,永久地,固定不变地 | |
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28 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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29 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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30 revered | |
v.崇敬,尊崇,敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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32 incurably | |
ad.治不好地 | |
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33 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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34 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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35 piously | |
adv.虔诚地 | |
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36 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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37 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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38 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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39 interpretation | |
n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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40 lenient | |
adj.宽大的,仁慈的 | |
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41 mandate | |
n.托管地;命令,指示 | |
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42 concurrence | |
n.同意;并发 | |
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43 draught | |
n.拉,牵引,拖;一网(饮,吸,阵);顿服药量,通风;v.起草,设计 | |
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44 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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45 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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46 eminence | |
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
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47 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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48 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49 eminences | |
卓越( eminence的名词复数 ); 著名; 高地; 山丘 | |
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50 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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51 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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52 confide | |
v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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53 conscientiously | |
adv.凭良心地;认真地,负责尽职地;老老实实 | |
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54 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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55 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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56 ailments | |
疾病(尤指慢性病),不适( ailment的名词复数 ) | |
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57 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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58 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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59 cataract | |
n.大瀑布,奔流,洪水,白内障 | |
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60 incurable | |
adj.不能医治的,不能矫正的,无救的;n.不治的病人,无救的人 | |
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61 rupture | |
n.破裂;(关系的)决裂;v.(使)破裂 | |
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62 sleeplessness | |
n.失眠,警觉 | |
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63 inmates | |
n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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64 corpse | |
n.尸体,死尸 | |
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65 inconvenient | |
adj.不方便的,令人感到麻烦的 | |
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66 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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67 boundless | |
adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
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68 prostrated | |
v.使俯伏,使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 );(指疾病、天气等)使某人无能为力 | |
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69 emphatic | |
adj.强调的,着重的;无可置疑的,明显的 | |
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70 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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71 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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72 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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73 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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74 enjoined | |
v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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76 entail | |
vt.使承担,使成为必要,需要 | |
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77 annually | |
adv.一年一次,每年 | |
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78 confinement | |
n.幽禁,拘留,监禁;分娩;限制,局限 | |
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79 rigidly | |
adv.刻板地,僵化地 | |
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80 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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81 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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82 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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83 consultation | |
n.咨询;商量;商议;会议 | |
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84 envoy | |
n.使节,使者,代表,公使 | |
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85 envoys | |
使节( envoy的名词复数 ); 公使; 谈判代表; 使节身份 | |
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86 inflamed | |
adj.发炎的,红肿的v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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88 hindrance | |
n.妨碍,障碍 | |
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89 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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90 incurring | |
遭受,招致,引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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91 physically | |
adj.物质上,体格上,身体上,按自然规律 | |
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92 dictate | |
v.口授;(使)听写;指令,指示,命令 | |
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93 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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94 geographical | |
adj.地理的;地区(性)的 | |
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95 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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96 averted | |
防止,避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 ); 转移 | |
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97 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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98 perfidy | |
n.背信弃义,不忠贞 | |
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99 audacity | |
n.大胆,卤莽,无礼 | |
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100 dictated | |
v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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101 notary | |
n.公证人,公证员 | |
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102 vault | |
n.拱形圆顶,地窖,地下室 | |
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103 astronomer | |
n.天文学家 | |
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104 disciple | |
n.信徒,门徒,追随者 | |
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105 attainment | |
n.达到,到达;[常pl.]成就,造诣 | |
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106 surmounted | |
战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 ); 克服(困难); 居于…之上; 在…顶上 | |
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107 prohibition | |
n.禁止;禁令,禁律 | |
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108 converse | |
vi.谈话,谈天,闲聊;adv.相反的,相反 | |
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109 entreaties | |
n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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110 abridged | |
削减的,删节的 | |
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111 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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112 copious | |
adj.丰富的,大量的 | |
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113 cohesion | |
n.团结,凝结力 | |
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114 stationary | |
adj.固定的,静止不动的 | |
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115 asunder | |
adj.分离的,化为碎片 | |
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116 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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117 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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118 expounded | |
论述,详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
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120 partially | |
adv.部分地,从某些方面讲 | |
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121 abstruse | |
adj.深奥的,难解的 | |
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122 expressive | |
adj.表现的,表达…的,富于表情的 | |
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123 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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124 accrue | |
v.(利息等)增大,增多 | |
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125 utterances | |
n.发声( utterance的名词复数 );说话方式;语调;言论 | |
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126 banishment | |
n.放逐,驱逐 | |
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