"I have read with gladness Secretary Hughes's important speech. As far as I can judge from compressed report appearing in the local paper of this remote corner of Spain his suggestions and mine travel in same direction. Earnestly hope Paris[Pg 148] conference will give American proposals priority of consideration. All other expedients3 will but postpone4 mischief5 which will in the end have to be redeemed6 with compound interest at usurious rates by an embarrassed Europe."
I constantly refer to this speech in subsequent articles, and as it has been suggested that the interpretation7 I placed on it is not borne out by the text, I append the full report which appeared in The Times of December 30th, 1922:—
"Mr. Hughes, the Secretary of State, in a speech which he delivered before the American Historical Association at New Haven, Connecticut, to-night lifted yet another corner of the veil which has shrouded8 the immediate9 plans of the United States government. Much of his address concerned the Washington conference of 1921, but it ended with a discussion of economic conditions in Europe which are of prime importance.
"Mr. Hughes began with the admission that 'we cannot dispose of these problems by calling them European, for they are world problems, and we cannot escape the injurious consequences of failure[Pg 149] to settle them.' They were, however, European problems in the sense that they cannot be solved without the consent of the European governments, and the crux10 of the situation lay in the settlement of reparations. 'There will be no adjustment of other needs, however pressing, until a definite and accepted basis for the discharge of reparations claims has been fixed11. It is futile12 to attempt to erect13 any economic structure in Europe until the foundation is laid.'
"Then followed a passage referring to the attempts to link up the debts owed to the United States with the question of reparations or with projects of cancellation14, attempts which had been steadily15 resisted. It led up to a discussion of the attitude of the United States towards reparations, 'standing16, as it does, a distinct question, and as one which cannot be settled unless the European governments concerned are able to agree.' First came a denial that America desired to see Germany relieved of her responsibility for the war, or of her just obligations, or that America wished that France should lose 'any part of her just claims.' On the other hand, America did not wish to see a prostrate17 Germany. Some Americans had [Pg 150]suggested that the United States should assume the r?le of arbitrator, but Mr. Hughes did not think 'we should assume such a burden of responsibility.'
"'But the situation,' said Mr. Hughes, 'does call for a settlement upon its merits. The first condition of a satisfactory settlement is that the question should be taken out of politics. Statesmen, have their difficulties, their public opinion, the exigencies19 they must face. It is devoutly20 to be hoped that they will effect a settlement among themselves, and that the coming meeting in Paris will find a solution. But if it does not, what should be done?
"'The alternative of forcible measures to obtain reparations is not an attractive one. No one can foretell21 the extent of the serious consequences which might ensue from such a course. Apart from political results, I believe that the opinion of experts is that such measures will not produce reparation payments, but might tend to destroy the basis of those payments, which must be found in economic recuperation. If, however, statesmen cannot agree, and such an alternative is faced, what can be done? Is there not another way out? The fundamental [Pg 151]condition is that in this critical moment the merits of the question as an economic one must alone be regarded. Sentiment, however natural, must be disregarded; mutual22 recriminations are of no avail; reviews of the past, whether accurate or inaccurate23, promise nothing; assertions of blame on the one hand and excuses on the other come to naught24.
"'There ought to be a way for statesmen to agree upon what Germany can pay, for no matter what claims may be made against her that is the limit of satisfaction. There ought to be a way to determine that limit and to provide a financial plan by which immediate results can be obtained and European nations can feel that the foundations have been laid for their mutual and earnest endeavours to bring about the utmost prosperity to which the industry of their people entitles them.
"'If statesmen cannot agree and the exigencies of public opinion make their course difficult, then there should be called to their aid those who can point the way to a solution.
"'Why should they not invite men of the highest authority in finance in their respective countries—men of such prestige, experience, and honour that their agreement upon the amount to be paid and[Pg 152] upon the financial plan for working out payments would be accepted throughout the world as the most authoritative25 expression obtainable? The governments need not bind26 themselves in advance to accept the recommendations, but they can at least make possible such an inquiry27 with their approval and free the men who may represent their country in such a commission from any responsibility to foreign offices and from any duty to obey political instructions.
