We now come to the last three years of Galileo’s life.
From two documents published by Professor Gherardi,[570] we learn that in 1639 Galileo once more asked at Rome for some favours not specified12, but that they were absolutely refused by the Pope. From this time Galileo came no further into direct contact with the Roman curia. He had been compelled to give up all hope of any amelioration of his lot from the implacable Urban VIII. So he ended his days quietly and resigned, as the prisoner of the Inquisition, in his villa13 at Arcetri. Castelli also, who (as his letters to Galileo of 1639 bear witness)[571] had warmly exerted himself on his behalf with Cardinal14 Barberini and other influential15 persons, had probably[300] come to the conclusion that nothing more could be done for his unfortunate friend, for from this time we find nothing in his letters to Galileo but scientific disquisitions and spiritual consolations16.[572]
This indicates the two interests which occupied the latest period of Galileo’s life—deep piety17 and scientific meditations18. His utter hopelessness and pious resignation are very clearly expressed in the brief sentence he used often to write to Castelli: “Piace cosi a Dio, dere piacere cosi ancora a Noi.”[573] (If it please God, it ought also to please us.) He never omitted in any letter to his old friend and pupil to commend himself in conclusion to his prayers,[574] and in his letter of 3rd December, 1639, he added: “I remind you to persevere19 in your prayers to the all-merciful and loving God, that He will cast out the bitter hatred20 from the hearts of my malicious21 and unhappy persecutors.”
The lofty genius with which nature had endowed Galileo never displayed itself in so striking and surprising a manner as during these last three years. No sooner were his physical sufferings in some measure relieved, than he occupied himself in scientific speculations22, the results of which he partly communicated to his great pupil and subsequent biographer, Viviani, by word of mouth, and partly dictated23 them to some of those about him. The society of young Viviani, then eighteen years of age, who, by permission of the Inquisition, spent the last two years and a half of the old master’s life near him,[575] was the greatest comfort to him, and he conceived a fatherly affection for the talented youth. We owe it partly to the assistance and stimulus24 given by Viviani that the aged25 Galileo worked on to the end in improving and enlarging his[301] “Dialoghi delle Nuove Scienze,” made a number of additions, and added new evidence of great importance to science in two supplementary26 dialogues.[576]
During this last period of his life also, he again took up the negotiations with the States-General, broken off by his severe illness in 1638. After he became blind he had given up all his writings, calculations, and astronomical27 tables relating to the Medicean stars, to his old pupil, Father Vincenzo Renieri, in order that he might carry them further; he was well adapted for the task, and executed it with equal skill and zeal28.[577] The new ephemerides were just about to be sent to Hortensius, when Diodati informed Galileo of his sudden death in a letter of 28th October, 1639.[578] The three other commissioners29 charged by the States-General with the investigation30 of Galileo’s proposal having also died one after another, in quick succession, it was difficult to resume the negotiations. The interest of the Netherlanders in Galileo’s scheme (perhaps from its acknowledged imperfection) had also evidently cooled, and his proposal to replace the commissioners was not carried out, although he offered to send Renieri to Holland to give all needful explanations by word of mouth. Galileo’s death then put an end to these fruitless negotiations.[579]
At the beginning of 1640 Fortunio Liceti, a former pupil of Galileo’s, published a book on the phosphorescent Bolognian stone. In the fiftieth chapter of this work he treats of the faint light of the side of the moon not directly illuminated[302] by the sun, and rejects the view advocated by Galileo in his “Sidereus Nuntius,” that it arises from a reflection of the sun’s rays striking our earth, which the earth reflects to our satellite, who again reflects them to us. Galileo was undecided whether it were not best to take no notice of Liceti’s objections, the scientific value of which he did not estimate very highly, when a letter from Prince Leopold de’ Medici, brother of the reigning32 Grand Duke, relieved him of his doubts.[580] This prince, who has gained a permanent name in the history of science by founding the celebrated33 “Accadémia del Cimento,” invited Galileo to give him his views on Liceti’s objections.[581] This challenge sufficed to rouse all the blind old man’s dialectic skill, though he was then seventy-six and bowed down by mental and bodily sufferings. He dictated a reply, in the form of a letter to Prince Leopold, which occupies fifty large pages in the extant edition of his “Opere,” and in fire, spirit, mastery of language, and crushing argument, it is quite a match for the most famous controversial works of his manhood.[582]
