1. Did we of Britain treat our prisoners of war with the brutality4 alleged5 by foreign writers almost without exception?
2. Did our Government sin in this respect more than did other Governments in their treatment of the prisoners taken from us?
As an Englishman I much regret to say in reply to the first question, that, after a very rigorous examination of authorities and weighing of evidence, and making allowance for the not unnatural6 exaggeration and embellishment by men smarting under deprivation8 of liberty, I find that foreigners have not unduly9 emphasized the brutality with which we treated a large proportion of our prisoners of war, and I am fairly confident that after a study of the following pages my readers will agree with me.
Between our treatment of prisoners on parole and in confinement11 on land, and foreign treatment of our countrymen similarly situated12, the difference, if any, is very slight, but nothing comparable with the English prison-ship system existed anywhere else, except at Cadiz after the battle of Baylen in 1808, and to the end of time this abominable13, useless, and indefensible system will remain a stain upon our national record.
In reply to the second question, the balance appears to be fairly even between the behaviour of our own and foreign Governments—at any rate, between ours and that of France—for Britain and France practically monopolize14 the consideration of our subject; the number of prisoners taken by and from the 2United States, Spain, Holland, Denmark, and other countries, is comparatively insignificant15.
Each Government accused the other. Each Government defended itself. Each Government could bring forward sufficient evidence to condemn16 the other. Each Government, judging by the numerous official documents which may be examined, seems really to have aimed at treating its prisoners as humanely17 and as liberally as circumstances would allow. Each Government was badly served by just those sections of its subordinates which were in the closest and most constant contact with the prisoners. It is impossible to read the printed and written regulations of the two Governments with regard to the treatment of war-prisoners without being impressed by their justness, fairness, and even kindness. The French rules published in 1792, for instance, are models of humane18 consideration; they emphatically provided that foreign prisoners were to be treated exactly as French soldiers in the matter of sustenance19, lodging20, and care when sick.
All this was nullified by the behaviour of subordinates. It is equally impossible to read the personal narratives21 of British prisoners in France and of French prisoners in Britain without being convinced that the good wills of the two Governments availed little against the brutality, the avarice22, and the dishonesty of the officials charged with the carrying out of the benevolent23 instructions.
It may be urged that Governments which really intended to act fairly would have taken care that they were suitably served. So we think to-day. But it must always be borne in mind that the period covered in this book—from 1756 to 1815—cannot be judged by the light of to-day. It was an age of corruption25 from the top to the bottom of society, and it is not to be wondered at that, if Ministers and Members of Parliament, and officers of every kind—naval26, military, and civil—were as essentially27 objects of sale and purchase as legs of mutton and suits of clothes, the lower orders of men in authority, those who were in most direct touch with the prisoners of war, should not have been immune from the contagion28.
Most exactly, too, must it be remembered by the commentator29 of to-day that the age was not only corrupt24, but hard and 3brutal; that beneath the veneer30 of formal politeness of manner there was an indifference31 to human suffering, and a general rudeness of tastes and inclinations32, which make the gulf33 separating us from the age of Trafalgar wider than that which separated the age of Trafalgar from that of the Tudors.
It is hard to realize that less than a century ago certain human beings—free-born Britons—were treated in a fashion which to-day if it was applied34 to animals would raise a storm of protest from John o’ Groats to the Land’s End: that the fathers of some of us who would warmly resent the aspersion35 of senility were subject to rules and restrictions36 such as we only apply to children and idiots; that at the date of Waterloo the efforts of Howard and Mrs. Fry had borne but little fruit in our prisons; and that thirty years were yet to pass ere the last British slave became a free man. Unfortunates were regarded as criminals, and treated accordingly, and the man whose only crime was that he had fought for his country, received much the same consideration as the idiot gibbering on the straw of Bedlam37.
It could not be expected that an age which held forgery38 and linen-stealing to be capital offences; which treated freely-enlisted sailors and soldiers as animals, civil offenders40 as lunatics, and lunatics as dangerous criminals; of which the social life is fairly reflected in the caricatures of Gillray and Rowlandson; which extolled41 much conduct which to-day we regard as base and contemptible42 as actually deserving of praise and admiration43, should be tenderly disposed towards thousands of foreigners whose enforced detention44 in the land added millions to taxation45, and caused a constant menace to life and property.
So, clearly bearing in mind the vast differences between our age and that covered in these pages, let us examine some of the recriminations between Britain and France, chiefly on the question of the treatment of prisoners of war, as a preparation for a more minute survey of the life of these unfortunates among us, and an equitable46 judgement thereon.
In Britain, prisoners of war were attended to by ‘The Commissioners48 for taking care of sick and wounded seamen49 and for exchanging Prisoners of War’, colloquially50 known as ‘The Sick 4and Hurt’ Office, whose business was, ‘To see the sick and wounded seamen and prisoners were well cared for, to keep exact accounts of money issued to the receiver, to disburse51 in the most husbandly manner, and in all things to act as their judgements and the necessities of the service should require.’ John Evelyn, Samuel Pepys, and Home, the author of Douglas, had been Commissioners. On December 22, 1799, the care of prisoners of war was transferred to the Transport Office, and so remained until 1817. In 1819 the Victualling Office took over the duty.
Throughout the period of the Seven Years’ War—that is, from 1756 to 1763—there was a constant interchange of letters upon the subject of the treatment of prisoners of war. The French king had made it a rule to distribute monthly, from his private purse, money for the benefit of his subjects who were prisoners in Britain; this was called the Royal Bounty52. It was applied not merely to the relief and comfort of the prisoners while in confinement, but also to the payment of their homeward passages when exchanged, and of certain dues levied54 on them by the British Government upon entering and leaving the country. The payment was made on a graduated scale, according to rank, by regularly appointed French agents in England, whose exact and beautifully kept accounts may be examined at the Archives Nationales in Paris.
