A visitor to England in the year 1713 probably experienced the same perplexity in seeking information from a Whig and a Tory respectively as to the Treaty of Utrecht. So this treaty has become one of those fiercely debated subjects, as to which the contestants8 deliberately9 refuse to regard any testimony10, or recognise the existence of any fact, which is in the least inconsistent with their particular point of view. It has come to pass that the real Treaty of Versailles has already disappeared, and[Pg 83] several imaginary versions have emerged. It is around these that the conflict rages.
In France there exist at least two or three schools of thought concerning the Versailles Treaty. There is one powerful section which has always regarded it as a treasonable pact11, in which M. Clemenceau gave away solid French rights and interests in a moment of weakness under pressure from President Wilson and myself. That is the Poincaré-Barthou-Pertinax school. That is why they are now, whilst in form engaged in enforcing the treaty, in fact carrying out a gigantic operation for amending12 it without consulting the other signatories. This has come out very clearly in the remarkable13 report from a French official in the Rhineland which was disclosed in the London Observer. It is obvious from this paper that whilst the French government have worked their public into a frenzied14 state of indignation over the failure of Germany to carry out the Treaty of Versailles, they were the whole time deliberately organising a plot to overthrow15 that treaty themselves. Their representative on the Rhine was spending French money with the consent of the French government to promote a conspiracy16 for setting up an independent republic[Pg 84] on the Rhine under the protection of France. It was a deliberate attempt by those who disapproved17 of the moderation of the Treaty of Versailles to rewrite its clauses in the terms of the militarist demands put forward by Marshal Foch at the Peace conference. Marshal Foch, the soul of honour, wanted to see this done openly and straightforwardly19. What he would have done like the gentleman he is, these conspirators20 would have accomplished21 by deceit—by deceiving their Allies and by being faithless to the treaty to which their country had appended its signature. That is one French school of thought on the Treaty of Versailles. It is the one which has brought Europe to its present state of confusion and despair.
There is the second school which reads into the treaty powers and provisions which it does not contain, and never contemplated22 containing. These critics maintain stoutly23 that M. Briand, and all other French prime ministers, with the exception of M. Poincaré, betrayed their trust by failing to enforce these imaginary stipulations. They still honestly believe that M. Poincaré is the first French minister to have made a genuine attempt to enforce French rights under the treaty.
[Pg 85]
In the background there is a third school which knows exactly what the treaty means, but dares not say so in the present state of French opinion. Perhaps they think it is better to bide24 their time. That time will come, and when it does arrive, let us hope it will not be too late to save Europe from the welter.
In America there are also two or three divergent trends of opinion about this treaty. One regards it as an insidious25 attempt to trap America into the European cockpit, so as to pluck its feathers to line French and English bolsters26. If anything could justify27 so insular28 an estimate it would be the entirely29 selfish interpretation30 which is put upon the treaty by one or two of the Allied31 governments. The other American party, I understand, defends it with vigour32 as a great human instrument second only in importance to the Declaration of Independence. There may be a third which thinks that on the whole it is not a bad settlement, and that the pity is a little more tact33 was not displayed in passing it through the various stages of approval and ratification34. This party is not as vocal35 as the others.
In England we find at least three schools.[Pg 86] There are the critics who denounce it as a brutal36 outrage37 upon international justice. It is to them a device for extorting38 incalculable sums out of an impoverished39 Germany as reparation for damages artificially worked up. Then there is the other extreme—the "die-hard" section—more influential40 since it became less numerous, who think the treaty let Germany off much too lightly. In fact they are in complete agreement with the French Chauvinists as to the reprehensible41 moderation of its terms. In Britain also there is a third party which regards its provisions as constituting the best settlement, when you take into account the conflicting aims, interests, and traditions of the parties who had to negotiate and come to an agreement.
But take all these variegated42 schools together, or separately, and you will find not one in a thousand of their pupils could give you an intelligent and comprehensive summary of the main principles of the treaty. I doubt whether I should be far wrong in saying there would not be one in ten thousand. Controversialists generally are satisfied to concentrate on the articles in the treaty which are obnoxious43 or pleasing to them as the case may be, and ignore the rest completely, however essential[Pg 87] they may be to a true judgment44 of the whole. Most of the disputants are content to take their views from press comments and denunciatory speeches. Unhappily the explanatory speeches have been few. Some there are who have in their possession the full text—nominally for reference; but you will find parts of the reparations clauses in their copies black with the thumb-marks which note the perspiring45 dialectician searching for projectiles46 to hurl47 at the object of his fury. The clauses which ease and modify the full demand are treated with stern neglect, and the remainder of the pages are pure as the untrodden snow. You can trace no footprints of politicians, publicists, or journalists, in whole provinces of this unexplored treaty. The covenant48 of the League of Nations is lifted bodily out of the text, and is delivered to the public as a separate testament49 for the faithful so that the saints may not defile50 their hands with the polluted print which exacts justice. They have now come to believe that it never was incorporated in the Treaty of Versailles, and that it has nothing to do with that vile51 and sanguinary instrument.
