I have also tried to get the facts of Bolshevik rule into what I believe is their proper proportions in the picture. The Bolsheviks, albeit7 numbering less than five per cent of the population, have been able to seize and retain power in Russia because they were and are the only body of people in this vast spectacle of Russian ruin with a common faith and a common spirit. I disbelieve in their faith, I ridicule8 Marx, their prophet, but I understand and respect their spirit. They are—with all their faults, and they have abundant faults—the only possible backbone9 now to a renascent10 Russia. The recivilising of Russia must be done with the Soviet11 Government as the starting phase. The great mass of the Russian population is an entirely12 illiterate13 peasantry, grossly materialistic14 and politically indifferent. 107They are superstitious15, they are for ever crossing themselves and kissing images,—in Moscow particularly they were at it—but they are not religious. They have no will in things political and social beyond their immediate16 satisfactions. They are roughly content with Bolshevik rule. The Orthodox priest is quite unlike the Catholic priest in Western Europe; he is himself typically a dirty and illiterate peasant with no power over the wills and consciences of his people. There is no constructive17 quality in either peasant or Orthodoxy. For the rest there is a confusion of more or less civilised Russians, in and out of Russia, with no common political ideas and with no common will. They are incapable18 of producing anything but adventures and disputes.
The Russian refugees in England are politically contemptible19. They rehearse endless stories of “Bolshevik outrages”: chateau20 burnings by peasants, burglaries and murders by disbanded soldiers in the towns, back street crimes—they tell them 108all as acts of the Bolshevik Government. Ask them what government they want in its place, and you will get rubbishy generalities—usually adapted to what the speaker supposes to be your particular political obsession21. Or they sicken you with the praise of some current super-man, Deniken or Wrangel, who is to put everything right—God knows how. They deserve nothing better than a Tsar, and they are incapable even of deciding which Tsar they desire. The better part of the educated people still in Russia are—for the sake of Russia—slowly drifting into a reluctant but honest co-operation with Bolshevik rule.
The Bolsheviks themselves are Marxists and Communists. They find themselves in control of Russia, in complete contradiction, as I have explained, to the theories of Karl Marx. A large part of their energies have been occupied in an entirely patriotic23 struggle against the raids, invasions, blockades, and persecutions of every sort that our insensate Western Governments have rained upon their tragically25 109shattered country. What is left over goes in the attempt to keep Russia alive, and to organise26 some sort of social order among the ruins. These Bolsheviks are, as I have explained, extremely inexperienced men, intellectual exiles from Geneva and Hampstead, or comparatively illiterate manual workers from the United States. Never was there so amateurish27 a government since the early Moslem28 found themselves in control of Cairo, Damascus, and Mesopotamia.
I believe that in the minds of very many of them there is a considerable element of dismay at the tremendous tasks they find before them. But one thing has helped them and Russia enormously, and that is their training in Communistic ideas. As the British found out during the submarine war, so far as the urban and industrial population goes there is nothing for it during a time of tragic24 scarcity29 but collapse30 or collective control. We in England had to control and ration22, we had to suppress profiteering by stringent31 laws. These Communists 110came into power in Russia and began to do at once, on principle, the first most necessary thing in that chaos32 of social wreckage33. Against all the habits and traditions of Russia, they began to control and ration—exhaustively. They have now a rationing34 system that is, on paper, admirable beyond cavil35; and perhaps it works as well as the temperament36 and circumstances of Russian production and consumption permit. It is easy to note defects and failures, but not nearly so easy to show how in this depleted37 and demoralised Russia they could be avoided. And things are in such a state in Russia now that even if we suppose the Bolsheviks overthrown and any other Government in their place, it matters not what, that Government would have to go on with the rationing the Bolsheviks have organised, with the suppression of vague political experiments, and the punishment and shooting of profiteers. The Bolsheviki in this state of siege and famine have done upon principle what any other Government would have had to do from necessity.
112
PROLETARIANS OF ASIA à LA BAKU.