This Royal Bounty, the French Government asserted, had been inspired by the continual complaints about the bad treatment of their countrymen, prisoners of war in England. To this it was replied that when the French prisoners arrived it was determined56 and arranged that they should have exactly the same victualling both in quality and quantity as British seamen, and this was actually increased by half a pound of bread per man per diem over the original allowance. It was asserted that all the provisions issued were good, although the bread was not always fresh baked. This should be remedied. The meat was the same in quality as that served out to British seamen—indeed it was better, for orders were issued that the prisoners should have fresh meat every meat day (six in the week) whereas British seamen had it only twice a week, and sometimes not so often.
5The Commissioners of the Admiralty expressed their difficulty in believing that the French prisoners were really in need of aid from France, but said that if such aid was forthcoming it should be justly distributed by appointed agents.
They appended a Table d’Avitaillement to this effect:
Every day except Saturday every man received one and a half pounds of bread, three-quarters of a pound of beef, and one quart of beer. On Saturday instead of the beef he got four ounces of butter or six ounces of cheese. Four times a week each man was allowed in addition half a pint57 of peas.
For money allowance officers of men-of-war received one shilling a day, officers of privateers and merchant ships sixpence. These officers were on parole, and in drawing up their report the Admiralty officials remark that, although they have to regret very frequent breaches58 of parole, their standard of allowances remains59 unchanged.
With regard to the prison accommodation for the rank and file, at Portchester Castle, Forton Prison (Portsmouth), Millbay Prison (Plymouth), the men slept on guard-beds, two feet six inches in breadth, six feet in length, provided with a canvas case filled with straw and a coverlid. Sick prisoners were treated precisely60 as were British.
At Exeter, Liverpool, and Sissinghurst—‘a mansion61 house in Kent lately fitted up for prisoners’—the men slept in hammocks, each with a flock bed, a blanket, and a coverlid.
All this reads excellently, but from the numberless complaints made by prisoners, after due allowance has been made for exaggeration, I very much doubt if the poor fellows received their full allowance or were lodged62 as represented.
This was in 1757. As a counterblast to the French remonstrances63, our Admiralty complained bitterly of the treatment accorded to British prisoners in French prisons, especially that at Dinan. We quote the reply of De Moras, the French Administrator65, for comparison. The French scale of provisioning prisoners was as follows:
On Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, and Thursday each prisoner received one and a half pounds of bread, one pint of beer at least, one pound of good, fresh meat, well cooked, consisting of beef, mutton, or veal66, ‘without heads and feet’, soup, salt, and 6vinegar. On Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday, and ‘maigre’ days, half a pound of beans or peas well cooked and seasoned, and two ounces of butter. The same allowance was made in all prisons, except that in some wine took the place of beer.
The Administrator complained that he had great difficulty in getting contractors68 for provisioning prisoners—a fact not without significance when we note how eagerly the position of contractor67 for prisoners of war was competed for in England.
De Moras further stated that prisoners when sick were sent to the regular Service Hospitals, where they received the same attention as Frenchmen. Each officer prisoner received a money allowance of thirty sous—one shilling and threepence—a day, and renewed clothing when needed.
The following remonstrance64, dated 1758, is one of many relating to alleged British peculation69 in the matter of the French Royal Bounty.
‘Plusieurs Fran?ais enfermés dans le chateau70 de Portchester représentent l’excessive longueur de leur détention et ont fait conno?tre une man?uvre qui les prive d’un secours en argent que le Roy leur fait donner tous les mois; après avoir changé l’or et l’argent qui leur a été donné pour une monnoie de cuivre nommée half pens on en a arrêté le cours et on les a mis dans l’impossibilité de jouir du soulagement que le Roy avoit voulu leur accorder.’
Commenting upon this De Moras adds:
‘Je suis instruit que les chatiments les plus rigoureux sont employés à l’égard des Fran?ais prisonniers pour la faute la plus légère et que celui qui cherche à s’évader est chargé de fers, mis en cachot, et perd toute espérance de liberté. Je sais que quelques paroles inconsidérées lachées contre votre agent à Portsmouth ont excité sa colère au point de faire dépouiller 150 Fran?ais et de leur faire donner la bastonnade avec si peu de ménagements que quelques-uns sont morts des suites71 de cette barbare punition. Quant à la nourriture elle est assés décriée par10 tous les Fran?ais qui reviennent d’Angleterre, et il est vray que si on leur distribue souvent du biscuit aussy mal fabriqué que celuy que quelques-uns d’eux out raporté, et que j’ay veu, l’usage n’en peut estre que désagréable et pernicieux. Ils disent aussy que la viande ne vaut pas mieux, et qu’il en est de même de toutes les espèces de denrées.
‘Je ne l’attribue qu’à l’infidélité et à l’avidité des entrepreneurs.’
7In 1758, as a reply to complaints made to the British Government about the treatment of prisoners at Portchester, a report to the following effect was made by De Kergan, an officer of the French East India Company on parole.
1. The chief punishment is the cachot, which is wholesomely73 situated above ground near the entrance gate. It is untrue that prisoners are placed there in irons.
2. Prisoners recaptured after escape are put in the cachot upon half-rations74 until the expenses of recapture and the reward paid for the same are made up, but prisoners are never deprived of the French King’s Bounty or debarred the market.
3. Only three men have lost everything as a result of recapture: one was a lieutenant75 who had broken parole from Petersfield; the others were two sailors who defended themselves against Hambledon people who tried to capture them, and killed one.
5. The biscuit sent to M. de Moras as a specimen77 of the prison food did not come from Portchester.
6. He reports well upon the food served out to the prisoners.
7. All complaints are listened to.
From the fact that De Kergan was shortly afterwards allowed to go home to France with his servant, it is difficult to resist the conclusion that it had been ‘arranged’ by the British authorities that he should have been selected to make the above report under promise of reward.
De Moras adds that although the number of English prisoners multiplies continually, it is owing to the slackness of exchange. On the part of France, he declares that they are all well treated, and asserts that the balance of prisoners due to France is 800. Complaints from France about the non-distribution of the King’s Bounty are continued during the year 1758 and the following years, and a proposal is made that agents should be stationed in each county to attend solely78 to the proper arrangement and distribution of all charitable contributions, for the benefit of the prisoners.
