No wonder that M. Loucheur stated flatly in the French Chamber7 that he did not approve of the Ruhr enterprise. He has one distinct advantage over the Ruhr plungers—he does know something about business. He can boast also of another gift, the possession of which is not without significance when you consider his present attitude. He is an admirable judge of to-morrow's weather. That is a rare endowment amongst politicians. Any simpleton can tell you which way the wind is blowing to-day, but it requires a man of special insight and experience in these matters to forecast the direction[Pg 185] of the wind to-morrow. M. Loucheur is one of those exceptionally well-equipped weather prophets. So he satisfies the opinion of to-day by giving his support to M. Poincaré, and he safeguards his position against the morrow's change by stating clearly that he does not approve the policy he supports. I have read no declaration from any French statesman of eminence—with the doubtful exception of M. Barthou—indicating a belief in the wisdom of the venture. And yet French courage, French pride, French loyalty8, French patriotism—and maybe French blood and treasure—are committed irretrievably to a reckless gamble which most of the responsible statesmen who led France by their wisdom through her great troubles regard with doubt, anxiety and apprehension9.
Will the French government try to extricate10 themselves from the difficulties into which they have precipitated11 their country and Europe? I fear not. Heedlessness rushes a man into danger; it needs courage to get out. And when getting out involves an admission of blame there are few men who possess that exalted12 type of courage. There are other reasons why the present government of France will flounder further into the quicksand. When [Pg 186]governments make mistakes in England, the threat of a Parliamentary defeat or a couple of adverse13 by-elections pulls them out roughly but safely, and the governments start on a new course amid the general satisfaction of friend and foe14. The Willesden, Mitcham, and Liverpool elections rescued the government from one of the most hopeless muddles15 into which any administration has ever contrived16 to get its affairs. In similar circumstances in France a change of government is negotiated with amazing dexterity17 and celerity. But you cannot arrange the preliminary overthrow19 of an existing government unless there is some one in the background ready and willing to form the next. There are generally two or three outstanding men of high repute prepared to serve their country in any emergency. The trouble to-day in France is that every alternative leader disapproves20 of this enterprise and believes it must ultimately fail. On the other hand, there is no prominent figure in French politics prepared to take upon himself the odium of sounding the retreat. It would always be said that success was in sight, and that had it not been for the new minister's cowardice21 and perfidy22 France would have emerged triumphantly23 out of all her[Pg 187] financial worries. The drapeau would have been lowered and betrayed. No French statesmen dare face that deadly accusation24. So the present French government is tied to the saddle of its charger and is forced to go on.
Another explanation of the difficulty of withdrawing is to be found in the increasing fury of the original fomenters of this rashness. The more fruitless the enterprise the greater the energy they display in spurring the government further into its follies25. In the previous article I gave a summary of the ambitious plans they had conceived for syndicating European resources under French control. The industries of Europe controlled from Paris—that is their magnificent dream. Now they propound26 a new treaty which is to supersede27 the treaty of Versailles. Boundaries are to be revised, rich provinces and towns practically annexed28, the Ruhr coal is to be harnessed to Lorraine coal, and Germany, having been further mutilated and bound, is to be reduced to a state of complete economic subjection. There has been nothing comparable to these ideas since the Norman conquest, when the Saxons, having first of all been disarmed29, were reduced to a condition of economic thraldom30 for the[Pg 188] enrichment and glorification31 of their new masters. Needless to say Britain and America are not to be invited to attend this new peace conference. They are to be graciously informed of the conditions of the new peace when finally established by French arms. The British Empire, which raised millions of men to liberate32 French soil from the German invaders33 and which lost hundreds of thousands of its best young lives in the effort, is not even to be consulted as to the settlement which its losses alone make possible. America, who came to the rescue with millions of its bravest, is barely worth a sentence in these ravings of brains intoxicated34 with an unwholesome mixture of hatred35, greed and military arrogance36. The French government are not committed by any overt18 declarations to these schemes; but it is ominous37 that they issue from the pens whose insistent38 prodding39 has driven this government on to its present action. Up to the present no repudiation40 has come from the head of the government or from any of his subordinates. The very vagueness of his published aims would leave him free to adopt any plans. Pledges for reparation and security will cover a multitude of aggressions.