A most interesting direct correspondence then ensued between Galileo and Liceti, which was carried on from June, 1640, to January, 1641, in which not this question only was discussed, but Galileo took occasion to express his opinions, with great spirit and learning, on the modern Peripatetic34 school and philosophy, on Aristotle himself, and his fanatical followers35. These letters of the venerable hero of science are characterised by ostensible36 politeness pervaded37 by cutting irony38, which makes them instructive and stimulating39 reading.[583]
[303]
Ten months before his death, thanks to an indiscreet question from one of his former pupils, a last opportunity occurred of speaking of the Copernican system. Francesco Rinuccini, Tuscan resident at Venice, and afterwards Bishop40 of Pistoja, having apparently41 forgotten that the master had solemnly abjured42 that opinion, and had even been compelled to promise to denounce its adherents43 wherever he met with them to the Inquisition, informed him in a letter of 23rd March, 1641,[584] that the mathematician44 Pieroni asserted that he had discovered by means of the telescope a small parallax of a few seconds in some of the fixed45 stars, which would place the correctness of the Copernican system beyond all question. Rinuccini then goes on to say, in the same breath, that he had lately seen the manuscript of a book about to appear, which contained an objection to the new doctrine46, and made it appear very doubtful. It was this: because we see exactly one half of the firmament47, it follows inevitably48 that the earth is the centre of the starry49 heavens. Rinuccini begs Galileo to clear up these doubts for him, and to help him to a more certain opinion.
This was the impulse to Galileo’s letter of 29th March, 1641,[585] which, as Alfred Von Reumont truly says,[586] whether jest or mask, had better never have been written. There is no doubt that it must not be taken in its literal sense. Precisely50 the same tactics are followed as in the letter which accompanied the “Treatise51 on the Tides,” to the Grand Duke of Austria in 1618, and in many passages of the “Dialogues on the Two Systems.” Galileo conceals52 his real opinions behind a thick veil, through which the truth is only penetrable53 by the initiated54. The cautious course he pursued in this perilous55 answer to Rinuccini is as clever as it is ingenious, and appears appropriate to his circumstances; but it does not produce a pleasant impression,[304] and for the sake of the great man’s memory, one would prefer to leave the subject untouched.
We will now examine this interesting letter more closely. When we call to mind the disquisitions on the relation of Scripture56 to science, which Galileo wrote to Castelli in 1613, and to the Grand Duchess Christine in 1615, the very beginning is a misrepresentation only excusable on the ground of urgent necessity. He says: “The incorrectness of the Copernican system should not in any case be doubted, especially by us Catholics, for the inviolable authority of Holy Scripture is opposed to it, as interpreted by the greatest teachers of theology, whose unanimous declaration makes the stability of the earth in the centre, and the revolution of the sun round it, a certainty. The grounds on which Copernicus and his followers have maintained the contrary fall to pieces before the fundamental argument of the Divine omnipotence57. For since this is able to effect by many, aye, endless means, what, so far as we can see, only appears practicable by one method, we must not limit the hand of God and persist obstinately58 in anything in which we may have been mistaken.[587] And as I hold the Copernican observations and conclusions to be insufficient59, those of Ptolemy, Aristotle, and their followers appear to me far more delusive60 and mistaken, because their falsity can clearly be proved without going beyond the limits of human knowledge.”[588]
After this introduction Galileo proceeds to answer Rinuccini’s question. He treats that argument against the Copernican system as delusive, and says that it originates in the assumption that the earth stands still in the centre, and by no means from precise astronomical observation. He[305] refutes, therefore, the scientific objection to the new doctrine. Speaking of the assumed discovery of Pieroni, he says, that if it should be confirmed, however small the parallax may be, human science must draw the conclusion from it that the earth cannot be stationary61 in the centre. But in order to weaken this dangerous sentence, he hastens to add, that if Pieroni might be mistaken in thinking that he had discovered such a parallax of a few seconds, those might be still more mistaken who think they can observe that the visible hemisphere never varies, not even one or two seconds; for such an exact and certain observation is utterly62 impossible, partly from the insufficiency of the astronomical instruments, and partly from the refraction of the rays of light.
As will be seen, Galileo takes great care to show the futility63 of the new arguments brought into the field against the Copernican system. It therefore seems very strange that some writers, and among them the well-known Italian historian, Cesare Cantu, suppose from this letter that at the close of his life Galileo had really renounced64 the prohibited doctrine from profound conviction![589] The introduction, and many passages thrown in in this cautious refutation, must, as Albèri and Henri Martin justly observe, be regarded as fiction, the author having the Inquisition in view; it had recently given a striking proof of its watchfulness65 by forbidding the author of a book called “De Pitagorea animarum transmigratione,” to apply the epithet66 “clarissimus” to Galileo, and it had only with great difficulty been persuaded to permit “notissimus Galileus”![590]
A short time before the close of Galileo’s brilliant scientific career, in spite of age, blindness, and sickness, he once more[306] gave striking evidence of the genius which could only be quenched67 by death. It will be remembered that the inadequacy68 of his proposed chronometer69 had been the chief obstacle to the acceptance by the States-General of his method of taking longitudes at sea. Now, in the second half of the year 1641, it occurred to him, as is confirmed beyond question by Viviani, who was present,[591] though the idea is generally ascribed to Christian Huyghens, of adding a pendulum to the then very imperfect clocks, as regulator of their motion. As this was sixteen years before Huyghens made known his invention of pendulum clocks, priority indisputably belongs to Galileo. But it was only permitted to the blind master to conceive the great idea—he was not to carry it out. It was his intention to employ the eyes and hands of his son Vincenzo, a very clever mechanician, to put his idea in practice, and he told him of his plan. Vincenzo was to make the necessary drawings according to his father’s instructions, and to construct models accordingly. But in the midst of these labours Galileo fell ill, and this time he did not recover.[592] His faithful pupil, Castelli, who probably foresaw the speedy dissolution of the revered70 old man, came to see him about the end of September, 1641. In October, on the repeated and urgent invitation of Galileo, Torricelli joined Castelli and Viviani, not to leave the Villa Arcetri until they left it with Galileo’s coffin71. Torricelli was then thirty-three, and the old master had discerned his eminent72 talents from a treatise on the theory of motion which he had sent him.[593] Castelli was[307] not permitted to stay till the close. At the beginning of November he had to return to Rome, leaving Galileo, Torricelli, and Viviani eagerly occupied with the completion of the “Dialoghi delle Nuove Scienze.”
On 5th November Galileo was attacked by an insidious73 hectic74 fever, which slowly but surely brought him to the grave.[594] Violent pains in his limbs threw him on a sick bed, from which he did not rise again. In spite of all these sufferings, which were augmented75 by constant palpitation of the heart and almost entire sleeplessness76, his active mind scarcely rested for a moment, and he spent the long hours of perpetual darkness in constant scientific conversation and discussions with Torricelli and Viviani, who noted77 down the last utterances78 of the dying man with pious care. As they chiefly related to the “Dialoghi delle Nuove Scienze,” they are to be found in the two supplementary Dialogues added to that work.
On 8th January, 1642, the year of Newton’s birth, having received the last sacraments and the benediction79 of Urban VIII., Galileo breathed his last, at the age of nearly seventy-eight years. His son Vincenzo, his daughter-in-law Sestilia Bocchineri, his pupils Torricelli and Viviani, and the parish priest, were around his bed.[595] And when Vincenzo closed his father’s sightless eyes for their last long sleep, they gave not a thought at Rome to the severe loss sustained by science by Galileo’s death, but only prepared in hot haste to guard the interests of the Church, and as far as it lay in their power, to persecute80 the C?sar of science even beyond the grave. The aim was now, as far as possible,[308] to extinguish his memory, with which so many perils81 for Rome were bound up.
Even around his bier the struggle began. Some pettifogging theologians went so far as to wish that Christian burial should be denied him, and that his will should be declared null and void, for a man condemned82 on suspicion of heresy83, and who had died as a prisoner of the Inquisition, had no claim to rest in consecrated84 ground, nor could he possess testamentary rights. A long consultation85 of the ecclesiastical authorities in Florence, and two circumstantial opinions from them were required to put these fanatics86 to silence.