"'In other words, they may invite an answer to this difficult question from men of such standing and in such circumstances of freedom as will ensure a reply prompted only by knowledge and conscience. I have no doubt that distinguished28 Americans would be willing to serve on such a commission. If the governments saw fit to reject the recommendation upon which such a body agreed they would be free to do so, but they would have the advantage of impartial29 advice and of an enlightened public opinion. The peoples would be informed that the question would be rescued from assertion and counter-assertion and the problem put upon its way to solution.
[Pg 153]
"'I do not believe that any general conference would answer the purpose better, much less that any political conference would accomplish a result which prime ministers find it impossible to reach. But I do believe that a small group, given proper freedom of action, would be able soon to devise a proper plan. It would be time enough to consider forcible measures after such opportunity had been exhausted30.'
"Mr. Hughes's closing words were:
"'There lies the open broad avenue of opportunity, if those whose voluntary action is indispensable are willing to take advantage of it. And once this is done, the avenues of American helpfulness cannot fail to open hopefully.'"
The argument developed by Mr. Hughes in this speech is identical with that upon which I based my appeal in the previous chapter for an impartial investigation31 into Germany's capacity, and he concludes with a proposal which is in effect identical with mine. He does not state categorically that the American government would be prepared to be officially represented on the commission. But when[Pg 154] he says, "I have no doubt that distinguished Americans would be willing to serve on such a commission," it means that the government would be indirectly32 represented. The Allied33 governments would certainly have consulted the government of the U.S.A. as to the American representative nominated to sit on the commission, and no American expert would be appointed without full assurance that he was acceptable to the government of his country.
It is a misfortune that such important proposals should have been put forward so timorously34 that those who wished to ignore them could easily pretend they had never heard them made. Speeches delivered even by Secretaries of State at an academic function in a small provincial35 town might very well be overlooked in foreign chancelleries, whose postbags bulge36 with weighty despatches from many lands, without any suggestion of studied neglect. It was clear from Mr. Bonar Law's subsequent attitude in the course of the debate in the House of Commons on the Ruhr invasion that he at any rate had not seen Mr. Hughes's New Haven deliverance. Timid diplomatic flutterings make no impression in a great situation, and so lead to [Pg 155]nothing. This is an excellent example of how not to speak if you wish to be heard, and of how to speak if you have no desire to be heeded37.
London, July 4th, 1923.
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1 haven | |
n.安全的地方,避难所,庇护所 | |
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2 premiers | |
n.总理,首相( premier的名词复数 );首席官员, | |
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3 expedients | |
n.应急有效的,权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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4 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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5 mischief | |
n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
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6 redeemed | |
adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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7 interpretation | |
n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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8 shrouded | |
v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 );保密 | |
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9 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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10 crux | |
adj.十字形;难事,关键,最重要点 | |
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11 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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12 futile | |
adj.无效的,无用的,无希望的 | |
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13 erect | |
n./v.树立,建立,使竖立;adj.直立的,垂直的 | |
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14 cancellation | |
n.删除,取消 | |
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15 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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16 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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17 prostrate | |
v.拜倒,平卧,衰竭;adj.拜倒的,平卧的,衰竭的 | |
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18 quotation | |
n.引文,引语,语录;报价,牌价,行情 | |
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19 exigencies | |
n.急切需要 | |
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20 devoutly | |
adv.虔诚地,虔敬地,衷心地 | |
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21 foretell | |
v.预言,预告,预示 | |
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22 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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23 inaccurate | |
adj.错误的,不正确的,不准确的 | |
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24 naught | |
n.无,零 [=nought] | |
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25 authoritative | |
adj.有权威的,可相信的;命令式的;官方的 | |
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26 bind | |
vt.捆,包扎;装订;约束;使凝固;vi.变硬 | |
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27 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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28 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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29 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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30 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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31 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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32 indirectly | |
adv.间接地,不直接了当地 | |
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33 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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34 timorously | |
adv.胆怯地,羞怯地 | |
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35 provincial | |
adj.省的,地方的;n.外省人,乡下人 | |
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36 bulge | |
n.突出,膨胀,激增;vt.突出,膨胀 | |
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37 heeded | |
v.听某人的劝告,听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 );变平,使(某物)变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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