113And in the face of gigantic difficulties they are trying to rebuild a new Russia among the ruins. We may quarrel with their principles and methods, we may call their schemes Utopian and so forth38, we may sneer39 at or we may dread40 what they are doing, but it is no good pretending that there is no creative effort in Russia at the present time. A certain section of the Bolsheviks are hard-minded, doctrinaire41 and unteachable men, fanatics42 who believe that the mere43 destruction of capitalism44, the disuse of money and trading, the effacement45 of all social differences, will in itself bring about a sort of bleak46 millennium47. There are Bolsheviki so stupid that they would stop the teaching of chemistry in schools until they were assured it was “proletarian” chemistry, and who would suppress every decorative48 design that was not an elaboration of the letters R.S.F.S.R. (Russian Socialist49 Federal Soviet Republic) as reactionary50 art. I have told of the 114suppression of Hebrew studies because they are “reactionary”; and while I was with Gorky I found him in constant bitter disputes with extremist officials who would see no good in any literature of the past except the literature of revolt. But there were other more liberal minds in this new Russian world, minds which, given an opportunity, will build and will probably build well. Among men of such constructive force I would quote such names as Lenin himself, who has developed wonderfully since the days of his exile, and who has recently written powerfully against the extravagances of his own extremists; Trotsky, who has never been an extremist, and who is a man of very great organising ability; Lunacharsky, the Minister for Education; Rikoff, the head of the Department of People’s Economy; Madame Lilna of the Petersburg Child Welfare Department; and Krassin, the head of the London Trade Delegation51. These are names that occur to me; it is by no means an exhaustive list of the statesmanlike elements in the Bolshevik 115Government. Already they have achieved something, in spite of blockade and civil and foreign war. It is not only that they work to restore a country depleted of material to an extent almost inconceivable to English and American readers, but they work with an extraordinarily52 unhelpful personnel. Russia to-day stands more in need of men of the foreman and works-manager class than she does of medicaments or food. The ordinary work in the Government offices of Russia is shockingly done; the slackness and inaccuracy are indescribable. Everybody seems to be working in a muddle53 of unsorted papers and cigarette ends. This again is a state of affairs no counter-revolution could change. It is inherent in the present Russian situation. If one of these military adventurers of the Yudenitch or Deniken type were, by some disastrous54 accident, to get control of Russia, his success would only add strong drink, embezzlement55, and a great squalour of kept mistresses to the general complication. For whatever else 116we may say to the discredit56 of the Bolshevik leaders, it is undeniable that the great majority lead not simply laborious57 but puritanical58 lives.
I write of this general inefficiency59 in Russia with the more asperity60 because it was the cause of my not meeting Lunacharsky. About eighty hours of my life was consumed in travelling, telephoning, and waiting about in order to talk for about an hour and a half with Lenin and for the some time with Tchitcherin. At that rate, and in view of the intermittent61 boat service from Reval to Stockholm, to see Lunacharsky would have meant at least a week more in Russia. The whole of my visit to Moscow was muddled62 in the most irritating fashion. A sailor-man carrying a silver kettle who did not know his way about Moscow was put in charge of my journey, and an American who did not know enough Russian to telephone freely was set to make my appointments in the town. Although I had heard Gorky arrange for my meeting with Lenin by long-distance telephone 117days before, Moscow declared that it had had no notice of my coming. Finally I was put into the wrong train back to Petersburg, a train which took twenty-two hours instead of fourteen for the journey. These may seem petty details to relate, but when it is remembered that Russia was really doing its best to impress me with its vigour63 and good order, they are extremely significant. In the train, when I realised that it was a slow train and that the express had gone three hours before while we had been pacing the hall of the guest house with our luggage packed and nobody coming for us, the spirit came upon me and my lips were unsealed. I spoke64 to my guide, as one mariner65 might speak to another, and told him what I thought of Russian methods. He listened with the profoundest respect to my rich incisive66 phrases. When at last I paused, he replied—in words that are also significant of certain weaknesses of the present Russian state of mind. “You see,” he said, “the blockade——”
But if I saw nothing of Lunacharsky 118personally, I saw something of the work he has organised. The primary material of the educationist is human beings, and of these at least there is still no shortage in Russia, so that in that respect Lunacharsky is better off than most of his colleagues. And beginning with an initial prejudice and much distrust, I am bound to confess that, in view of their enormous difficulties, the educational work of the Bolsheviks impresses me as being astonishingly good.