The British government have just issued as a[Pg 189] Parliamentary paper a full report of the proceedings41 of the Paris conference. It is an amazing document. As far as I can see no real endeavour was made by any of its members to prevent a break-up. At the first failure to secure agreement the delegates threw up their hands in despair and sought no alternatives. They agreed about nothing except that it was not worth while spending another day in trying to agree. Even M. Theunis, the resourceful Belgian premier42, had nothing to suggest. A blight43 of sterility44 seems to have swept over the conference. On this aspect of the fateful and fatal conference of Paris I do not now propose to dwell. I wish to call attention to it for another purpose. I have perused45 the Blue Book with great care. I was anxious to find out exactly what M. Poincaré proposed to demand of Germany as a condition of submission46 to the French will. What was Germany to do if she was anxious to avert47 the fall of the axe48? I have read his speeches and annexes49 in vain for any exposition of these terms. It is true he was never asked the question. That sounds incomprehensible. But every one engaged was in such a hurry to break up the conference and thus put an end to disagreeable disagreements that it never seems to have [Pg 190]occurred to them to ask this essential question. And the party principally concerned was not represented. The result is that no one knows the terms upon which the French army is prepared to evacuate50 the Ruhr. Mr. Bonar Law could not explain when questioned in the House of Commons. I am not surprised, for no one has ever told him and he never asked. I am sure that by this time M. Poincaré has quite forgotten why he ever went into the Ruhr. For that, amongst other reasons, he will remain there until something happens that will provide us with an answer.
Most human tragedy is fortuitous.
London, March 10th, 1923.
点击收听单词发音
1 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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2 quagmire | |
n.沼地 | |
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3 fatuous | |
adj.愚昧的;昏庸的 | |
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4 swarm | |
n.(昆虫)等一大群;vi.成群飞舞;蜂拥而入 | |
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5 quota | |
n.(生产、进出口等的)配额,(移民的)限额 | |
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6 arrears | |
n.到期未付之债,拖欠的款项;待做的工作 | |
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7 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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8 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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9 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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10 extricate | |
v.拯救,救出;解脱 | |
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11 precipitated | |
v.(突如其来地)使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 );促成;猛然摔下;使沉淀 | |
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12 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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13 adverse | |
adj.不利的;有害的;敌对的,不友好的 | |
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14 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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15 muddles | |
v.弄乱,弄糟( muddle的第三人称单数 );使糊涂;对付,混日子 | |
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16 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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17 dexterity | |
n.(手的)灵巧,灵活 | |
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18 overt | |
adj.公开的,明显的,公然的 | |
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19 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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20 disapproves | |
v.不赞成( disapprove的第三人称单数 ) | |
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21 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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22 perfidy | |
n.背信弃义,不忠贞 | |
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23 triumphantly | |
ad.得意洋洋地;得胜地;成功地 | |
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24 accusation | |
n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
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25 follies | |
罪恶,时事讽刺剧; 愚蠢,蠢笨,愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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26 propound | |
v.提出 | |
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27 supersede | |
v.替代;充任 | |
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28 annexed | |
[法] 附加的,附属的 | |
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29 disarmed | |
v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 );使息怒 | |
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30 thraldom | |
n.奴隶的身份,奴役,束缚 | |
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31 glorification | |
n.赞颂 | |
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32 liberate | |
v.解放,使获得自由,释出,放出;vt.解放,使获自由 | |
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33 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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34 intoxicated | |
喝醉的,极其兴奋的 | |
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35 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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36 arrogance | |
n.傲慢,自大 | |
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37 ominous | |
adj.不祥的,不吉的,预兆的,预示的 | |
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38 insistent | |
adj.迫切的,坚持的 | |
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39 prodding | |
v.刺,戳( prod的现在分词 );刺激;促使;(用手指或尖物)戳 | |
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40 repudiation | |
n.拒绝;否认;断绝关系;抛弃 | |
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41 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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42 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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43 blight | |
n.枯萎病;造成破坏的因素;vt.破坏,摧残 | |
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44 sterility | |
n.不生育,不结果,贫瘠,消毒,无菌 | |
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45 perused | |
v.读(某篇文字)( peruse的过去式和过去分词 );(尤指)细阅;审阅;匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览(某篇文字) | |
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46 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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47 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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48 axe | |
n.斧子;v.用斧头砍,削减 | |
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49 annexes | |
并吞( annex的名词复数 ); 兼并; 强占; 并吞(国家、地区等); 附加物,附属建筑( annexe的名词复数 ) | |
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50 evacuate | |
v.遣送;搬空;抽出;排泄;大(小)便 | |
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