And yet the first words of this treaty are the following:
[Pg 88]
"The High Contracting Parties,
"In order to promote international co-operation and to achieve international peace and security,
"By the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war,
"By the firm establishment of the understandings of international law as the actual rule of conduct among Governments, and
"By the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous54 respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organised peoples with one another,
"Agree to this Covenant of the League of Nations."
Then follow the articles of the debated covenant.
A speaker who took part recently in a university debate on the subject told me that the [Pg 89]undergraduates exhibited the greatest surprise when he informed them that the League of Nations was founded by the Versailles Treaty. A few days ago I had a similar experience at the Oxford56 union. I was speaking against a motion framed to condemn57 the principles of the treaty as unwise and unjust. In its defence I recalled some of its outstanding features. But as most of my narrative58 had no bearing on reparations it was greeted with impatience59 and cries of "Question" from a group of anti-Versaillists. They honestly thought I was travelling outside the motion in giving a short summary of the other sections of the treaty. To them it is all condensed in Mr. Keynes's book, and other hostile commentaries. Anything which is inconsistent with these, or supplements the scanty60 or misleading statements they make, is deemed to be tainted61 and biassed62. To refer to the text itself they regard as unfair, and as playing into the hands of the defenders63 of a wicked and oppressive pact. The actual treaty has been already put by them out of bounds, and you wander into its forbidden clauses on pain of being put into the guardroom by one or other of the intolerant factions64 who patrol the highways and byways of international politics.
[Pg 90]
In all the debates on the subject in the House of Commons I have only once heard the treaty itself quoted by a critic, and strangely enough that was by way of approval.
I have indicated one important section of the treaty to which is accorded something of the reverence65 due to Holy Writ18 by an influential section of the public. This group would be shocked were they reminded that their devotion is given to a chapter in the hateful treaty. There is yet another large and important section which is completely ignored by the critics—that which reconstructs Central Europe on the basis of nationality and the free choice of the people instead of on the basis of strategy and military convenience. This is the section that liberated66 Poland from the claws of the three carnivorous empires that were preying67 on its vitals, and restored it to life, liberty and independence. It is the section that frees the Danes of Schleswig and the Frenchmen of Alsace-Lorraine. For these oppressed provinces the Treaty of Versailles is the title-deed of freedom. Why are these clauses all suppressed in controversial literature? Here is another of the ignored provisions—that which sets up permanent machinery68 for dealing55 with labour [Pg 91]problems throughout the world, and for raising the standard of life amongst the industrial workers by means of a great international effort. No more beneficent or more fruitful provision was ever made in any treaty. It is so momentous69 and so completely overlooked in general discussion, that I think it worth while to quote at length the general principles laid down by a provision which will one day be claimed as the first great international charter of the worker.
"The High Contracting Parties recognise that differences of climate, habits and customs, of economic opportunity and industrial tradition, make strict uniformity in the conditions of labour difficult of immediate70 attainment71. But, holding as they do, that labour should not be regarded merely as an article of commerce, they think that there are methods and principles for regulating labour conditions which all industrial communities should endeavour to apply so far as their special circumstances will permit.
"Among these methods and principles, the following seem to the High Contracting Parties to be of special and urgent importance:—
[Pg 92]
"First.—The guiding principle above enunciated72 that labour should not be regarded merely as a commodity or article of commerce.
"Second.—The right of association for all lawful73 purposes by the employed as well as by the employers.
"Third.—The payment to the employed of a wage adequate to maintain a reasonable standard of life as this is understood in their time and country.
"Fourth.—The adoption74 of an eight-hour day or forty-eight hour week as the standard to be aimed at where it has not already been attained75.
"Fifth.—The adoption of a weekly rest of at least twenty-four hours, which should include Sunday wherever practicable.
"Sixth.—The abolition76 of child labour and the imposition of such limitations on the labour of young persons as shall permit the continuation of their education and assure their proper physical development.
"Seventh.—The principle that men and women should receive equal remuneration for work of equal value.
"Eighth.—The standard set by law in each [Pg 93]country with respect to the conditions of labour should have due regard to the equitable77 economic treatment of all workers lawfully78 resident therein.
"Ninth.—Each State should make provision for a system of inspection80 in which women should take part, in order to ensure the enforcement of the laws and regulations for the protection of the employed."