Things started badly. Directly I got to Petersburg I asked to see a school, and on the second day of my visit I was taken to one that impressed me very unfavourably. It was extremely well equipped, much better than an ordinary English grammar school, and the children were bright and intelligent; but our visit fell in the recess67. I could witness no teaching, and the behaviour of the youngsters I saw indicated a low standard of discipline. I formed an opinion that I was probably being shown a picked school specially68 prepared for me, and that this was all that 119Petersburg had to offer. The special guide who was with us then began to question these children upon the subject of English literature and the writers they liked most. One name dominated all others. My own. Such comparatively trivial figures as Milton, Dickens, Shakespeare ran about intermittently69 between the feet of that literary colossus. Being questioned further, these children produced the titles of perhaps a dozen of my books. I said I was completely satisfied by what I had seen and heard, that I wanted to see nothing more—for indeed what more could I possibly require?—and I left that school smiling with difficulty and thoroughly70 cross with my guides.
Three days later I suddenly scrapped71 my morning’s engagements and insisted upon being taken at once to another school—any school close at hand. I was convinced that I had been deceived about the former school, and that now I should see a very bad school indeed. Instead I saw a much better one than the first I had seen. 120The equipment and building were better, the discipline of the children was better, and I saw some excellent teaching in progress. Most of the teachers were women, very competent-looking middle-aged72 women, and I chose elementary geometrical teaching to observe because that on the blackboard is in the universal language of the diagram. I saw also a heap of drawings and various models the pupils had done, and they were very good. The school was supplied with abundant pictures. I noted73 particularly a well-chosen series of landscapes to assist the geographical74 teaching. There was plenty of chemical and physical apparatus75, and it was evidently put to a proper use. I also saw the children’s next meal in preparation—for children eat at school in Soviet Russia—and the food was excellent and well cooked, far above the standard of the adult rations76 we had seen served out. All this was much more satisfactory. Finally by a few questions we tested the extraordinary vogue77 of H. G. Wells among the 121young people of Russia. None of these children had ever heard of him. The school library contained none of his books. This did much to convince me that I was seeing a quite normal school. I had, I now begin to realise, been taken to the previous one not, as I had supposed in my wrath78, with any elaborate intention of deceiving me about the state of education in the country, but after certain kindly79 intrigues80 and preparations by a literary friend, Mr. Chukovsky the critic, affectionately anxious to make me feel myself beloved in Russia, and a little oblivious81 of the real gravity of the business I had in hand.
Subsequent enquiries and comparison of my observations with those of other visitors to Russia, and particularly those of Dr. Haden Guest, who also made surprise visits to several schools in Moscow, have convinced me that Soviet Russia, in the face of gigantic difficulties, has made and is making very great educational efforts, and that in spite of the difficulties of the general situation the quality and number 122of the schools in the towns has risen absolutely since the Tsarist régime. (The peasant, as ever, except in a few “show” localities, remains82 scarcely touched by these things.) The schools I saw would have been good middle schools in England. They are open to all, and there is an attempt to make education compulsory83. Of course Russia has its peculiar84 difficulties. Many of the schools are understaffed, and it is difficult to secure the attendance of unwilling85 pupils. Numbers of children prefer to keep out of the schools and trade upon the streets. A large part of the illicit86 trading in Russia is done by bands of children. They are harder to catch than adults, and the spirit of Russian Communism is against punishing them. And the Russian child is, for a northern child, remarkably87 precocious88.
The common practice of co-educating youngsters up to fifteen or sixteen, in a country as demoralised as Russia is now, has brought peculiar evils in its train. My attention was called to this by the 123visit of Bokaiev, the former head of the Petersburg Extraordinary Commission, and his colleague Zalutsky to Gorky to consult him in the matter. They discussed their business in front of me quite frankly89, and the whole conversation was translated to me as it went on. The Bolshevik authorities have collected and published very startling, very shocking figures of the moral condition of young people in Petersburg, which I have seen. How far they would compare with the British figures—if there are any British figures—of such bad districts for the young as are some parts of East London or such towns of low type employment as Reading I do not know. (The reader should compare the Fabian Society’s report on prostitution, Downward Paths, upon this question.) Nor do I know how they would show in comparison with preceding Tsarist conditions. Nor can I speculate how far these phenomena90 in Russia are the mechanical consequence of privation and overcrowding in a home atmosphere bordering on despair. 124But there can be no doubt that in the Russian towns, concurrently91 with increased educational effort and an enhanced intellectual stimulation92 of the young, there is also an increased lawlessness on their part, especially in sexual matters, and that this is going on in a phase of unexampled sobriety and harsh puritanical decorum so far as adult life is concerned. This hectic93 moral fever of the young is the dark side of the educational spectacle in Russia. I think it is to be regarded mainly as an aspect of the general social collapse; every European country has noted a parallel moral relaxation94 of the young under the war strain; but the revolution itself, in sweeping95 a number of the old experienced teachers out of the schools and in making every moral standard a subject of debate, has no doubt contributed also to an as yet incalculable amount in the excessive disorder96 of these matters in present-day Russia.
Faced with this problem of starving and shattered homes and a social chaos, the 125Bolshevik organisers are institutionalising the town children of Russia. They are making their schools residential97. The children of the Russian urban population are going, like the children of the British upper class, into boarding schools. Close to this second school I visited stood two big buildings which are the living places of the boys and of the girls respectively. In these places they can be kept under some sort of hygienic and moral discipline. This again happens to be not only in accordance with Communist doctrine98, but with the special necessities of the Russian crisis. Entire towns are sinking down towards slum conditions, and the Bolshevik Government has had to play the part of a gigantic Dr. Barnardo.
We went over the organisation99 of a sort of reception home to which children are brought by their parents who find it impossible to keep them clean and decent and nourished under the terrible conditions outside. This reception home is the old Hotel de l’Europe, the scene of countless100 126pleasant little dinner-parties under the old régime. On the roof there is still the summertime roof garden, where the string quartette used to play, and on the staircase we passed a frosted glass window still bearing in gold letters the words Coiffure des Dames101.
Slender gilded102 pointing hands directed us to the “Restaurant,” long vanished from the grim Petersburg scheme of things. Into this place the children come; they pass into a special quarantine section for infectious diseases and for personal cleanliness—nine-tenths of the newcomers harbour unpleasant parasites—and then into another section, the moral quarantine, where for a time they are watched for bad habits and undesirable103 tendencies. From this section some individuals may need to be weeded out and sent to special schools for defectives104. The rest pass on into the general body of institutionalized children, and so on to the boarding schools.
Here certainly we have the “break-up of the family” in full progress, and the 127Bolshevik net is sweeping wide and taking in children of the most miscellaneous origins. The parents have reasonably free access to their children in the daytime, but little or no control over their education, clothing, or the like. We went among the children in the various stages of this educational process, and they seemed to us to be quite healthy, happy, and contented105 children. But they get very good people to look after them. Many men and women, politically suspects or openly discontented with the existing political conditions, and yet with a desire to serve Russia, have found in these places work that they can do with a good heart and conscience. My interpreter and the lady who took us round this place had often dined and supped in the Hotel de l’Europe in its brilliant days, and they knew each other well. This lady was now plainly clad, with short cut hair and a grave manner; her husband was a White and serving with the Poles; she had two children of her own in the institution, and she was mothering 128some scores of little creatures. But she was evidently keenly proud of the work of her organisation, and she said that she found life—in this city of want, under the shadow of a coming famine—more interesting and satisfying than it had ever been in the old days.
