That does not, however, preclude6 a calm survey of the elections and their meaning. Quite the contrary, for we must think of the future and prepare for it.
The result of the elections has fully7 justified8 those who maintained that no party standing9 alone could hope to secure the measure of public support which will guarantee stable government. It is true that the Conservatives have succeeded in obtaining the return of a majority of members to the new[Pg 265] Parliament. But the most notable feature of the elections is the return of a decisive majority of members by a very definite minority of the electors.
I observe that the prime minister, in returning thanks to the nation, claims that he has received a vote of confidence from the people of this country. Out of a total poll of fifteen millions his candidates secured less than six million votes. Making full allowance for uncontested seats, this figure cannot be stretched out to a height much above six millions.
That means that only two-fifths of the electorate10 voted confidence in the administration, whilst three-fifths voted confidence in other leaders or groups. A party which has a majority of three millions recorded against it on a national referendum can hardly claim to have received a national vote of confidence.
It might be argued that when the question of confidence or no confidence comes to be stated, the National Liberals having promised co-operation, the votes recorded by them ought not to be placed on the debit11 side of the confidence account. The basis of the appeal made by the National Liberal[Pg 266] candidates for support is practically that stated by me in my Manchester speech:
"The supreme12 task of statesmanship at this hour is the pacification13 of the nations, so that the people shall have leisure to devote themselves to the peaceful avocations14 of life, to fill up the depleted15 reservoirs from which we all draw.
"My course is a clear one. I will support with all my might any government that devotes itself and lends its energy to that task with single-mindedness, fearlessness, and with resolution—provided it does not embark16 upon measures which inflict17 permanent injury upon the country, whether these measures be reactionary18 or revolutionary. That does not mean that I pledge myself to support inefficiency19, vacillation20, or infirmity in any government or in any party. But any government that does not pursue that course I will resist with all my might. That is my policy."
I have perused21 the addresses of many National Liberal candidates and I have addressed many meetings in their constituencies, and I find that their attitude towards the government is defined in these terms, with purely22 verbal variations. The address of Mr. J. D. Gilbert, who won Central[Pg 267] Southwark, is a very fair sample taken out of the bulk:
"If you honour me again with your confidence I will support any progressive measures brought forward by the present government or any other government. I shall not offer factious opposition23 or nagging24 criticism while our country is in difficulties at home or abroad."
There may be one or two who went further, but none expressed confidence.
I have made some inquiries25 as to the number of Conservative votes polled by National Liberal candidates. I am informed that on an average it represents less than one-third of the total. At the last election 167 National Liberal candidates were put up. They polled an aggregate26 of 1,652,823 votes, that is, an average of 9,897 per candidate. What proportion of this vote was Conservative? There is a good practical method of testing this question. In sixty-two seats National Liberals were fought by Conservative as well as by other candidates. In these cases the average vote polled by National Liberals was 6,820. That means that[Pg 268] where the Conservatives supported National Liberal candidates their votes would represent about 30 per cent. of the poll for these candidates. On the other hand, the number of Liberal votes polled by Conservatives, where a compact existed, at least balances this account, for although the total in each constituency does not equal the figures of the Conservative support in National Liberal constituencies, still, that support was spread over many more constituencies.
The prime minister and his chief electioneering manager both emphatically repudiated28 the suggestion that there was any pact27 between Conservatives and National Liberals, and urged that there were only local arrangements made between the candidates of the two parties for their mutual29 convenience.
As the head of the National Liberal group I expressed grave doubts as to the composition of the ministry30, and much apprehension31 as to the language in which its policy was defined. That represents the general attitude of the National Liberals toward the government. Their support, therefore, cannot be claimed in totalling the votes recorded for the government.
[Pg 269]
The fact, therefore, remains32 that those who voted confidence in the government represent only forty per cent. of those who went to the poll and twenty-five per cent. of the total electorate.
I place this fact in the forefront, because it is bound to have a profound effect upon the course of events during—maybe beyond—the lifetime of this parliament. It is the first time, certainly since the Reform Act, that a pronounced minority of the electorate has succeeded in securing the control of parliament and the government of the country.
It would be idle to pretend that in a democratic country like ours, thoroughly33 imbued34 with the spirit of representative government, this does not weaken the moral authority of the government of the day. Therefore, if the government is wise it will bear that fact in mind and will not commit itself to policies which challenge the nine millions who between them represent a majority of the people of this country.
It is not a very good beginning to claim these striking figures as a vote of confidence. I sincerely trust it does not indicate a resolve to ignore, if not to defy, what is an obvious and ought to be a governing factor in the policy of the government.
A corollary to this curious working of our [Pg 270]electoral system is to be found in the under-representation of the other parties in the present parliament, and unless representative government is to be discredited35 altogether, the present parliament ought at once to devote its mind and direct its energies to the discovery of some method and machinery37 which will avert38 the danger which clearly arises from the working of the present system.
The parliament of 1918 undoubtedly39 gave a larger majority to the government than the figures warranted. But the majority of votes cast for government candidates was so overwhelming that under any system of voting there would have been a larger working majority for the government than that which the present government can command. So when trouble arose it was not open to any section of the community to object that the government had no authority because it did not represent the electorate of this country.
We are faced with a new danger to constitutional government. What has happened at this election may be repeated at the next—but not necessarily in favour of the same party.
If we are to be governed by a succession of administrations who rule in spite of the protest of a[Pg 271] majority of the people, the authority of government will be weakened beyond repair.
The luck of the electoral table has this time favoured the Conservatives. Next time it may turn in favour of the Labour Party. They have at this election secured 55 seats out of a total of 141 by a minority of votes.
The conditions were, in many respects, against them. Their funds were exhausted41 by the prolonged period of heavy unemployment. The trade union movement was passing through an ebb42 tide in its prosperity, both in funds and in members. There was a good deal of discontent with the trade union leaders. Many workmen felt they had been let down badly by some of their activities in industrial disputes.
Moreover, Labour has been committed by visionaries to a rash experiment which handicapped it severely43 in the election. Next time may be the spring tide of Labour. They have learnt their lesson at the polls, and are not likely to repeat the blunder of November, 1922.
This time the votes cast for them have attained44 the gigantic aggregate of four millions and a quarter. Supposing under those conditions they add[Pg 272] another two millions to their poll. Although the other groups may secure between them nine millions of votes, Labour may have the same luck as the Conservatives at the last election and be placed in power by a decisive majority of members elected by a minority of votes.
I am not going to speculate as to what may happen under those conditions; the kind of legislation that may be proposed; the action of the House of Lords in reference to it, provoking, as it undoubtedly will, a fierce class conflict; or the turn given to administration in the various departments of government.
Of one thing I am, however, certain. That is, that as a minority administration in 1922 and onwards will help to discredit36 government with certain classes of the community, a minority Labour administration would weaken the respect of other classes for representative government, and between them an atmosphere will be created inimical to the moral authority of all government in this country.
I have many a time warned the public that, in spite of appearances, this country is in many respects very top-heavy. It is over-industrialised. Its means of livelihood45 are in some ways [Pg 273]precarious, and depend on conditions over which we have very little control, and once something happens which may have the effect of causing a lean-over either in one direction or in the other, it will be more difficult to recover than in lands where the population depends in the main for its livelihood upon the cultivation46 of the soil and the development of the natural resources of the country.
I therefore earnestly trust that in the interests of stability and good government, which must be based on the goodwill47 and co-operation of the community as a whole, this parliament will apply its mind seriously to finding some means of preventing a repetition either in one direction or another of this freak of representative government.
Another feature of the election is the heavy vote polled by Liberal candidates in spite of untoward48 circumstances.
Whatever the difficulties of the Labour Party might be in this election they were not comparable to those under which Liberalism fought the campaign. It was divided by bitter internecine49 conflicts. The leaders of one section seemed to be more intent on keeping representatives of the other section out of parliament than on fighting for the [Pg 274]common cause. The bulk of their speeches was devoted50 to attacks on the leaders of the other Liberal group, and there was not much room left for a statement of the Liberal case.
