What is the German offer? It proposes to limit the total obligations of Germany in cash and in kind to thirty milliards of gold marks (£1,500,000,000) to be raised by loans on the international money markets at normal conditions in instalments of:—
20 milliards up to July 1, 1927.
5 milliards up to July 1, 1929.
5 milliards up to July 1, 1931.
There are provisions for payment of interest from July, 1923, onward14, and the agreements entered[Pg 193] into for delivery of payments in kind on account of reparations are to be carried out in accordance with the arrangements already made. Then comes this important provision. After a paragraph in which it is argued that the above figures would strain the resources of Germany to the utmost it adds:—
"Should others not share this opinion, the German government propose to submit the whole reparations problem to an international commission uninfluenced by political considerations, as suggested by State Secretary Hughes."
They further state that the German government are prepared to devise suitable measures in order that the whole German national resources should participate "in guaranteeing the service of the loan." Guarantees are also offered for deliveries in kind. In order to ensure a permanent peace between France and Germany they propose an agreement that all contentious15 questions arising between them in future should be referred to arbitration16. The note finally stipulates17 that the evacuation of the Ruhr "within the shortest space of time" and[Pg 194] the restoration of treaty conditions in the Rhineland constitute "an essential leading up to negotiations19 on basis of above ideas." The above represents the substance of the German proposals.
The French and Belgian governments in their reply stand by the May, 1921, schedule of payments and decline to forego even the very problematical "C" bonds of £4,250,000,000. Hitherto it has been common ground that £2,500,000,000 is the figure which Germany can be expected to pay. The French and Belgian governments are now insisting on the full measure of the £6,600,000,000 award. The Hughes proposal they scoff20 at and treat its putting forward by Germany as part of "an expression of a systematic21 revolt against the Treaty of Versailles." The real temper and purpose of this intransigeant attitude is to be found in two sentences. Here is the first. Alluding22 to the resistance offered in the Ruhr to the French attempt to exploit its resources the note says: "The Belgian and French governments cannot take into consideration any German proposal whilst the resistance continues." That is, however complete and satisfactory a proposal may be in itself, it would be rejected unless preceded by abject23 surrender to[Pg 195] French designs in the Ruhr. Then later on comes this significant sentence emphasising the moral of the first:—
"The Belgian government and the French government have decided24 that they will only evacuate25 the newly occupied territories according to the measure and in proportion to the payments effected. They have nothing to alter in this resolution."
An impossible payment is to be insisted upon—costs of occupation are to be added to that, and until both are liquidated26 French armies are to remain in possession of the richest areas in Germany. Meanwhile the British Empire and the United States of America, who, at a prodigious27 cost in life and treasure, saved France from a similar humiliation28 to that which she is now inflicting29 on Germany, are practically told when they venture to offer suggestions to mind their own business. No interference will be tolerated from meddlers of any sort.
The sum offered by Germany in settlement of reparations is no doubt inadequate30. It cannot be accepted by any of the Allies in discharge of the[Pg 196] German obligations under the treaty. The German government must make a very substantial advance on that offer before they can hope to come to terms with the Allied31 governments. I have no doubt the German government fully32 realise that fact, and I am sure they did not put forward these figures as their final tender. They meant them to be taken as a beginning and a basis for negotiation18. In fact they say so. When you enter into negotiations your lawyer, if he knows his business, never starts with the figure he is authorised ultimately to propose. Nor does the client always communicate to his advocate the last figure he would be prepared to pay if he had to decide between that and a continuation of the struggle, with its costs and its complications. Once pourparlers begin the original figure disappears, and disappears quickly. That is the history of all negotiation, private and public. A refusal to meet in conference until the figure proposed is acceptable rules out discussion between parties as a means of coming to terms on the main question in a dispute.
I have taken part in the settlement of probably more industrial differences than most politicians. In every case I have started with an impasse33. The[Pg 197] first meeting of the parties always revealed an apparently34 unbridgeable chasm35 between their respective positions; but perseverance36 and an honest endeavour on both sides to find a solution usually ends in agreement. Goodwill37 can bridge any abyss. Unconditional38 surrender if insisted upon between independent bodies is a sure prelude39 to fresh disputes. The mere40 fact, therefore, that Germany put forward a proposal which falls short of the needs and equities41 of the case is not a sufficient reason for declining to meet her representatives at a conference to determine what the right sum should be, and the best method of liquidating42 it.
But there is another and a stronger reason why the German offer should not have been so peremptorily43 rejected. It did not end with a submission44 of an inadequate amount in discharge of reparations claims. Had it done so the French government might perhaps contend that Germany must make up her mind, before she is allowed to confer, to raise that figure to something which at least approximates to the region of acceptability. But even if the French contention45 in that respect were reasonable, it is ruled out by the circumstance that in this note the German government have proposed an[Pg 198] alternative if the figure they offer is considered unacceptable. That alternative changes the whole character of the note, when you come to judge of the question of its bona fides. This proposition consists in the complete and categorical acceptance by the German government of Mr. Secretary Hughes's famous New Haven46 suggestions. It will be recollected47 that, as a way out of the reparations entanglement48, he proposed that an international expert commission should be set up to inquire into the question of the amount which Germany is capable of paying, and the best method of discharging her obligations once they were fixed49. Mr. Hughes made it clear that the United States of America were prepared to assist in such an inquiry50. It is this that lent such significance and importance to his speech. When I first read that speech I thought it of such moment that I cabled from Spain to the British and American papers my earnest hope that the Allies, about to sit in conference in Paris, would immediately consider its terms, and act upon it. It seemed to me the supreme51 opportunity for placing the vexed52 question which is fretting53 Europe almost into nervous paralysis54 on a pathway which must inevitably55 lead to a real settlement. The more[Pg 199] I think of that proposal, the more am I convinced that it was right, and the more am I perplexed56 by the rude indifference57 with which it was treated by the Allied governments. To this hour I am baffled to explain why those who are anxious for a conclusion never brought this momentous58 declaration of American readiness to take a hand to the notice of the conference. I can suggest explanations, but none which is not a grave reflection on the way in which the proceedings59 of that conference were handled. I can understand those who wish to exploit reparations for ulterior purposes being anxious to keep America out of the business. But why did Britain, Italy and Belgium neglect this chance of securing the association of the one power which could be helpful to the Allies in reaching a fair and sound decision, and what is equally important, helpful in all subsequent operations for cashing that decision? Now Germany states categorically that, if her cash tender is unacceptable to the Allies, she is willing to leave the question of the amount she is capable of paying to an international tribunal on which America is represented, and to abide60 by the decision of that tribunal, whatever it may be. That is in substance Mr. Secretary Hughes's suggestion.[Pg 200] How can a note containing so reasonable a proposal, and a proposal originally emanating61 from so powerful and so friendly a quarter, be treated as if it were an insult to the dignity of France—and of Belgium! To declare—as the French note does—that the Hughes proposition is an abrogation62 of the Treaty of Versailles is to ignore the provisions of that treaty. As a matter of fact it would be a restoration of the treaty. As I have repeatedly pointed63 out, that treaty delegated the question of the amount which Germany has to pay in respect of reparations to an Allied commission on which the United States of America was to be represented. The function of this commission was to assess the amount of the damages for which Germany is responsible under the treaty, and then to adjudicate on the capacity of Germany to pay those damages in whole or in part.
The commission was authorised to fix the amount of the annual payments to be demanded of Germany on the double basis of liability and capacity. The withdrawal64 of the only country which had no direct interest in reparations from the treaty left the commission a lop-sided and highly prejudiced tribunal. The reparations commission no longer[Pg 201] carries out the treaty idea. Its character has completely changed. It is essential in order to adhere to the Treaty of Versailles that America should have a representative on the tribunal that fixes the payments to be exacted from Germany. The German government now offer to submit the fate of their country to the unaltered clauses of the treaty which was signed in the Galerie des Glaces in June, 1919. France and Belgium have no right in honour to demand submission to any other. Because they insist on enforcing something which is entirely65 different from the contract entered into by them with Germany in 1919, Europe is disquieted66 and international relations are saturated67 with the inflammable spirit of resentment68, hatred69, and revenge. No wonder Marshal Foch is touring Central Europe to put the Allied armies in order! He seems to me to be the one man in France who has an understanding of what all this is leading up to.
London, May 14th, 1923.
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1 resound | |
v.回响 | |
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2 rejection | |
n.拒绝,被拒,抛弃,被弃 | |
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3 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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4 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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5 brutality | |
n.野蛮的行为,残忍,野蛮 | |
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6 betokens | |
v.预示,表示( betoken的第三人称单数 ) | |
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7 promulgate | |
v.宣布;传播;颁布(法令、新法律等) | |
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8 penal | |
adj.刑罚的;刑法上的 | |
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9 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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10 decency | |
n.体面,得体,合宜,正派,庄重 | |
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11 tenor | |
n.男高音(歌手),次中音(乐器),要旨,大意 | |
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12 arrogance | |
n.傲慢,自大 | |
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13 ineptitude | |
n.不适当;愚笨,愚昧的言行 | |
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14 onward | |
adj.向前的,前进的;adv.向前,前进,在先 | |
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15 contentious | |
adj.好辩的,善争吵的 | |
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16 arbitration | |
n.调停,仲裁 | |
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17 stipulates | |
n.(尤指在协议或建议中)规定,约定,讲明(条件等)( stipulate的名词复数 );规定,明确要求v.(尤指在协议或建议中)规定,约定,讲明(条件等)( stipulate的第三人称单数 );规定,明确要求 | |
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18 negotiation | |
n.谈判,协商 | |
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19 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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20 scoff | |
n.嘲笑,笑柄,愚弄;v.嘲笑,嘲弄,愚弄,狼吞虎咽 | |
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21 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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22 alluding | |
提及,暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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23 abject | |
adj.极可怜的,卑屈的 | |
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24 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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25 evacuate | |
v.遣送;搬空;抽出;排泄;大(小)便 | |
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26 liquidated | |
v.清算( liquidate的过去式和过去分词 );清除(某人);清偿;变卖 | |
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27 prodigious | |
adj.惊人的,奇妙的;异常的;巨大的;庞大的 | |
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28 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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29 inflicting | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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30 inadequate | |
adj.(for,to)不充足的,不适当的 | |
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31 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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32 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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33 impasse | |
n.僵局;死路 | |
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34 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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35 chasm | |
n.深坑,断层,裂口,大分岐,利害冲突 | |
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36 perseverance | |
n.坚持不懈,不屈不挠 | |
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37 goodwill | |
n.善意,亲善,信誉,声誉 | |
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38 unconditional | |
adj.无条件的,无限制的,绝对的 | |
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39 prelude | |
n.序言,前兆,序曲 | |
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40 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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41 equities | |
普通股,股票 | |
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42 liquidating | |
v.清算( liquidate的现在分词 );清除(某人);清偿;变卖 | |
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43 peremptorily | |
adv.紧急地,不容分说地,专横地 | |
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44 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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45 contention | |
n.争论,争辩,论战;论点,主张 | |
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46 haven | |
n.安全的地方,避难所,庇护所 | |
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47 recollected | |
adj.冷静的;镇定的;被回忆起的;沉思默想的v.记起,想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48 entanglement | |
n.纠缠,牵累 | |
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49 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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50 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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51 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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52 vexed | |
adj.争论不休的;(指问题等)棘手的;争论不休的问题;烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 );使苦恼;使生气;详细讨论 | |
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53 fretting | |
n. 微振磨损 adj. 烦躁的, 焦虑的 | |
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54 paralysis | |
n.麻痹(症);瘫痪(症) | |
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55 inevitably | |
adv.不可避免地;必然发生地 | |
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56 perplexed | |
adj.不知所措的 | |
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57 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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58 momentous | |
adj.重要的,重大的 | |
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59 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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60 abide | |
vi.遵守;坚持;vt.忍受 | |
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61 emanating | |
v.从…处传出,传出( emanate的现在分词 );产生,表现,显示 | |
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62 abrogation | |
n.取消,废除 | |
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63 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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64 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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65 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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66 disquieted | |
v.使不安,使忧虑,使烦恼( disquiet的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67 saturated | |
a.饱和的,充满的 | |
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68 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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69 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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