Immediately after Galileo’s death his numerous pupils and admirers made a collection for a handsome monument to the famous Tuscan. The Inquisitor, Fanano, at once sent word of this to Rome, and received a reply by order of the Pope, dated 23rd January, that he was to bring it in some way to the ears of the Grand Duke that it was not at all suitable to erect a monument to Galileo, who was sentenced to do penance87 by the tribunal of the Holy Office and had died during that sentence; good Catholics would be scandalised, and the reputation of the Grand Duke for piety might suffer. But if this did not take effect, the Inquisitor must see that there was nothing in the inscription insulting to the reputation of the holy tribunal, and exercise the same care about the funeral sermon.[596]
Besides this, Urban VIII. seized the next opportunity of giving the Tuscan ambassador to understand that “it would be a bad example for the world if his Highness permitted such a thing, since Galileo had been arraigned88 before the Holy Office for such false and erroneous opinions, had also given much trouble about them at Florence, and had altogether given rise to the greatest scandal throughout Christendom by this condemned doctrine.”[597] In the despatch89 in[309] which Niccolini reported these remarks of the Pope to his Government, he advised that the matter be postponed90, and reminded them that the Pope had had the body of the Duchess Matilda, of Mantua, removed from the Carthusian convent there, and buried at St. Peter’s at Rome, without saying a word to the Duke about it beforehand, excusing himself afterwards by saying that all churches were papal property, and therefore all the bodies buried in them belonged to the clergy91! If, therefore, they did not wish to incur92 the danger of perhaps seeing Galileo’s bones dragged away from Florence, all idea must be given up for the present of suitably celebrating his memory.
Niccolini received an official reply that there had been a talk of erecting93 a monument to Galileo, but that his Highness had not come to any decision, and proper regard would certainly be paid to the hints received from the Pope.[598] The weak Ferdinand II. did not venture to act in the least against the heartless Pope’s wishes. Even Galileo’s desire in his will to be buried in the vault94 of his ancestors in the Church of Santa Croce, at Florence, was not respected. His mortal remains95 were placed in a little obscure room, in a side chapel96 belonging to the Church, called “the Chapel of the Novitiate.” He was buried according to the desire of Urban VIII., very quietly, without any pomp. No monument nor inscription marked his resting place; but though Rome did all she could to obliterate97 the memory of the famous philosopher, she could not effect that the immortal98 name of Galileo Galilei should be buried in the grave with his lifeless remains.
It was not till thirty-two years later, when Urban VIII. had long been in his grave, and more lenient99 views were entertained about Galileo at the Vatican, that Fra Gabriel Pierozzi, Rector of the Novices100 of the Convent of Santa Croce, ventured to adorn101 Galileo’s grave with a long bombastic[310] inscription.[599] In 1693 Viviani, whose greatest pride it was to sign himself “Discépolo ultimo di Galileo,” erected the first public monument to his immortal master. The front of his handsome house in the Via San Antonio was made to serve for it, for he placed the bronze bust102 of Galileo, after the model of the famous sculptor103, Giovanni Caccini, over the door. A long eulogy104 on Galileo was engraved105 over and on both sides of it.[600]
But Viviani was not content with thus piously106 honouring the memory of the master; in his last will he enjoined107 on his heirs to erect a splendid monument to him, which was to cost about 4000 scudi, in the Church of Santa Croce.[601] Decades, however, passed after Viviani’s death before his heirs thought of fulfilling his wishes. At length, in 1734, the preliminary steps were taken by an inquiry108 from the Convent of Santa Croce, whether any decree of the Holy Congregation existed which would forbid the erection of such a monument in the Church? The Inquisitor at Florence immediately inquired of the Holy Office at Rome whether it would be permitted thus to honour a man “who had been condemned for notorious errors.”[602] The opinion of the counsellors of the Holy Office was taken. They said that there was nothing to prevent the erection of the monument, provided the intended inscription were submitted to the Holy Congregation, that they might give such orders about it as they thought proper.[603] This opinion was confirmed by the Congregation of the Holy Office on 16th June, 1734.[604] And so the pompous109 monument to Galileo, which displayed the tastelessness of the age, and was not completed till four years later, could be raised in the Church[311] of Santa Croce, this pantheon of the Florentines, where they bury their famous dead, and of which Byron finely sings in “Childe Harold”:—
“In Santa Croce’s holy precincts lie
Ashes which make it holier, dust which is
Even in itself an immortality110,
Though there were nothing save the past, and this,
The particle of those sublimities
Angelo’s, Alfieri’s bones, and his,
Here Machiavelli’s earth returned to whence it rose.”[605]
On 12th March, 1737, Galileo’s remains were removed, in presence of all the professors of the University of Florence, and many of the learned men of Italy, with great solemnity and ecclesiastical pomp, from their modest resting-place to the new mausoleum in a more worthy113 place in the Church of Santa Croce itself, and united with those of his last pupil, Viviani.[606]
It had long been perceived at Rome that, in spite of every effort, it was vain to try to bury the Copernican system with Galileo in the grave. It could no longer greatly concern the Roman curia that Galileo’s memory was held in high honour, when the cause for which he suffered had decidedly gained the victory. It was by a singular freak of nature that in the very same year which closed the career of this great observer of her laws, another who was to complete the work begun by Copernicus and carried on by Galileo, entered upon his. He it is, as we all know, who gave to science those eternal forms now recognised as firmly established, and whose genius, by the discovery of the law of gravitation, crowned the edifice114 of which Copernicus laid the foundations and which Galileo upreared. During the lifetime of the latter, and the period immediately succeeding his death, the truth[312] of the system of the earth’s double motion was recognised by numerous learned men; and in 1696, when Newton published his immortal work, “Philosophi? naturalis principia Mathematica,” it became thoroughly115 established. All the scientific world who pursued the paths of free investigation accepted the Copernican system, and only a few ossified116 devotees of the old school, in common with some theological philosophers, still raised impotent objections to it, which have been continued even up to this day by some wrong-headed people.[607]
At Rome they only accommodated themselves to the new system slowly and reluctantly. In 1757, when it was no longer doubted by any one but a few fanatics, the Congregation of the Index thought the time was come for proposing to Pope Benedict XIV. to expunge11 the clause from the decree of 5th March, 1616, prohibiting all books which teach that the sun is stationary and the earth revolves117. This enlightened pontiff, known as a patron of the arts and sciences, entirely118 agreed, and signified his consent on 11th May, 1757.[608] But there still remained on the Index the work of Copernicus, “De Revolutionibus Orbium C?lestium,” Diego di Zu?iga’s “Commentary on the Book of Job” (these two works, however, only “donec corrigantur,” but this was quite worthless for strict Catholics as far as the work of Copernicus was concerned, as since the announcement of these “corrections” by the decree of 15th May, 1620, no new edition had appeared), Foscarini’s “Léttera sópra l’opinione de i Pittagorici e del Copernico della mobilità della[313] Terra et stabilità del Sole, e il nuove Pittagorico Sistéma del Mondo,” Kepler’s “Epitome astronomi? Copernic?,” and finally, Galileo’s “Dialogo sopra i due Massimi Sistémi del Mondo.” This last work had indeed been allowed to appear in the edition of Galileo’s collected works,[609] undertaken at Padua in 1744, which had received the prescribed ecclesiastical permission; but the editor, the Abbot Toaldo, had been obliged expressly to state in an introduction that the theory of the double motion can and must be regarded only as a mathematical hypothesis, to facilitate the explanation of certain natural phenomena119. Besides this, the “Dialogues on the Two Principal Systems” had to be preceded by the sentence on and recantation of Galileo, as well as by an Essay “On the System of the Universe of the Ancient Hebrews,” by Calmet, in which the passages of Scripture bearing on the order of the world were interpreted in the traditional Catholic fashion.[610]
The celebrated French astronomer120 Lalande, as he himself relates,[611] tried in vain when at Rome, in 1765, to get Galileo’s works expunged from the Index. The Cardinal Prefect of the Congregation of the Index objected that there was a sentence of the Congregation of the Holy Office in existence which must first be cancelled, but this was not done, and all remained as before; and even in the edition of the Index of 1819, strange to say, the five works mentioned above were to be found as repudiated121 by the Roman curia!
It then happened in the following year, 1820, that Canon Joseph Settele, professor of optics and astronomy at the Archive-gymnasium at Rome, wrote a lesson book, “Elementi d’astronomia,” in which the Copernican system, in accordance[314] with the results of science, was treated ex professo. The Master of the Palace, Philip Anfossi, to whom in his capacity of chief censor122 of the press the book was submitted, demanded under appeal to the decree of 5th March, 1616, still in force, that the doctrine of the double motion should be only treated hypothetically, and refused the imprimatur until the MS. had been altered. Canon Settele, however, was not disposed to make himself ridiculous in face of the whole scientific world by compliance123 with these antiquated124 conditions, and appealed to Pope Pius VII., who referred the matter to the Congregation of the Holy Office. Here at last some regard was had to the times, and in the sitting of 16th August, 1820, it was decided31 that Settele might treat the Copernican system as established, which was approved by Pius VII. without hesitation125. Father Anfossi could not, after this decision, prevent the work from publication as it was, but he resolutely126 pointed127 out the contradiction between this permission and the decree of 5th March, 1616, and published a treatise entitled: “Can any one who has made the Tridentine Confession128, defend and teach as a thesis, and as an absolute truth and not a mere129 hypothesis, that the earth revolves and the sun is stationary?”[612] This gave rise to discussions in the College of Cardinals130 of the Holy Inquisition as to the attitude to be adopted by ecclesiastical authority towards the Copernican system, which had been universally adopted for more than a century. In the sitting of 11th September, 1822, they finally agreed, with express reference to the decree of the Index Congregation of 10th May, 1757, and 16th August, 1820, “that the printing and publication of works treating of the motion of the earth and the stability of the sun, in accordance with the general opinion of modern astronomers131 is permitted[315] at Rome.”[613] This decree was ratified132 by Pius VII. on 25th September.
But full thirteen years more went by until, in 1835, when the new edition of the catalogue of prohibited books appeared, the five works in which the theory of the double motion was maintained and defended were expunged from the list.
It was not until 1835, therefore, that the last trace was effaced133 of the memorable134 warfare135 so long and resolutely waged by ecclesiastical power against the superior insight of science. If it is denied to history to surround the head of Galileo, the greatest advocate of the new system, with the halo of the martyr136, ready to die for his cause, posterity137 will ever regard with admiration138 and gratitude139 the figure of the man, who, though he did not heroically defend the truth, was, by virtue140 of his genius, one of her first pioneers, and had to bear for her sake an accumulation of untold141 suffering.
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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longitudes
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pendulum
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| n.摆，钟摆 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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expunged
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| v.擦掉( expunge的过去式和过去分词 )；除去；删去；消除 | |
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expunge
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specified
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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piety
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meditations
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| 默想( meditation的名词复数 )； 默念； 沉思； 冥想 | |
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persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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stimulus
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aged
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supplementary
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astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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31
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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32
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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33
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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34
peripatetic
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| adj.漫游的，逍遥派的，巡回的 | |
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35
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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36
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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37
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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38
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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39
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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40
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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41
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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42
abjured
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| v.发誓放弃( abjure的过去式和过去分词 )；郑重放弃（意见）；宣布撤回（声明等）；避免 | |
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43
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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44
mathematician
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| n.数学家 | |
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45
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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46
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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47
firmament
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| n.苍穹；最高层 | |
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48
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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49
starry
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| adj.星光照耀的, 闪亮的 | |
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50
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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51
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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52
conceals
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53
penetrable
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| adj.可穿透的 | |
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54
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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55
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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56
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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57
omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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58
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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59
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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60
delusive
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| adj.欺骗的，妄想的 | |
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61
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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62
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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63
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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64
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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65
watchfulness
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| 警惕，留心； 警觉（性） | |
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66
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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67
quenched
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| 解（渴）( quench的过去式和过去分词 )； 终止（某事物）； （用水）扑灭（火焰等）； 将（热物体）放入水中急速冷却 | |
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68
inadequacy
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| n.无法胜任，信心不足 | |
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69
chronometer
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| n.精密的计时器 | |
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70
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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72
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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73
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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74
hectic
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| adj.肺病的；消耗热的；发热的；闹哄哄的 | |
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75
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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76
sleeplessness
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| n.失眠，警觉 | |
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77
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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78
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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79
benediction
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| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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80
persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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81
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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82
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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83
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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84
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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85
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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86
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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87
penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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88
arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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89
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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90
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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91
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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92
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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93
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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94
vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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95
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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96
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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97
obliterate
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| v.擦去，涂抹，去掉...痕迹，消失，除去 | |
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98
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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99
lenient
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| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
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100
novices
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| n.新手( novice的名词复数 )；初学修士（或修女）；（修会等的）初学生；尚未赢过大赛的赛马 | |
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101
adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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102
bust
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| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
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103
sculptor
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| n.雕刻家，雕刻家 | |
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104
eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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105
engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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106
piously
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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107
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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109
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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110
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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111
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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112
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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113
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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114
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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115
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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116
ossified
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| adj.已骨化[硬化]的v.骨化，硬化，使僵化( ossify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
revolves
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| v.（使）旋转( revolve的第三人称单数 )；细想 | |
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118
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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119
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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120
astronomer
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| n.天文学家 | |
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121
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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122
censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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123
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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124
antiquated
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| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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125
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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126
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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127
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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128
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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129
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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130
cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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131
astronomers
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| n.天文学者，天文学家( astronomer的名词复数 ) | |
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132
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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134
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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135
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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136
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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137
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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138
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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139
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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140
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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141
untold
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| adj.数不清的，无数的 | |
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