I have no space to tell of other educational work we saw going on in Russia. I can give but a word or so to the Home of Rest for Workmen in the Kamenni Ostrof. I thought that at once rather fine and not a little absurd. To this place workers are sent to live a life of refined ease for two or three weeks. It is a very beautiful country house with fine gardens, an orangery, and subordinate buildings. The meals are served on white cloths with flowers upon the table and so forth. And the worker has to live up to these elegant surroundings. It is a part of his education. If in a forgetful moment he clears his throat in the good old resonant106 peasant manner and spits upon the floor, an attendant, I was told, chalks a circle about his defilement107 and obliges him to clean the offended parquetry. The avenue approaching this place has been adorned108 with decoration in the futurist style, and there is a vast figure of a “worker” at the gates resting on his hammer, done in gypsum, which was obtained from the surgical109 reserves of the Petersburg hospitals.... But after all, the idea of civilising your workpeople by dipping them into pleasant surroundings is, in itself, rather a good one....
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GUESTS AT THE HOME OF REST FOR WORKMEN ON THE KAMENNI OSTROF.
131I find it difficult to hold the scales of justice upon many of these efforts of Bolshevism. Here are these creative and educational things going on, varying between the admirable and the ridiculous, islands at least of cleanly work and, I think, of hope, amidst the vast spectacle of grisly want and wide decay. Who can weigh the power and possibility of their thrust against the huge gravitation of this sinking system? Who can guess what encouragement and enhancement they may get if Russia can win through to a respite110 from civil and foreign warfare111 and from 132famine and want? It was of this re-created Russia, this Russia that may be, that I was most desirous of talking when I went to the Kremlin to meet Lenin. Of that conversation I will tell in my sixth paper.
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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albeit
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| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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backbone
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| n.脊骨，脊柱，骨干；刚毅，骨气 | |
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renascent
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| adj.新生的 | |
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Soviet
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| adj.苏联的，苏维埃的；n.苏维埃 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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materialistic
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| a.唯物主义的，物质享乐主义的 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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obsession
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| n.困扰，无法摆脱的思想(或情感) | |
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ration
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| n.定量(pl.)给养，口粮；vt.定量供应 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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tragically
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organise
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amateurish
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Moslem
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| n.回教徒，穆罕默德信徒；adj.回教徒的，回教的 | |
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scarcity
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collapse
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stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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wreckage
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rationing
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cavil
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temperament
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depleted
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| adj. 枯竭的, 废弃的 动词deplete的过去式和过去分词 | |
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forth
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sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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dread
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doctrinaire
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| adj.空论的 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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capitalism
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| n.资本主义 | |
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effacement
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| n.抹消，抹杀 | |
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bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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decorative
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| adj.装饰的，可作装饰的 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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extraordinarily
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| adv.格外地；极端地 | |
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muddle
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| n.困惑，混浊状态；vt.使混乱，使糊涂，使惊呆；vi.胡乱应付，混乱 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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puritanical
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| adj.极端拘谨的；道德严格的 | |
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inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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asperity
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| n.粗鲁，艰苦 | |
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intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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muddled
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| adj.混乱的；糊涂的；头脑昏昏然的v.弄乱，弄糟( muddle的过去式)；使糊涂；对付，混日子 | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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mariner
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| n.水手号不载人航天探测器，海员，航海者 | |
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incisive
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| adj.敏锐的，机敏的，锋利的，切入的 | |
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recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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intermittently
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| adv.间歇地；断断续续 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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scrapped
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| 废弃(scrap的过去式与过去分词)； 打架 | |
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middle-aged
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| adj.中年的 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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oblivious
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| adj.易忘的，遗忘的，忘却的，健忘的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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precocious
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| adj.早熟的；较早显出的 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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concurrently
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| adv.同时地 | |
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stimulation
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| n.刺激，激励，鼓舞 | |
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hectic
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| adj.肺病的；消耗热的；发热的；闹哄哄的 | |
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relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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residential
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| adj.提供住宿的；居住的；住宅的 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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101
dames
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| n.（在英国）夫人（一种封号），夫人（爵士妻子的称号）( dame的名词复数 )；女人 | |
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gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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103
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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104
defectives
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| 次品 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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106
resonant
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| adj.(声音)洪亮的，共鸣的 | |
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defilement
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| n.弄脏，污辱，污秽 | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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surgical
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| adj.外科的，外科医生的，手术上的 | |
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110
respite
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| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
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111
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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