The first was the spectacle of a crowded House of Commons nearly thirty years ago. When the doors were opened for prayers there was the unwonted sight of a throng4 of hustling5 M.P.'s pressing through the swing doors to secure seats. I need hardly say this was not the symptom or the outcome of any religious revival6 amongst our legislators. It was entirely7 due to the ancient custom that confers upon a member occupying a seat at[Pg 340] prayers the unchallengeable right to that seat for the rest of the sitting. Rows of chairs were arrayed on the floor of the House. That was an innovation never since followed. What was it all about? There sat in the middle of the Treasury8 bench huddled9 up and almost hidden by more stalwart and upright figures an old man of 83 years, to all appearances in the last stage of physical decrepitude10 and mental lassitude. His name was William Ewart Gladstone, the greatest parliamentary gladiator of all time. The lifelong champion of oppressed nationalities was to-day to inaugurate his final effort to give freedom to the Irish race trodden for centuries by ruthless force. The last remnant of his strength was to be consecrated to the achievement of Irish liberty, and hundreds of eager legislators to whom Peel and Russell, Palmerston and Disraeli were but historical names, were avid11 competitors for seats from which they could better listen to a man who had sat in governments with the first three and crossed swords with the fourth. It was a memorable12 sight.
The preliminary questions which precede all parliamentary business were by common consent postponed13, and a deep and solemn silence thrilling with[Pg 341] expectancy14 fell upon the humming assembly as Mr. Speaker Peel in his sonorous15 voice called out "the Prime Minister." The inert16 heap which was the centre of all gaze sprang to the table an erect17 and alert figure. The decrepitude was cast off like a cloak—the lassitude vanished as by a magician's wand, the shoulders were thrown back, the chest was thrown forward, and in deep, ringing tones full of music and force the proposed new Irish charter was expounded18 for three unwearying hours by the transfigured octogenarian rejuvenated19 by the magic of an inspired soul. I had a seat just opposite the great orator20. I was one of the multitude who on that occasion listened with marvel21 to that feat22 of intellectual command and physical endurance. It was more than that. It was an unrivalled display of moral courage, rare in political conflict. Mr. Gladstone had only just emerged out of a general election where, in spite of six years of his eloquent23 advocacy, the voice of Great Britain had declared emphatically against his Irish policy, and the poor parliamentary majority at his back was made up out of the preponderating24 Irish vote in favour of Home Rule. He was confronted with the most formidable parliamentary opposition25 ever ranged[Pg 342] against a minister, redoubtable26 in debating quality, still more redoubtable in its hold on British pride. He was eighty-three years of age, but he never quailed27, and through the sultry summer months of 1893 he fought night by night with mighty28 strokes the battle of Irish emancipation29. He did not live to carry the cause through to victory, but he planted the banner so firmly in the soil that no assault could succeed in tearing it down, and on the day when I stood with Mr. Bonar Law at the bar of the House of Lords I saw this banner flourished in triumph from the steps of the throne by a unionist Lord Chancellor30. That was the first memory that flashed through my brain.
The next was of a dreary31 December night just one year ago when on one side of the Cabinet table in 10 Downing Street sat four representatives of Great Britain and on the other five Irish leaders. It was the famous room wherein British cabinets have for generations forged their Irish policies. Coercion32 and concession33 alike issued from that chamber. Pitt's Act of union was discussed there, and so were Gladstone's Home Rule bills, the decision to use British soldiers to throw Irish tenants35 out of their houses with battering36 ram37 and torch[Pg 343] and equally the bill which made every Irish tenant34 lord and master of his home at the expense of the British treasury—all issued forth38 from this simple and unadorned council chamber. And now came the final treaty of peace. Would it be signed? It was an anxious moment charged with destiny for the two great races who confronted each other at that green table.
The British representatives who were associated with me on the occasion were Mr. Austen Chamberlain; [I recall now how he sat by the side of his doughty39 father, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, in 1893, during the famous nightly duel40 between him and Mr. Gladstone. How strangely little thirty arduous41 years have changed his personal appearance!] Lord Birkenhead, who, in 1893 was carving42 for himself a brilliant career as a student at Oxford43 and as a debater in the union; Mr. Winston Churchill who was then a cadet at Sandhurst whilst his father was engaged in the last great parliamentary struggle of his dazzling but tragic44 career; Sir Gordon Hewart, now Lord Hewart, the man who has risen on the pinions45 of a powerful intelligence to the height of Lord Chief Justice of England. My recollection is that the other two British [Pg 344]delegates—Sir Laming46 Worthington-Evans and Sir Hamar Greenwood—were stricken with illness and were unable to be present. After weeks of close investigation47 the climax48 of decision had been reached. Britain had gone to the limit of concession. No British statesman could have faced any assembly of his countrymen had he appended his signature to a convention that placed Ireland outside that fraternity of free nations known as the British Empire or freed her from that bond of union which is represented by a common fealty49 to the sovereign. It is not easy to interpret the potency50 of this invisible bond to those who are brought up to venerate51 other systems. It is nevertheless invincible52. Would the Irish leaders have the courage to make peace on the only conditions under which peace was attainable—liberty within the Empire?
Opposite me sat a dark, short, but sturdy figure with the face of a thinker. That was Mr. Arthur Griffith, the most un-Irish leader that ever led Ireland, quiet to the point of gentleness, reserved almost to the point of appearing saturnine53. A man of laconic54 utterance55, he answered in monosyllables where most men would have considered an oratorical56 deliverance to be demanded by the dignity of[Pg 345] the occasion. But we found in our few weeks' acquaintance that his yea was yea and his nay57 meant nay. He led the Irish deputation. He was asked whether he would sign. In his abrupt58, staccato manner he replied, "Speaking on my own behalf I mean to sign."
By his side sat a handsome young Irishman. No one could mistake his nationality. He was Irish through and through, in every respect a contrast to his taciturn neighbour. Vivacious59, buoyant, highly strung, gay, impulsive60, but passing readily from gaiety to grimness and back again to gaiety, full of fascination61 and charm—but also of dangerous fire. That was Michael Collins, one of the most courageous62 leaders ever produced by a valiant63 race. Nevertheless he hesitated painfully when the quiet and gentle little figure on his left had taken his resolve. Both saw the shadow of doom64 clouding over that fateful paper—their own doom. They knew that the pen which affixed65 their signature at the same moment signed their death-warrant. The little man saw beyond his own fall Ireland rising out of her troubles a free nation and that sufficed for him. Michael Collins was not appalled66 by the spectre of death, but he had the Irishman's fear of[Pg 346] encountering that charge which comes so readily to the lips of the oppressed—that of having succumbed67 to alien wile68 and betrayed their country. Patriots69 who cheerfully face the tyrant's steel lose their nerve before that dread70 accusation71. It was the first time Michael Collins ever showed fear. It was also the last. I knew the reason why he halted, although he never uttered a word which revealed his mind, and I addressed my appeal to an effort to demonstrate how the treaty gave Ireland more than Daniel O'Connell and Parnell had ever hoped for, and how his countrymen would be ever grateful to him not only for the courage which won such an offer, but for the wisdom that accepted it.
He asked for a few hours to consider, promising72 a reply by nine o'clock. Nine passed, but the Irish leaders did not return. Ten. Eleven, and they were not yet back. We had doubts as to whether we should see them again. Then came a message from the secretary of the Irish delegation73 that they were on their way to Downing Street. When they marched in it was clear from their faces that they had come to a great decision after a prolonged struggle. But there were still difficulties to overcome—they were, however, difficulties not of [Pg 347]principle but of detail. These were discussed in a businesslike way, and soon after one o'clock in the morning the treaty was complete. A friendly chat full of cheerful goodwill74 occupied the time whilst the stenographers were engaged in copying the draft so disfigured with the corrections, interpolations and additions, each of which represented so many hours of hammering discussion.
Outside in the lobby sat a man who had used all the resources of an ingenious and well-trained mind backed by a tenacious75 will to wreck76 every endeavour to reach agreement—Mr. Erskine Childers, a man whose slight figure, whose kindly77, refined and intellectual countenance78, whose calm and courteous79 demeanour offered no clue to the fierce passions which raged inside his breast. At every crucial point in the negotiations80 he played a sinister81 part. He was clearly Mr. de Valera's emissary, and faithfully did he fulfil the trust reposed82 in him by that visionary. Every draft that emanated83 from his pen—and all the first drafts were written by him—challenged every fundamental position to which the British delegates were irrevocably committed. He was one of those men who by temperament84 are incapable85 of compromise. Brave and resolute86 he [Pg 348]undoubtedly was, but unhappily for himself he was also rigid87 and fanatical. When we walked out of the room where we had sat for hours together, worn with tense and anxious labour, but all happy that our great task of reconciliation88 had been achieved, we met Mr. Erskine Childers outside sullen89 with disappointment and compressed wrath90 at what he conceived to be the surrender of principles he had fought for.
I never saw him after that morning. Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith I met repeatedly after the signature of the treaty, to discuss the many obstacles that surged up in the way of its execution, and I acquired for both a great affection. Poor Collins was shot by one of his own countrymen on a bleak91 Irish roadside, whilst he was engaged in restoring to the country he had loved so well the order and good government which alone enables nations to enjoy the blessings92 of freedom. Arthur Griffith died worn out by anxiety and toil93 in the cause he had done so much to carry to the summit of victory. Erskine Childers was shot at dawn for rebellion against the liberties he had helped to win.
Truly the path of Irish freedom right up to the goal is paved with tragedy. But the bloodstained[Pg 349] wilderness94 is almost through, the verdant95 plains of freedom are stretched before the eyes of this tortured nation. Ireland will soon honour the name of the Green Isle96, and I am proud to have had a hand in erecting97 the pillar which will for ever mark the boundary between the squalor of the past and the hope of the future.
London, December 16th, 1922.
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1
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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hustling
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| 催促（hustle的现在分词形式） | |
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revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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decrepitude
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| n.衰老；破旧 | |
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avid
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| adj.热心的；贪婪的；渴望的；劲头十足的 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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expectancy
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| n.期望，预期，（根据概率统计求得）预期数额 | |
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sonorous
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| adj.响亮的，回响的；adv.圆润低沉地；感人地；n.感人，堂皇 | |
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inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rejuvenated
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| 更生的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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21
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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23
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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24
preponderating
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的现在分词 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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quailed
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| 害怕，发抖，畏缩( quail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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30
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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battering
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| n.用坏，损坏v.连续猛击( batter的现在分词 ) | |
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ram
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| (random access memory)随机存取存储器 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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41
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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42
carving
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| n.雕刻品，雕花 | |
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43
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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45
pinions
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| v.抓住[捆住]（双臂）( pinion的第三人称单数 ) | |
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46
laming
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| 瘸的( lame的现在分词 )； 站不住脚的； 差劲的； 蹩脚的 | |
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47
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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48
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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49
fealty
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| n.忠贞，忠节 | |
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50
potency
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| n. 效力，潜能 | |
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51
venerate
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| v.尊敬，崇敬，崇拜 | |
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52
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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53
saturnine
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| adj.忧郁的，沉默寡言的，阴沉的，感染铅毒的 | |
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54
laconic
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| adj.简洁的；精练的 | |
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55
utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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56
oratorical
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| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
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57
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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58
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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59
vivacious
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| adj.活泼的，快活的 | |
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60
impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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61
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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62
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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63
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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64
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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65
affixed
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| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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66
appalled
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| v.使惊骇，使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的；丧胆的 | |
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67
succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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68
wile
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| v.诡计，引诱；n.欺骗，欺诈 | |
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patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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70
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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71
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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72
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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73
delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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75
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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76
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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78
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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80
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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81
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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82
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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84
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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85
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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86
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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87
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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88
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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89
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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90
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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91
bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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92
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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93
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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94
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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95
verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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96
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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97
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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