With regard to M. Barthou's intervention5, I feel I must, as one of the founders6 of the Reparations Commission, say a word. There were important questions of amount, method, and time which could not be determined7 before the signature of the peace treaty and could not be settled at all without giving Germany a full opportunity of being heard. Hence the appointment of the Reparations Commission. It was called into existence to settle these questions after hearing evidence and deliberating on its effect. Of this commission M. Barthou is now chairman. He, therefore, presides over a body which has committed to its charge judicial8 functions of a momentous9 character. He has to adjudicate from time to time on the case presented by Germany under a multitude of different heads. Inflammatory speeches on the very subjects upon[Pg 177] which he has to preserve judicial calm are quite incompatible10 with his position. When he occupied the same post M. Poincaré ultimately recognised that he could not continue to write controversial articles on questions which might come before him for decision as a judge. He, therefore, very properly resigned his commissionership.
But to revert11 to the speeches delivered by these eminent12 statesmen. If they mean what the actual words convey, then France means to stick to the Ruhr. Not by way of annexation13. Oh, no. That, according to M. Barthou, is a "foolish, mendacious14 and stupid" lie. But France means to hang on to the gages until reparation is paid. What are the gages? The industries of the Ruhr. If the French government is to control the industries which represent the life of this prosperous area for thirty years it assumes greater authority over the district than it exercises over the mining area of the Pas de Calais. In its own mining districts no government takes upon itself—except during a war—to give directions as to the destination and distribution of the coal produced. But there are indications that the control over the Ruhr industries is to be of a much more far-reaching character than this. And[Pg 178] this is where the hints—broad hints—thrown out by the French press come in. France, in order to secure the payment of the reparation instalments in future, is to be given shares in these great mines and industries. What proportion of shares? Amongst the gages demanded by M. Poincaré in August of last year were sixty per cent. of the shares in certain pivotal German industries in the Rhine area. Now the Ruhr industries are clearly to be included within the scope of the demand. France has the iron ore of Lorraine and the coal of the Saar valley. Her financiers have been engaged in buying up coal mines in Silesia. If she can secure the controlling interest in the Ruhr mines and Belgium and Poland can be persuaded to join in the deal, then the continent of Europe will be at the mercy of this immense coal and iron combine.
I said in the previous chapter that the ports were still open. As long as they are, Central Europe can protect itself to a certain extent against this gigantic trust, for the products of Britain and America will be available. But that possibility is to be provided against. Nothing is to be left to chance. One of the gages is to be control over German customs. How can Germany balance her[Pg 179] budget without a revenue? How can she raise a revenue without a tariff16? What more productive tariff than a duty on foreign coal and metal manufactures? And thus all competitive products will be excluded from the German markets. The combine will be supreme17.
It is true that if this cynical18 scheme comes off there is an end of reparations—for the independence of German industry is strangled and its life will soon languish19. But there are signs that French enterprise has abandoned all idea of recovering reparations and that it is now brooding upon loot—on an immense scale. For the discussions in the French press contemplate20 even wider and more far-reaching developments than those involved in the control of German industries. Italy, Poland, and even Russia are to be brought in. The high line taken for years by the Parisian papers about "no traffic with murder" is being given up. Instead we have much sentimental21 twaddle about restoring the old friendly relations between France and Russia—of course, for a consideration. Russia is to buy; Germany is to manufacture; France is to profit.
These proposals, which have for some time been[Pg 180] in the air, are now actually in type. Now the type is ordinary black—later on it may be red. Twenty lives have already been lost over the preliminaries of execution. I fear there will be many more as the difficulties become more apparent.
It is not without significance that the terms which Germany is to be called upon to accept in the event of her submission22 have never been formulated23. No ultimatum24 was issued before invasion. If Germany were to-morrow to throw up her hands what conditions would she have to comply with? Who can tell? Germany clearly does not know. The British government does not know. They were never discussed at the Paris conference. M. Poincaré has only asserted with emphasis that he "will not accept promises." If the Ruhr is to be evacuated25 promises must be accepted at some stage, for Germany cannot deliver ten years' coal instalments in advance, and she cannot pay fifty milliards of gold marks over the counter. So, if M. Poincaré's statement means anything, then the control of Ruhr industries must be vested in France until the whole of the mortgage has been redeemed26. Hence the vast plan for the exploitation of Germany, and through Germany of Europe.