‘C’est le seul moyen,’ says De Moras, ‘qui puisse faire go?ter 8aux officiers et aux soldats que le sort des armes a privés de la liberté quelqu’apparence des avantages de la Paix au milieu79 même des malheurs de la guerre.’
More complaints from our side brought an answer in which lay the kernel80 of the whole matter: ‘L’exactitude des inférieurs demande à estre souvent réveillée.’
In 1759 the care of the French prisoners in England practically devolved entirely81 upon us, as their Government unaccountably withdrew all support. The natural consequence was that their condition became pitiable in the extreme—so much so that public subscriptions82 were opened on behalf of the poor fellows. A London Committee sat at the Crown and Anchor in the Strand84, and the sum of ￡7,000 was collected. With this sum were sent to different prisons 3,131 great coats, 2,034 waistcoats, 3,185 pairs of shoes, 3,054 pairs of breeches, 6,146 shirts, 3,006 caps, and 3,134 pairs of stockings. Letters of grateful acknowledgement and thanks were received from most of the dép?ts. The following will serve as a specimen.
‘Cornwall Man-of-War at Chatham, 13.1.1760.
‘Nous les prisonniers de guerre à bord du vaisseau du Roi le “Cornwall”, dans la rivière de Chatham, reconnoissons d’avoir re?u chacun par les mains de notre bon commandant Guillaume Lefebre des hardes, consistant d’un surtout, une chemise, un bonnet85, une paire de bas, de souliers et de coulottes. Nous prions MM. les Anglais qui out eu cette bonté pour infortunés presque dépourvus auparavant de quoi se garantir de la sévérité de la saison, et de grandes souffrances par le froid, d’être persuadés de notre vive reconnoissance qui ne s’oubliera pas.’
The letter of thanks from Sissinghurst contains excuses for some men who had sold the clothes thus supplied for urgent necessaries, such as tobacco and the postage of letters, and praying for the remission of their punishment by being put on half-rations. From Helston, the collector, W. Sandys, wrote that ‘in spite of vulgar prejudices which were opposed to this charity, and the violent clamours raised against it by the author of a letter who threw on its promoters the accumulated reproach of Traitors86, Jacobites and Enemies to their country,’ he sent ￡32.
9It was in allusion87 to the above act of public benevolence88 that Goldsmith wrote in the twenty-third letter of the Citizen of the World: ‘When I cast my eye over the list of those who contributed on this occasion, I find the names almost entirely English; scarce one foreigner appears among the number.... I am particularly struck with one who writes these words upon the paper enclosing his benefaction: “The mite89 of an Englishman, a citizen of the world, to Frenchmen, prisoners of war, and naked.”’
Even abroad this kindly90 spirit was appreciated, as appears from the following extract from a contemporary Brussels gazette:
‘The animosity of the English against the French decreases. They are now supposed to hate only those French who are in arms. A subscription83 is opened in the several towns and countries for clothing the French prisoners now in England, and the example has been followed in the capital.’
In 1760 the French Government thus replied to complaints on our side about the ill-treatment of British prisoners at Brest.
‘The castle at Brest has a casemate 22 feet high, 22 feet broad, and 82 long. It is very dry, having been planked especially and has large windows. Prisoners are allowed to go out from morning till evening in a large “meadow” [probably an ironical91 fancy name for the exercising yard, similar to the name of “Park” given to the open space on the prison hulks]. They have the same food as the men on the Royal ships: 8 ounces of meat—a small measure but equal to the English prison ration7—the same wine as on the Royal ships, which is incomparably superior to the small beer of England. Every day an examination of the prisoners is made by the Commissioner47 of the Prison, an interpreter and a representative of the prisoners. Bedding straw is changed every fifteen days, exactly as in the Royal Barracks.’
Here it is clear that the Frenchman did exactly as the Englishman had done. Having to give a reply to a complaint he copied out the Regulation and sent it, a formal piece of humbug92 which perhaps deceived and satisfied such men in the street as bothered their heads about the fate of their countrymen, but which left the latter in exactly the same plight93 as before.
10At any rate, with or without foundation, the general impression in England at this time, about 1760, was that such Englishmen as were unfortunate enough to fall into French hands were very badly treated. Beatson in his Naval and Military Memoirs[1] says:
‘The enemy having swarms94 of small privateers at sea, captured no less than 330 of the British ships.... It is to be lamented95 that some of their privateers exercised horrid96 barbarities on their prisoners, being the crews of such ships as had presumed to make resistance, and who were afterwards obliged to submit: Conduct that would have disgraced the most infamous97 pirate; and it would have redounded98 much to the credit of the Court of France to have made public examples of those who behaved in this manner. I am afraid, likewise, that there was but too much reason for complaint of ill-treatment to the British subjects, even after they were landed in France and sent to prison. Of this, indeed, several affidavits99 were made by the sufferers when they returned to England.
‘On the contrary, the conduct of Great Britain was a striking example of their kindness and humanity to such unfortunate persons as were made prisoners of war. The prisons were situated in wholesome72 places, and subject to public inspection100, and the prisoners had every favour shown them that prudence101 would admit of. From the greatness of their number, it is true, they frequently remained long in confinement before they could be exchanged in terms of the cartel, by which their clothes were reduced to a very bad state, many of them, indeed, almost naked, and suffered much from the inclemency102 of the weather. No sooner, however, was their miserable103 condition in this respect made known, than subscriptions for their relief were opened at several of the principal banking-houses in London, by which very great sums were procured105, and immediately applied in purchasing necessaries for those who stood in the greatest need of them.
‘The bad state of the finances of France did not permit that kingdom to continue the allowance they formerly106 granted for the maintenance of their subjects who might become prisoners of war; but the nation who had acquired so much glory in overcoming them, had also the generosity107 to maintain such of these unfortunate men as were in her power at the public expense.’