What happened in Manchester is typical. Here the rank and file took the matter in hand and enforced agreement. Lord Grey was brought down to bless it. But the whole of his benedictory speech consisted of a thin and dreary51 drip of querulous comment on the leaders of the other group, with a distinct hint that the return of a Conservative government would be by no means a bad thing in the interests of the country.
The speech was hailed by a Tory journal with the heading "Lord Grey Supports Mr. Bonar Law." He then went straight to support Mr. McKinnon Wood as candidate with a repetition of the same speech. Thence he rushed off to reiterate52 the same performance at Bedford in support of Lady Lawson, and he finished off by reciting it for two days at meetings in support of Mr. Walter Runciman.
No wonder that he succeeded in damping Liberal enthusiasm to such an extent that his unfortunate protégés surprised even their opponents in the poverty of the support given them at the polls.
[Pg 275]
As soon as the coalition53 broke up the leaders of this Liberal section met to consider the situation. The one positive result of their deliberations was not the issue of a ringing appeal for unity40 on the basis of Liberal principles, but a peevish54 intimation through the press that efforts at unity were to be discouraged at the election. It was clearly ordained55 that the Coalition Liberals should be crushed out. The Conservatives spurned56 them, and the Independent Liberals gave notice that they had no use for them. They were destined57 for extinction58. Lord Crewe's speech proceeded on the same lines. May I say how sincerely I rejoice in the tribute to the "amateur diplomatist" which is implied in the conferring by a Conservative government of the blue ribbon of diplomacy59 upon the leader of the Independent Liberals in the House of Lords?
This precipitate60 and lamentable61 decision lost at least forty Liberal seats, gave to the Conservatives their majority, and what is equally important established the Labour Party as His Majesty's official Opposition in the House of Commons. The latter is much the most serious practical result of the decisions of the Independent leaders to debar united action at the last election. If Liberals had[Pg 276] united when the Coalition came to an end, Liberalism might have polled five million votes. It would have now held a powerful second position in parliament, and the country and the nation would have looked to it in the future as it has hitherto done in the past for the alternative to "Toryism." Instead of that it is a poor split third. How could they expect to win at the polls? The National Liberals were pursued into their constituencies. Thirty-five National Liberal seats were assailed62 by Independent Liberal candidates. I am not making a complaint, but offering an explanation. Whatever the views of the National Liberal leaders might have been on the subject of Liberal unity they were given no chance to effect it, and although they entered into no national compact with the Conservatives their followers63 in certain areas had no option but to negotiate local arrangements with the Conservatives for mutual support. The implacable attitude of the Independent Liberals left them no choice in the matter.
What was the inevitable64 result? No real fight was put up for Liberal principles on either side. The Independent Liberals were tangled65 by the personal preoccupation of their leaders. They had[Pg 277] accumulated enormous dumps of ammunition66 for the day of battle on the assumption that the main attack would be on the Coalition Liberals, and, although the Conservatives now lined the opposite trenches67, anger dominated strategy, and the guns were still fired at their old foes68, whilst the Tory government was only bombarded with bouquets69. On the other hand, the National Liberal leaders were embarrassed by the engagements into which their followers had been driven by the action of the Independent Liberal leaders and the two warring factions70.
The National Liberals, in spite of their enormous difficulties, have not been exterminated71. I am not going to enter into a barren inquiry72 as to whether their numbers are or are not greater than those of Mr. Asquith's followers. Let it be assumed that they are equal. The marvel73 is that under these fratricidal conditions so many Liberals of any complexion74 have been returned.
I am not setting forth75 these unhappy facts in order to prolong the controversy76 which has poisoned Liberalism for years, but in order to call attention to the vitality77 which, in spite of these depressing conditions, can bring up 4,100,000 voters to the[Pg 278] polls. Electorally Liberalism is the balancing power, and if it casts its united strength against either reaction or subversion78 its influence must be decisive, whatever the composition of this parliament may be.
It is common knowledge that the Independent Liberals confidently anticipated the return of at least 120 members of their group. The fact that they only succeeded in securing the return of about fifty is naturally to them a source of deep disappointment.
If the failure of high hopes leads to contemplation of the real causes of that failure and a sincere desire is manifested to substitute co-operation for conflict my colleagues and I will welcome it. We cannot force our society on an unwilling79 company.
During the campaign I repeatedly expressed the hope that one outcome of this election would be to bring moderate men of progressive outlook in all parties to see the wisdom of acting80 together.
But progressive minds are by no means confined to the Liberal party. I have met and worked with them in the Conservative party, and the election will have taught many men and women in the Labour party that violent and extravagant81 proposals[Pg 279] impede82 progress. If the limits are not too narrowly drawn83, this parliament may witness the effective association of men of many parties who are genuinely concerned in the advancement84 of mankind along the paths of peace and progress for the attainment85 of their common ideals. If that end is achieved, the coming years will not be spent in vain.
One word as to the National Liberals. When the dissolution came no party was ever placed in a more embarrassing and even desperate situation.
The Conservatives have at their disposal a great political machine. The Labour party could command the support of all the trade unions, with their elaborate machinery for organising the wage-earning population. The Independent Liberals had in England and in Scotland captured the Liberal machine almost in its entirety, and had spent six years in perfecting it, their leaders having no other occupation.
The National Liberal leaders inherited no political machinery, and were too preoccupied86 with great world affairs to be able to devote any time to the improvisation87 of an effective new organisation88.
[Pg 280]
Conservatives, Independent Liberals, and Labour all alike attacked National Liberal seats where they thought any advantage might be gained for their respective parties by doing so. The Conservatives only refrained from attack in cases where they thought there was more to be gained by arrangement. There was a great volume of popular sentiment behind our group. I visited Britain, north, south, east, west, and I have never witnessed such crowds nor such enthusiasm at any electoral contest in which I have ever taken part; but there was no organisation to convert acclamation into electoral power, and you could not build up a vast political machine in three weeks. Our supporters were not provided with an opportunity to test their strength in two-thirds of the constituencies. In nearly three hundred constituencies they could not do so without impairing89 the chances of Liberal candidates. A compact with Conservatives ruled them out of others.
It is a wonder that, in spite of these adverse90 and even paralysing conditions our numbers are twice those of the Independent Liberals in 1918.
We have now for the first time full opportunity for placing our case and point of view before the[Pg 281] country and organising support for them. It is our duty to do so.
Every month will contribute its justification91 for the course we have hitherto pursued, and for the counsel we have steadfastly92 given to a country struggling through abnormal difficulties.
London, November 20th, 1922.
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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preclude
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| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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electorate
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| n.全体选民；选区 | |
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debit
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| n.借方，借项，记人借方的款项 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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depleted
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| adj. 枯竭的, 废弃的 动词deplete的过去式和过去分词 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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vacillation
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perused
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的过去式和过去分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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purely
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opposition
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nagging
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| adj.唠叨的，挑剔的；使人不得安宁的v.不断地挑剔或批评（某人）( nag的现在分词 )；不断地烦扰或伤害（某人）；无休止地抱怨；不断指责 | |
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inquiries
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aggregate
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pact
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| n.合同，条约，公约，协定 | |
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repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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mutual
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ministry
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apprehension
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remains
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thoroughly
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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discredited
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discredit
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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avert
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undoubtedly
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unity
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exhausted
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ebb
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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dreary
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reiterate
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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peevish
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| adj.易怒的，坏脾气的 | |
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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spurned
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| v.一脚踢开，拒绝接受( spurn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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diplomacy
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precipitate
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lamentable
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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bouquets
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| n.花束( bouquet的名词复数 )；（酒的）芳香 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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preoccupied
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| adj.全神贯注的，入神的；被抢先占有的；心事重重的v.占据（某人）思想，使对…全神贯注，使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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improvisation
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| n.即席演奏(或演唱)；即兴创作 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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impairing
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| v.损害，削弱( impair的现在分词 ) | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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steadfastly
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| adv.踏实地，不变地；岿然；坚定不渝 | |
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