[Pg 181]
A pretty scheme, but—like most plans which make no allowance for human nature—bound to fail. How long would Italy and Russia consent to be exploited for the enrichment of French capitalists? Italy has already made it clear that she has no intention of walking into the trap. Russia may or may not have been approached. It is not improbable that there have been informal soundings. It is not easy to reckon what the Bolshevists may or may not do in any circumstances. But one can be fairly assured that they will not place their heads in the jaws27 of a rapacious28 capitalistic crocodile of this character. Brigands29 are not made of that simple stuff.
Will German statesmen consent to sell their country into political and economic bondage30 for an indefinite period? It is incredible. No doubt there had been feelers between French and German capitalists for some time before the Ruhr invasion. M. Loucheur and Herr Stinnes are credited with having had conversations on the subject of amalgamating31 the interests of Lorraine iron ore and Ruhr coal. But the Ruhr invasion has awakened32 the patriotism33 of Germany from its stupor34. A potent35 new element has therefore been introduced[Pg 182] into the calculation. This element does not mix well with international finance. It may be depended upon to resist to the last any effort to put German industry under foreign control, and without control the gage15 is worthless.
Then there is the German workman who must be taken into account. The miner and the engineer in all countries are proverbially independent. They take no orders even from their own governments. During the war they had to be reasoned with before they could be persuaded to take a course urged upon them by the government of the day in the interests of their own country. They will view the commands of a syndicate controlled by foreign governments with suspicion and repugnance36. Should disputes arise—and they are more likely than ever to arise constantly under these conditions—who will be responsible for the protection of life, liberty, and property? Will foreign troops operate? Or will the German army and police act practically under orders given from Paris? The popular sympathy will be with the strikers.
It is a fantastic idea born of failure and, therefore, bound itself to be a failure.
London, March 1st, 1923.
点击收听单词发音
1 devastated | |
v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词);摧毁;毁灭;在感情上(精神上、财务上等)压垮adj.毁坏的;极为震惊的 | |
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2 continental | |
adj.大陆的,大陆性的,欧洲大陆的 | |
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3 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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4 relish | |
n.滋味,享受,爱好,调味品;vt.加调味料,享受,品味;vi.有滋味 | |
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5 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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6 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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7 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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8 judicial | |
adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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9 momentous | |
adj.重要的,重大的 | |
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10 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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11 revert | |
v.恢复,复归,回到 | |
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12 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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13 annexation | |
n.吞并,合并 | |
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14 mendacious | |
adj.不真的,撒谎的 | |
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15 gage | |
n.标准尺寸,规格;量规,量表 [=gauge] | |
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16 tariff | |
n.关税,税率;(旅馆、饭店等)价目表,收费表 | |
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17 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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18 cynical | |
adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的,不信世道向善的 | |
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19 languish | |
vi.变得衰弱无力,失去活力,(植物等)凋萎 | |
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20 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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21 sentimental | |
adj.多愁善感的,感伤的 | |
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22 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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23 formulated | |
v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 );规划;确切地阐述;用公式表示 | |
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24 ultimatum | |
n.最后通牒 | |
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25 evacuated | |
撤退者的 | |
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26 redeemed | |
adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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27 jaws | |
n.口部;嘴 | |
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28 rapacious | |
adj.贪婪的,强夺的 | |
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29 brigands | |
n.土匪,强盗( brigand的名词复数 ) | |
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30 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
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31 amalgamating | |
v.(使)(金属)汞齐化( amalgamate的现在分词 );(使)合并;联合;结合 | |
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32 awakened | |
v.(使)醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 );(使)觉醒;弄醒;(使)意识到 | |
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33 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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34 stupor | |
v.昏迷;不省人事 | |
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35 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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36 repugnance | |
n.嫌恶 | |
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