11The American prisoners conveyed to England during the War of Independence, seem to have been regarded quite as unworthy of proper treatment. On April 2, 1777, Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane wrote from Paris to Lord Stormont, British Ambassador in Paris, on the subject of the ill-treatment of American prisoners in England, and said that severe reprisals108 would be justifiable109. On this a writer in the Gentleman’s Magazine, October 1777, commented:
‘It must certainly be a matter of some difficulty to dispose of such a number of prisoners as are daily taken from captured American privateers; some of whom have from 100 to 300 men on board, few less than 70 or 80; against whom the Americans can have no adequate number to exchange.... Were the privateersmen, therefore, to be treated as prisoners of war, our gaols110 would be too few to hold them. What then is to be done? Not indeed to load them with chains, or force them with stripes, famine, or other cruelties, as the letter charges, to enlist39 in Government service; but to allow them the same encouragement with other subjects to enter on board the King’s ships, and then they would have no plea to complain of hard usage.’
The letter referred to, sent on by Stormont to Lord North, contained the chief grievance111 that ‘stripes had been inflicted112 on some to make them commit the deepest of all crimes—the fighting against the liberties of their country’. The reply to this was the stereotyped113 one ‘that all possible was done for the prisoners: that they were permitted to receive charitable donations, and that complaints were attended to promptly’. A contemporary number of the London Packet contains a list of subscriptions for the benefit of the American prisoners amounting to ￡4,600. The Committee for the collection and administration of this money, who sat at the King’s Arms at Cornhill, seem to have occupied themselves further, for in 1778 they call attention to the fact that one Ebenezer Smith Platt, a Georgia merchant, had been put in Newgate, and ironed, and placed in that part of the prison occupied by thieves, highwaymen, housebreakers, and murderers, without any allowance for food or clothes, and must have perished but for private benevolence.
12The most absurd reports of the brutal3 treatment of French prisoners in England were circulated in France. It was gravely reported to the Directory that English doctors felt the pulses of French prisoner patients with the ends of their canes114; that prisoners were killed en masse when subsistence became difficult; that large numbers were punished for the faults of individuals; and that the mortality among them was appalling115. The result was that the Directory sent over M. Vochez to inquire into matters. The gross calumnies116 were exposed to him; he was allowed free access to prisons and prison ships; it was proved to him that out of an average total of 4,500 prisoners on the hulks at Portsmouth only six had died during the past quarter, and, expressing himself as convinced, he returned, promising117 to report to the French minister the ‘gross misrepresentations which had been made to him’.
A good specimen of the sort of report which sent M. Vochez over to England is the address of M. Riou to the Council of Five Hundred of the 5th of Pluvi?se of the year 6—that is January 25, 1798.
After a violent tirade118 against England and her evil sway in the world, he goes into details. He says that when his Government complained of the promiscuous119 herding120 together of officers and men as prisoners of war, the English reply was: ‘You are republicans. You want equality, therefore we treat you here equally.’ Alluding121 to the harsh treatment of privateersmen taken prisoners, he declares it is because they do more harm to England by striking at her commerce than any fleets or armies. He brings up the usual complaints about bad and insanitary prisons, insufficient122 food, and the shameful123 treatment of officers on parole by the country people. One hundred Nantes captains and officers had told him that prisoners were confined in parties of seventy-two in huts seventeen feet long and ten feet high, some of them being merely cellars in the hillside; that the water soaked through hammocks, straw, and bread; that there was no air, that all this was light suffering compared with the treatment they received daily from agents, officers, soldiers, and jailors, who on the slightest pretext124 fired upon the prisoners. ‘Un jour, à Plymouth même, un prisonnier ajusté par un soldat fut tué. On envoie chercher le commissaire. 13Il vient: soulève le cadavre: on lui demande justice; il répond: “C’est un Fran?ais,” et se retire!’
Alluding to the precautionary order which had been recently given in England that all parole should cease, and that all officers on parole should be sent to prisons and prison ships, he says: ‘There is now no parole for officers. All are pell-mell together, of all ranks and of both sexes. A woman was delivered of a child, she was left forty-eight hours without attention, and even a glass of water was denied her. Even the body of a dead dog was fought for by the famished125 prisoners.’
He then describes in glowing terms the treatment of English prisoners in France; he suggests a tax for the relief of the French prisoners of war, a ‘taxe d’humanité,’ being one-third of the ordinary sumptuary tax, and winds up his attack:
‘Fran?ais! Vous avez déposé une foule d’offrandes sur l’autel de la Patrie! Ce ne sera pas tromper vos intentions que de les employer au soulagement de l’humanité souffrante. Vous voulez combattre l’Angleterre: eh bien! Soulagez les victimes; conservez 22,000 Républicains qui un jour tourneront contre leurs oppresseurs leurs bras dirigés par la Vengeance126! N’oubliez pas que le Gouvernement anglais médite la ruine de la République; que, familiarisé avec tous les crimes, il en inventera de nouveaux pour essayer de la renverser; mais elle restera triomphante, et le Gouvernement anglais sera détruit! Attaquez ce monstre! Il expirera sous vos coups127! Quirot, Le Clerc (Maine-et-Loire), Riou.’
The Times of January 8, 1798, comments severely128 upon the frequent tirades129 of the Directory, ridiculing130 the attitude of a Government remarkable131 above all others for its despotic character and its wholesale132 violation133 of the common rights of man, as a champion of philanthropy, of morals, and of humanity, and its appeal to all nations to unite against the only country which protects the victims of Directorial anarchy134. After declaring that the prisoners in England are treated better than prisoners of war ever were treated before, a fact admitted by all reasonable Frenchmen, the writer says:
‘And yet the Directory dares to state officially in the face of Europe that the Cabinet of St. James has resolved to withdraw all means of subsistence from 22,000 Republican prisoners in England, and has shut them up in dungeons135, as 14if such a measure, supposing it even to be true, could have any other object than to force the French Government to provide for the sustenance of the French prisoners in this country in the same manner as our Government does with respect to the English prisoners in France.’
In February 1798 the French Directory announced through Barras, the president, that it would undertake the subsistence of the French prisoners in England, meaning by subsistence, provisions, clothing, medical attendance, and to make good all depredations136 by prisoners.
The Times of February 27 said:
‘The firm conduct of our Government in refusing any longer to make advances for the maintenance of French prisoners, has had the good effect of obliging the French Directory to come forward with the necessary supplies, and as the French agents have now the full management of this concern, we shall no longer be subject to their odious137 calumnies against the humanity of this country.’
Directly the French Government took over the task of feeding and clothing the prisoners in England, they reduced the daily rations by one quarter. This irritated the prisoners extremely, and it was said by them that they preferred the ‘atrocious cruelty of the despot of London to the humanity and measures of the Five Directors of Paris’. A correspondent of The Times of March 16, 1798, signing himself ‘Director’, said that under the previous British victualling régime, a prisoner on his release showed the sum of four guineas which he had made by the sale of superfluous138 provisions, and the same writer declared that it had come to his knowledge that the new French provision agent had made overtures139 to the old British contractor to supply inferior meat.
In 1798 it was resolved in the House of Commons that an inquiry140 should be made to establish the truth or the reverse of the French complaints about the treatment of French prisoners in England. It was stated that the reports spread about in France were purposely exaggerated in order to inflame141 national feeling against Britain. Mr. Huskisson confirmed this and alluded142 to the abominable treatment of Sir Sydney Smith.
Colonel Stanley affirmed that the prisoners were generally 15well treated: he had lately been in Liverpool where 6,000 were confined, and found the officers had every indulgence, three billiard tables, and that they often performed plays.
In May 1798 the Report was drawn143 up. After hearing evidence and making every inquiry it was found that the French complaints were gross exaggerations; the Commissioners observed that ‘our prisoners in France were treated with a degree of inhumanity and rigour unknown in any former war, and unprecedented144 in the annals of civilized145 nations’, and reiterated146 the complaint that all British proposals for the exchange of prisoners were rejected.
The Report stated that there was good medical attendance given to prisoners in Britain; that there were constant checks on fraud by contractors and officials; that the prisoners appointed their own inspector147 of rations; that fraudulent contractors were proceeded against, and punished, giving as a recent example, a Plymouth contractor who, having failed in his engagements to supply the prisons with good provisions of full weight, was imprisoned148 for six months and fined ￡300.
The Report stated that the daily scale of provisions for prisoners in health was: one and a half pounds of bread, three-quarters of a pound of beef, one-third of an ounce of salt, and one quart of beer, except on Saturdays, when four ounces of butter and six ounces of cheese were substituted; and on four days of the week half a pint of pease, or in lieu one pound of cabbage stripped from the stalk.
The prisoners selected their own surgeons if they chose, and the same diet was given to sick prisoners as to sick British seamen. Each man was provided with a hammock, a palliasse, a bolster149 and a blanket, the straw of bolsters150 and palliasses being frequently changed.
A letter written in 1793 to the Supplement of the Gentleman’s Magazine, holds good for 1798, as to the belief of the man in the street that the foregoing liberal and humane regulations were worth more than the paper they were written on:
‘The Sans Culottes we hold in prison never lived so well in their lives before: they are allowed every day three-quarters of a pound of good beef, two pounds of bread with all the finest of the flour in it, the bran alone being extracted, two 16quarts of strong well-relished soup, one pound of cabbage with the heart included, and a quart of good beer. As a Frenchman can live upon one pound of meat for a week, this allowance is over-plenteous, and the prisoners sell more than half of it. With the money so obtained they buy as much strong beer as they can get leave to have brought them.... Such is the manner in which Englishmen are at this juncture151 treating their natural, inveterate152, and unalterable enemies.’
On December 22, 1799, the French Government—now the Consulate—repudiated the arrangement made by the Directory for the subsistence of French war-prisoners in England, and the British Government was obliged to undertake the task, the Transport Office now replacing the old ‘Sick and Hurt’ Office. So the prisoner committees in the dép?ts and prisons were abolished, and all persons who, under the previous arrangement, were under the French agents and contractors, and as such had been allowed passports, returned to their original prisoner status.
The Duke of Portland wrote thus to the Admiralty:
‘It is less necessary on this occasion to recall the circumstances which gave rise to the arrangement under which the two Governments agreed to provide for the wants of their respective subjects during their detention, as they have been submitted to Parliament and published to the world in refutation of the false and unwarrantable assertions brought forward by the French Government on this subject; but His Majesty153 cannot witness the termination of an arrangement founded on the fairest principles of Justice and Protection due by the Powers of War to their respective Prisoners, and proved by experience to be the best calculated to provide for their comfort, without protesting against the departure (on the part of the French Government) from an agreement entered into between the two countries, and which tended so materially to mitigate154 the Calamities155 of War. To prevent this effect as much as possible with respect to the British prisoners now in France, it is His Majesty’s pleasure that Capt. Cotes should be instructed to ascertain156 exactly the rate of daily allowance made to each man by the French Government, and that he should take care to supply at the expense of this country any difference that may exist between such allowance and what was issued by him under the late arrangement.
‘With respect to all the prisoners not on Parole in this country, it is His Majesty’s command that from the date of the French agent ceasing to supply them, the Commissioners 17of Transports and for taking care of prisoners of war shall furnish them immediately with the same ration of Provisions as were granted before the late arrangement took place.’
(Not clothing, as this had always been supplied by the French Government.)
Previous to this repudiatory act of France, the British Government made a similar proposal to Holland, accompanying it with the following remarks, which certainly seem to point to a desire to do the best possible to minimize the misery157 of the unfortunate men.
‘We trust that your Government will not reject so humane a proposition, which, if accepted, will, of course, preclude158 the possibility of complaints or recriminations between the respective Governments, and probably meliorate the fate of every individual to which it relates. In health their mode of living will be more conformable to their former habits. In sickness they will be less apt to mistrust the skill of their attendants, or to question the interest they may take in their preservation159. On all occasions they would be relieved from the suspicion that the Hand which supplies their wants and ministers to their comfort, is directed by that spirit of Hostility160 which is too often the consequence of the Prejudice and Enmity excited by the State of War between Nations.’
However, the Dutch Government, no doubt acting161 under orders from without, replied that it was impossible to comply. So Dutch prisoners became also the objects of our national charity.
The Moniteur thus defended the Act of Repudiation162:
‘The notification of the abandonment by the French Government of the support of French prisoners in England is in conformity163 with the common customs of war, and is an act of wise administration and good policy. The old Directory is perhaps the first Government which set the example of a belligerent164 power supporting its prisoners upon the territories of its enemies ... Men must have seen in this new arrangement a sort of insult. The English papers of that time were filled with bitter complaints, with almost official justification165 of this conduct, supported by most authentic166 proofs. Well-informed men saw with surprise the French Government abandon itself blindly to these impolitic suggestions, release the English from the expense and embarrassment167 of making burthensome 18advances, exhaust of its own accord the remains of its specie in order to send it to England; deprive themselves of the pecuniary168 resources of which they stood in such pressing need, in order to add to the pecuniary resources of its enemies; and, in short, to support the enormous expenses of administration.
‘The English, while they exclaimed against the injustice169 of the accusation170, gathered with pleasure the fruits of this error of the Directory; though our old Monarchical171 Government left England during the whole war to support the expenses of the prisoners, and did not liquidate172 the balance until the return of Peace, and consequently of circulation, credit, commerce, and plenty, rendered the payment more easy. The generally received custom of leaving to the humanity of belligerent nations the care of protecting and supporting prisoners marks the progress of civilization.’
The results of repudiation by France of the care of French prisoners in England were not long in showing themselves.
The agent at Portchester Castle wrote to the Transport Office:
‘August, 1800.
‘Gentlemen:
‘I am under the necessity of laying before you the miserable situation of a great number of Prisoners at this Dep?t for want of clothing. Many of them are entirely naked, and others have to cut up their hammocks to cover themselves. Their situation is such, that if not provided with these articles before the cold weather commences they must inevitably173 perish.
‘I beg to observe that it is nearly eighteen months since they were furnished with any article of wearing apparel by the French Government, and then only a single shirt to each suit which must necessarily have been worn out long since.
John Holmwood.’
And again, later on:
‘The prisoners are reduced to a state of dreadful meagreness. A great number of them have the appearance of walking skeletons. One has been found dead in his hammock, and another fell out from mere53 debility and was killed by the fall. The great part of those sent to the hospital die in a short time, others as soon as they are received there.’
These were written in consequence of letters of complaint from prisoners. The Agent in France for prisoners of war in England, Niou, was communicated with, but no reply came. 19Otto, the Commissioner of the Republic in England, however, said that as the French Government clothed British prisoners, although they were not exactly British prisoners but allies, it was our duty to clothe French prisoners. The British Government denied this, saying that we clothed our allies when prisoners abroad, and ascribed much of the misery among the French prisoners to their irrepressible gambling174 habits. Dundas wrote a long letter to the French Commissioners about the neglect of their Government, but added that out of sheer compassion175 the British Government would supply the French prisoners with sufficient clothing. Lord Malmesbury hinted that the prisoners were refused the chance of redress176 by the difficulty of gaining access to their Commissary, which Grenville stated was absolutely untrue, and that the commonest soldier or sailor had entire freedom of access to his representative.
On October 29, 1800, Otto, the French Commissioner in England, wrote:
‘My letter from Liverpool states that the number of deaths during the past month has greatly exceeded that of four previous months, even when the dep?t contained twice the number of prisoners. This sudden mortality which commenced at the close of last month, is the consequence of the first approach of cold weather, all, without exception, having failed from debility. The same fate awaits many more of these unfortunate beings, already half starved from want of proper food, and obliged to sleep upon a damp pavement or a few handfuls of rotten straw. Hunger and their own imprudence, deprived them of their clothes, and now the effect of the cold weather obliges them to part with a share of their scanty177 subsistence to procure104 clothing. In one word, their only hope is a change in their situation or death.’
In this account Otto admits that the prisoners’ ‘imprudence’ has largely brought about the state of affairs. Rupert George, Ambrose Serle, and John Schenck, the Transport Office Commissioners who had been sent to inquire, report confirming the misery, and re-affirm its chief cause. About Stapleton Prison they say:
‘Those who are not quite ragged178 and half naked, are generally very dirty in their scanty apparel, and make a worse appearance as to health than they would do had they the power in such a dress to be clean. Profligacy179 and gambling add to the 20distress of many, and it is perhaps impossible to prevent or restrain this spirit, which can exercise itself in corners. The Dutch prisoners at Stapleton (1800), being clothed by the Dutch Government are in much better health than the French.’
The Commissioners sent to Otto an extract of a letter from Forton, near Gosport. Griffin, the prison surgeon, says that ‘several prisoners have been received into the Hospital in a state of great debility owing to their having disposed of their ration of provisions for a week, a fortnight, and in some instances for a month at a time. We have felt it our duty to direct that such persons as may be discovered to have been concerned in purchasing any article of provision, clothing or bedding, of another prisoner, should be confined in the Black Hole and kept on short allowance for ten days and also be marked as having forfeited180 their turn of exchange.’
Callous181, almost brutal, according to our modern standards, as was the general character of the period covered by this history, it must not be inferred therefrom that all sympathy was withheld182 from the unfortunate men condemned183 to be prisoners on our shores. We have seen how generously the British public responded to the call for aid in the cases of the French prisoners of 1759, and of the Americans of 1778; we shall see in the progress of this history how very largely the heart of the country people of Britain went out to the prisoners living on parole amongst them, and I think my readers may accept a letter which I am about to put before them as evidence that a considerable section of the British public was of opinion that the theory and practice of our system with regard to prisoners of war was not merely wrong, but wicked, and that very drastic reform was most urgently needed.
Some readers may share the opinion of the French General Pillet, which I append to the letter, that the whole matter—the writing of the anonymous184 letter, and the prosecution185 and punishment of the newspaper editor who published it, was a trick of the Government to blind the public eye to facts, and that the fact that the Government should have been driven to have recourse to it, pointed55 to their suspicion that the public had more than an inkling that it was being hoodwinked.
21In the Statesman newspaper of March 19, 1812, appeared the following article:
‘Our unfortunate prisoners in France have now been in captivity186 nine years, and, while the true cause of their detention shall remain unknown to the country there cannot be any prospect187 of their restoration to their families and homes. In some journeys I have lately made I have had repeated opportunities of discovering the infamous practices which produce the present evil, and render our exiled countrymen the hopeless victims of misery....’
(The writer then describes the two classes of prisoners of war in England.)
‘They are all under the care of the Transport Office who has the management of the money for their maintenance, which amounts to an enormous sum (more than three millions per annum) of which a large part is not converted to the intended purpose, but is of clear benefit to the Commissioners and their employers. The prisoners on parole receiving 1s. 6d. per diem produce comparatively little advantage to the Commissioners, who are benefited principally by the remittances188 these prisoners receive from France, keeping their money five or six months, and employing it in stock-jobbing. They gain still something from these, however, by what their agents think proper to send them of the property of those who die or run away. The prisoners in close confinement are very profitable. These prisoners are allowed by the Government once in eighteen months a complete suit of clothing, which however, they never receive. Those, therefore, among them who have any covering have bought it with the product of their industry, on which the Agents make enormous profits. Those who have no genius or no money go naked, and there are many in this deplorable state. Such a picture Humanity revolts at, but it is a true one, for the produce of the clothing goes entirely into the pockets of the Commissioners.
‘A certain amount of bread, meat, &c., of good quality ought to be furnished to each prisoner every day. They receive these victuals189, but they are generally of bad quality, and there is always something wanting in the quantity—as one half or one third at least, which is of great amount. Besides, when any person is punished, he receives only one half of what is called a portion. These measures, whenever taken, produce about ￡250 or ￡300 a day in each dep?t according to the number of prisoners, and of course, are found necessary very often. These are the regular and common profits. The 22Commissioners receive besides large sums for expenses of every description which have never been incurred190 in the course of the year, and find means to clear many hundreds of thousands of pounds to share with their employers.’
The writer goes on to say that
‘the real reason for bringing so many prisoners into the country is not military, but to enrich themselves [i.e. the Government]. For the same reason they keep the San Domingo people of 1803, who, by a solemn capitulation of Aux Cayes were to be returned to France. So with the capitulation of Cap Fran?ois, who were sent home in 1811 as clandestinely191 as possible. Bonaparte could say ditto to us if any of ours capitulated in Spain like the Duke of York in Holland.
‘All this is the reason why our people in France are so badly treated, and it is not to be wondered at.
‘Honestus.’
The Transport Office deemed the plain-speaking on the part of an influential192 journal so serious that the opinion of the Attorney-General was asked, and he pronounced it to be ‘a most scandalous libel and ought to be prosecuted193’. So the proprietor194 was proceeded against, found guilty, fined ￡500, imprisoned in Newgate for eighteen months, and had to find security for future good behaviour, himself in ￡1,000, and two sureties in ￡500 each.
I add the remarks of General Pillet, a prisoner on a Chatham hulk, upon this matter. They are from his book L’Angleterre, vue à Londres et dans ses provinces, pendant un séjour de dix années, dont six comme prisonnier de guerre—a book utterly worthless as a record of facts, and infected throughout with the most violent spirit of Anglophobism, but not without value for reference concerning many details which could only come under the notice of a prisoner.
‘Mr. Lovel, editor of the Statesman, a paper generally inclined in favour of the French Government, had published in March 19, 1812, a letter signed “Honestus”, in which the writer detailed195 with an exactness which showed he was thoroughly196 informed, the different sorts of robberies committed by the Transport Office and its agents upon the French prisoners, and summed them up. According to him these robberies amounted to several millions of francs: the budget of the cost of the prisoners being about 24,000,000 francs. Mr. Lovel 23was prosecuted. “Honestus” preserved his anonymity197; the editor was, in consequence, condemned to two years imprisonment198 and a heavy fine. His defence was that the letter had been inserted without his knowledge and that he had had no idea who was the author. I have reason to believe, without being absolutely sure, that the writer was one Adams, an employé who had been dismissed from the Transport Office, a rascal199 all the better up in the details which he gave in that he had acted as interpreter of all the prisoners’ correspondence, the cause of his resentment200 being that he had been replaced by Sugden, even a greater rascal than he. I wrote to Mr. Brougham, Lovel’s Solicitor201, and sent him a regular sworn statement that the prisoners did not receive one quarter the clothing nominally202 served to them, and for which probably the Government paid; that, estimating an outfit203 to be worth ￡1, this single item alone meant the robbery every eighteen months of about ￡1,800,000. My letter, as I expected, produced no effect; there was no desire to be enlightened on the affair, and the judicial204 proceedings205 were necessary to clear the Transport Office in the eyes of the French Government. Hence the reason for the severe punishment of Lovel, whose fine, I have been assured, was partly paid by the Transport Office, by a secret agreement.’
The General, after some remarks about the very different way in which such an affair would have been conducted in France, appends a note quoting the case of General Virion, who, on being accused of cruelty and rapacity206 towards the English prisoners in Verdun, blew his brains out rather than face the disgrace of a trial.
Pillet wrote to Lovel, the editor, thus:
‘On board the prison ship Brunswick,
Chatham, May 19, 1813.
‘Sir:
‘Since I have become acquainted with the business of the letter of “Honestus” I have been filled with indignation against the coward who, having seemed to wish to expose the horrible truth about the character and amount of the robberies practised upon prisoners of war, persists in maintaining his incognito207 when you have asked him to come forward in your justification.... Unhappily, we are Frenchmen, and it seems to be regarded in this country as treason to ask justice for us, and that because it is not possible to exterminate208 France altogether, the noblest act of patriotism209 seems to consist in assassinating210 French prisoners individually, by adding to the 24torments of a frightful211 imprisonment privations of all sorts, and thefts of clothing of which hardly a quarter of the proper quantity is distributed....
‘We have asked for impartial212 inquiries213 to be made by people not in the pay of the Admiralty; we have declared that we could reveal acts horrible enough to make hairs stand on end, and that we could bring unimpeachable214 witnesses to support our testimony215. These demands, even when forwarded by irreproachable216 persons, have been received in silence. Is it possible that there are not in England more determined men to put a stop to ill-doing from a sense of duty and irrespective of rank or nation? Is it possible that not a voice shall ever be raised on our behalf?
‘Your condemnation217 makes me fear it is so.
‘If only one good man, powerful, and being resolved to remove shame from his country, and to wash out the blot218 upon her name caused by the knowledge throughout Europe of what we suffer, could descend219 a moment among us, and acquaint himself with the details of our miseries220 with the object of relieving them, what good he would do humanity, and what a claim he would establish to our gratitude221!’
Pillet adds in a note:
‘Lord Cochrane in 1813 wished to examine the prison ships at Portsmouth. Although he was a member of Parliament, and a captain in the navy, permission was refused him, because the object of his visit was to ascertain the truth about the ill-treatment of the prisoners. Lord Cochrane is anything but an estimable man, but he is one of those who, in the bitterness of their hatred222 of the party in power, sometimes do good. He complained in Parliament, and the only reply he got was that as the hulks were under the administration of the Transport Office, it could admit or refuse whomsoever it chose to inspect them.’
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1
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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2
sifted
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| v.筛( sift的过去式和过去分词 )；筛滤；细查；详审 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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ration
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| n.定量(pl.)给养，口粮；vt.定量供应 | |
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deprivation
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| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
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unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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monopolize
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| v.垄断，独占，专营 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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humanely
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| adv.仁慈地；人道地；富人情地；慈悲地 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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commentator
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| n.注释者，解说者；实况广播评论员 | |
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veneer
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| n.(墙上的)饰面，虚饰 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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aspersion
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| n.诽谤，中伤 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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bedlam
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| n.混乱，骚乱；疯人院 | |
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forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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41
extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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colloquially
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| adv.用白话，用通俗语 | |
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51
disburse
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| v.支出，拨款 | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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53
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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54
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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57
pint
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| n.品脱 | |
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breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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59
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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61
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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62
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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63
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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veal
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| n.小牛肉 | |
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contractor
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| n.订约人，承包人，收缩肌 | |
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contractors
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| n.（建筑、监造中的）承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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peculation
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| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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70
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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71
suites
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| n.套( suite的名词复数 )；一套房间；一套家具；一套公寓 | |
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72
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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73
wholesomely
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| 卫生地，有益健康地 | |
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74
rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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75
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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76
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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77
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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78
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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79
milieu
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| n.环境；出身背景；(个人所处的)社会环境 | |
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80
kernel
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| n.(果实的)核，仁；(问题)的中心，核心 | |
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81
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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82
subscriptions
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| n.（报刊等的）订阅费( subscription的名词复数 )；捐款；（俱乐部的）会员费；捐助 | |
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83
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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84
strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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85
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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86
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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87
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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88
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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89
mite
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| n.极小的东西；小铜币 | |
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90
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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91
ironical
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| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
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92
humbug
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| n.花招，谎话，欺骗 | |
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93
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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94
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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95
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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97
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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98
redounded
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| v.有助益( redound的过去式和过去分词 )；及于；报偿；报应 | |
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99
affidavits
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| n.宣誓书，（经陈述者宣誓在法律上可采作证据的）书面陈述( affidavit的名词复数 ) | |
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100
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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101
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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102
inclemency
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| n.险恶，严酷 | |
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103
miserable
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|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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104
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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105
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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106
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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107
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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108
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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109
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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110
gaols
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| 监狱，拘留所( gaol的名词复数 ) | |
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111
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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112
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
stereotyped
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| adj.(指形象、思想、人物等)模式化的 | |
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114
canes
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| n.（某些植物，如竹或甘蔗的）茎( cane的名词复数 )；（用于制作家具等的）竹竿；竹杖 | |
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115
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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116
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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117
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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118
tirade
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| n.冗长的攻击性演说 | |
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119
promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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120
herding
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| 中畜群 | |
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121
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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122
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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123
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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124
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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125
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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126
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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127
coups
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| n.意外而成功的行动( coup的名词复数 )；政变；努力办到难办的事 | |
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128
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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129
tirades
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| 激烈的长篇指责或演说( tirade的名词复数 ) | |
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130
ridiculing
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的现在分词 ) | |
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131
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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132
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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133
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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134
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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135
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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136
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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137
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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138
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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139
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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140
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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141
inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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142
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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143
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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144
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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145
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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146
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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148
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
bolster
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| n.枕垫；v.支持，鼓励 | |
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150
bolsters
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| n.长枕( bolster的名词复数 )；垫子；衬垫；支持物v.支持( bolster的第三人称单数 )；支撑；给予必要的支持；援助 | |
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151
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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152
inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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153
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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154
mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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155
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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156
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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157
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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158
preclude
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| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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159
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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160
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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161
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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162
repudiation
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| n.拒绝；否认；断绝关系；抛弃 | |
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163
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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164
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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165
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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166
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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167
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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168
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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169
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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170
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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171
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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172
liquidate
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| v.偿付，清算，扫除；整理，破产 | |
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173
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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174
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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175
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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176
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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177
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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178
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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179
profligacy
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| n.放荡，不检点，肆意挥霍 | |
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180
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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181
callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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182
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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183
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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184
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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185
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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186
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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187
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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188
remittances
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| n.汇寄( remittance的名词复数 )；汇款，汇款额 | |
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189
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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190
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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191
clandestinely
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| adv.秘密地，暗中地 | |
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192
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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193
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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194
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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195
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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196
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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197
anonymity
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| n.the condition of being anonymous | |
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198
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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199
rascal
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| n.流氓；不诚实的人 | |
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200
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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201
solicitor
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| n.初级律师，事务律师 | |
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202
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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203
outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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205
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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206
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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207
incognito
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| adv.匿名地；n.隐姓埋名；adj.化装的，用假名的，隐匿姓名身份的 | |
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208
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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209
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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210
assassinating
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的现在分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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211
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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212
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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213
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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214
unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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215
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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216
irreproachable
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| adj.不可指责的，无过失的 | |
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217
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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218
blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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219
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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220
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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221
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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222
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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