It will take long before the principles propounded81 in the covenant of the league under the labour articles are fully79 and faithfully carried out, but in both a good deal of quiet and steady progress have already been attained. M. Albert Thomas is an admirable chief for the labour bureau. He has zeal82, sympathy, tact, energy and great organising talent. He is pressing along with patience, as well as persistence83. But that is another question. It raises grave issues as to the execution of the treaty. What I have to deal with to-day is the misunderstandings which exist as to the character of the treaty itself. The British public are certainly being deliberately misled on this point. Why are those sections which emancipate84 oppressed races, which seek to lift the worker to a condition above [Pg 94]destitution and degradation85, and which build up a breakwater against the raging passions which make for war, never placed to the credit of the Treaty of Versailles? The type of controversialist who is always advertising86 his idealism has made a point of withholding87 these salient facts from the public which he professes88 to enlighten and instruct. There is no more unscrupulous debater in the ring than the one who affects to be particularly high-minded. I do not mean the man who is possessed89 of a really high mind, but the man who is always posing as having been exalted90 by grace above his fellows. He is the Pharisee of controversy91. Beware of him, for he garbles92 and misquotes and suppresses to suit his arguments or prejudices in a way that would make a child of this world blush.
That is why I venture to put in a humble93, although I fear belated, plea for the reading of the text, the whole text, and nothing but the text, of the Treaty of Versailles. Herein lies the only fair way of arriving at a just conclusion on the merits of a treaty which holds in its hands the destiny of Europe for many a generation.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
justification
|
|
| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
peruse
|
|
| v.细读，精读 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
civilisation
|
|
| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
publicity
|
|
| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
procure
|
|
| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
profess
|
|
| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
injustice
|
|
| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
contestants
|
|
| n.竞争者，参赛者( contestant的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
deliberately
|
|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
testimony
|
|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
pact
|
|
| n.合同，条约，公约，协定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
amending
|
|
| 改良，修改，修订( amend的现在分词 )； 改良，修改，修订( amend的第三人称单数 )( amends的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
remarkable
|
|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
frenzied
|
|
| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
overthrow
|
|
| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
disapproved
|
|
| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
writ
|
|
| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
straightforwardly
|
|
| adv.正直地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
conspirators
|
|
| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
contemplated
|
|
| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
stoutly
|
|
| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
bide
|
|
| v.忍耐；等候；住 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
insidious
|
|
| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
bolsters
|
|
| n.长枕( bolster的名词复数 )；垫子；衬垫；支持物v.支持( bolster的第三人称单数 )；支撑；给予必要的支持；援助 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
justify
|
|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
insular
|
|
| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
entirely
|
|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
interpretation
|
|
| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
allied
|
|
| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
vigour
|
|
| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
tact
|
|
| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
ratification
|
|
| n.批准，认可 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
vocal
|
|
| adj.直言不讳的；嗓音的；n.[pl.]声乐节目 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
brutal
|
|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
outrage
|
|
| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
extorting
|
|
| v.敲诈( extort的现在分词 )；曲解 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
impoverished
|
|
| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
influential
|
|
| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
reprehensible
|
|
| adj.该受责备的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
variegated
|
|
| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
obnoxious
|
|
| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
perspiring
|
|
| v.出汗，流汗( perspire的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
projectiles
|
|
| n.抛射体( projectile的名词复数 )；（炮弹、子弹等）射弹，（火箭等）自动推进的武器 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
hurl
|
|
| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
covenant
|
|
| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
testament
|
|
| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
defile
|
|
| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
vile
|
|
| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
prescription
|
|
| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
honourable
|
|
| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
scrupulous
|
|
| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
dealing
|
|
| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
Oxford
|
|
| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
condemn
|
|
| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
narrative
|
|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
impatience
|
|
| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
scanty
|
|
| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
tainted
|
|
| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
biassed
|
|
| （统计试验中）结果偏倚的，有偏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
63
defenders
|
|
| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
factions
|
|
| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
reverence
|
|
| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
liberated
|
|
| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
preying
|
|
| v.掠食( prey的现在分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
machinery
|
|
| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
momentous
|
|
| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
attainment
|
|
| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
enunciated
|
|
| v.（清晰地）发音( enunciate的过去式和过去分词 )；确切地说明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
lawful
|
|
| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
adoption
|
|
| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
attained
|
|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
abolition
|
|
| n.废除，取消 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
equitable
|
|
| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
lawfully
|
|
| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
inspection
|
|
| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
propounded
|
|
| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
zeal
|
|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
persistence
|
|
| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
emancipate
|
|
| v.解放，解除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
degradation
|
|
| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
advertising
|
|
| n.广告业；广告活动 a.广告的；广告业务的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
withholding
|
|
| 扣缴税款 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
professes
|
|
| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
exalted
|
|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
controversy
|
|
| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
garbles
|
|
| vt.对（事实）歪曲，对（文章等）断章取义，窜改（garble的第三人称单数形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
93
humble
|
|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |