Each of these—the Hulks, the Prisons, Parole—will be dealt with separately, as each has its particular characteristics and interesting features.
The prison ship as a British institution for the storage and maintenance of men whose sole crime was that of fighting against us, must for ever be a reproach to us. There is nothing to be urged in its favour. It was not a necessity; it was far from being a convenience; it was not economical; it was not sanitary4. Man took one of the most beautiful objects of his handiwork and deformed5 it into a hideous6 monstrosity. The line-of-battle ship was a thing of beauty, but when masts and rigging and sails were shorn away, when the symmetrical sweep of her lines was deformed by all sorts of excrescences and superstructures, when her white, black-dotted belts were smudged out, it lay, rather than floated, like a gigantic black, shapeless coffin7. Sunshine, which can give a touch of picturesqueness8, if not of beauty, to so much that is bare and featureless, only brought out into greater prominence9 the dirt, the shabbiness, the patchiness of the thing. In fog it was weird10. In moonlight it was spectral11. The very prison and cemetery12 architects of to-day strive to lead the eye by their art away from what the mind pictures, but when the British Government brought the prison ship on to the scene they 38appear to have aimed as much as possible at making the outside reflect the life within.
No amount of investigation13, not the most careful sifting14 of evidence, can blind our eyes to the fact that the British prison hulks were hells upon water. It is not that the mortality upon them was abnormal: it was greater than in the shore prisons, but it never exceeded 3 per cent upon an average, although there were periods of epidemic15 when it rose much higher. It is that the lives of those condemned16 to them were lives of long, unbroken suffering. The writer, as an Englishman, would gladly record otherwise, but he is bound to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. True it is that our evidence is almost entirely17 that of prisoners themselves, but what is not, is that of English officers, and theirs is of condemnation18. It should be borne in mind that the experiences we shall quote are those of officers and gentlemen, or at any rate educated men, and the agreement is so remarkable19 that it would be opening the way to an accusation20 of national partiality if we were to refuse to accept it.
The only palliating consideration in this sad confession21 is that the prisoners brought upon themselves much of the misery22. The passion for gambling23, fomented24 by long, weary hours of enforced idleness, wrought25 far more mischief26 among the foreign prisoners in England, than did the corresponding northern passion for drink among the British prisoners abroad, if only from the fact that whereas the former, ashore and afloat, could gamble when and where they chose, drink was not readily procurable27 by the latter. The report of a French official doctor upon prison-ship diseases will be quoted in its proper place, but the two chief causes of disease named by him—insufficient28 food and insufficient clothing—were very largely the result of the passion for gambling among the prisoners.
A correspondent of The Times, December 16, 1807, writes:
‘There is such a spirit of gambling existing among the French prisoners lately arrived at Chatham from Norman Cross, that many of them have been almost entirely naked during the late severe weather, having lost their clothes, not even excepting their shirts and small clothes, to some of their fellow prisoners: many of them also are reduced to the chance 39of starving by the same means, having lost seven or eight days’ provisions to their more fortunate companions, who never fail to exact their winnings. The effervescence of mind that this diabolical29 pursuit gives rise to is often exemplified in the conduct of these infatuated captives, rendering30 them remarkably31 turbulent and unruly. Saturday last, a quarrel arose between two of them in the course of play, when one of them, who had lost his clothes and food, received a stab in the back.’
‘Gambling among the French prisoners on the several prison-ships in the Medway has arrived at an alarming height. On board the Buckingham, where there are nearly 600 prisoners, are a billiard table, hazard tables, &c.; and the prisoners indulge themselves in play during the hours they are allowed for exercise.’
For the chief cause of suffering, medical neglect, there is, unhappily, but little defence, for, if the complaints of neglect, inefficacy, and of actual cruelty, which did manage to reach the august sanctum of the Transport Office were numerous, how many more must there have been which were adroitly32 prevented from getting there.
Again, a great deal depended upon the prison-ship commander. French writers are accustomed to say that the lieutenants34 in charge of the British prison ships were the scum of the service—disappointed men, men without interest, men under official clouds which checked their advance; and it must be admitted that at first sight it seems strange that in a time of war all over the world, when promotion37 must have been rapid, and the chances of distinction frequent, officers should easily be found ready, for the remuneration of seven shillings per diem, plus eighteenpence servant allowance, to take up such a position as the charge of seven or eight hundred desperate foreigners.
But that this particular service was attractive is evident from the constant applications for it from naval38 men with good credentials39, and from the frequent reply of the authorities that the waiting list was full. If we may judge this branch of the service by others, and reading the matter by the light of the times, we can only infer that the Commander of a prison hulk was in the way of getting a good many ‘pickings’, and that as, according to regulation, no lieutenant33 of less than ten years’ service in that rank could apply for appointment, the berth40 was regarded as a sort of reward or solatium.
40Be that as it may have been, the condition of a prison ship, like the condition of a man-of-war to-day, depended very largely upon the character of her commander. It is curious to note that most of the few testimonies41 extant from prisoners in favour of prison-ship captains date from that period of the great wars when the ill-feeling between the two countries was most rancorous, and the poor fellows on parole in English inland towns were having a very rough time.
In 1803 the Commandant at Portsmouth was Captain Miller42, a good and humane43 man who took very much to heart the sufferings of the war prisoners under his supervision44. He happened to meet among the French naval officers on parole a M. Haguelin of Havre, who spoke45 English perfectly46, and with whom he often conversed47 on the subject of the hard lot of the prisoners on the hulks. He offered Haguelin a place in his office, which the poor officer gladly accepted, made him his chief interpreter, and then employed him to visit the prison ships twice a week to hear and note complaints with the view of remedying them.
Haguelin held this position for some years. In 1808 an English frigate48 captured twenty-four Honfleur fishing-boats and brought them and their crews into Portsmouth. Miller regarded this act as a gross violation49 of the laws of humanity, and determined50 to undo51 it. Haguelin was employed in the correspondence which followed between Captain Miller and the Transport Office, the result being that the fishermen were well treated, and finally sent back to Honfleur in an English frigate. Then ensued the episode of the Flotte en jupons, described in a pamphlet by one Thomas, when the women of Honfleur came out, boarded the English frigate, and amidst a memorable52 scene of enthusiasm brought their husbands and brothers and lovers safe to land. When Haguelin was exchanged and was leaving for France, Miller wrote:
‘I cannot sufficiently53 express how much I owe to M. Haguelin for his ceaseless and powerful co-operation on the numerous occasions when he laboured to better the condition of his unfortunate compatriots. The conscientiousness54 which characterized all his acts makes him deserve well of his country.’
In 1816, Captain (afterwards Baron) Charles Dupin, of the 41French Corps55 of Naval Engineers, placed on record a very scathing56 report upon the treatment of his countrymen upon the hulks at Chatham. He wrote:
‘The Medway is covered with men-of-war, dismantled57 and lying in ordinary. Their fresh and brilliant painting contrasts with the hideous aspect of the old and smoky hulks, which seem the remains58 of vessels59 blackened by a recent fire. It is in these floating tombs that are buried alive prisoners of war—Danes, Swedes, Frenchmen, Americans, no matter. They are lodged60 on the lower deck, on the upper deck, and even on the orlop-deck.... Four hundred malefactors are the maximum of a ship appropriated to convicts. From eight hundred to twelve hundred is the ordinary number of prisoners of war, heaped together in a prison-ship of the same rate.’
The translator of Captain Dupin’s report[2] comments thus upon this part of it:
‘The long duration of hostilities61, combined with our resplendent naval victories, and our almost constant success by land as well as by sea, increased the number of prisoners so much as to render the confinement62 of a great proportion of them in prison-ships a matter of necessity rather than of choice; there being, in 1814, upwards63 of 70,000 French prisoners of war in this country.’
About Dupin’s severe remarks concerning the bad treatment of the prisoners, their scanty64 subsistence, their neglect during sickness and the consequent high rate of mortality among them, the translator says:
‘The prisoners were well treated in every respect; their provisions were good in quality, and their clothing sufficient; but, owing to their unconquerable propensity65 to gambling, many of them frequently deprived themselves of their due allowance both of food and raiment. As to fresh air, wind-sails were always pointed36 below in the prison ships to promote its circulation. For the hulks themselves the roomiest and airiest of two and three deckers were selected, and were cleared of all encumbrances66.
‘Post-captains of experience were selected to be in command at each port, and a steady lieutenant placed over each hulk. The prisoners were mustered67 twice a week; persons, bedding, and clothing were all kept clean; the decks were daily scraped and rubbed with sand: they were seldom washed in summer, and never in winter, to avoid damp. Every morning the lee 42ports were opened so that the prisoners should not be too suddenly exposed to the air, and no wet clothes were allowed to be hung before the ports.
French Sailors on an English Prison Ship.
(After Bombled.)
‘The provisions were minutely examined every morning by the lieutenant, and one prisoner from each mess was chosen to attend to the delivery of provisions, and to see that they were of the right quality and weight. The allowance of food was:
‘Each man on each of five days per week received one and a half pounds of wheaten flour bread, half a pound of good fresh beef with cabbage or onions, turnips68 and salt, and on each of the other two days one pound of good salted cod70 or herrings, and potatoes. The average number of prisoners on a seventy-four was from six to seven hundred, and this, it should be remembered, on a ship cleared from all encumbrances such as guns, partitions, and enclosures.’
43Dupin wrote:
‘By a restriction71 which well describes the mercantile jealousy72 of a manufacturing people, the prisoners were prohibited from making for sale woollen gloves and straw hats. It would have injured in these petty branches the commerce of His Britannic Majesty’s subjects!’
to which the reply was:
‘It was so. These “petty branches” of manufactures were the employment of the wives and children of the neighbouring cottagers, and enabled them to pay their rent and taxes: and, on a representation by the magistrates73 that the vast quantities sent into the market by the French prisoners who had neither rent, nor taxes, nor lodging74, firing, food or clothes to find, had thrown the industrious75 cottagers out of work, an order was sent to stop this manufacture by the prisoners.’
As to the sickness on board the hulks, in reply to Dupin’s assertions the Government had the following table drawn76 up relative to the hulks at Portsmouth in a month of 1813:
Ship’s Name. Prisoners in Health. Sick.
Prothée 583 10 } = 1?%
Crown 608 3 }
San Damaso 726 32 }
Guildford 693 8 }
San Antonio 820 9 }
Veteran 592 7 }
Suffolk 683 6 }
Assistance 727 35 }
Ave Princessa 769 9 }
Kron Princessa 760 4 }
Waldemar 809 1 }
Negro 175 0 }
9,227 139
Dupin also published tables of prison mortality in England in confirmation79 of the belief among his countrymen that it was part of England’s diabolic policy to make prisoners of war or to kill or incapacitate them by neglect or ill-treatment. Between 1803 and 1814, the total number of prisoners brought to England was 122,440. Of these, says M. Dupin,
44
There died in English prisons 12,845
Were sent to France in a dying state 12,787
95,673
leaving a balance of 26,767, who presumably were tough enough to resist all attempts to kill or wreck81 them.
To this our authorities replied with the following schedule:
Died in English prisons 10,341
Sent home sick, or on parole or exchanged, those under the two last categories for the most part perfectly sound men 17,607
27,948
leaving a balance of at least 94,492 sound men; for, not only, as has been said above, were a large proportion of the 17,607 sound men, but no allowance was made in this report for the great number of prisoners who arrived sick or wounded.
The rate of mortality, of course, varied82. At Portsmouth in 1812 the mortality on the hulks was about 4 per cent. At Dartmoor in six years and seven months there were 1,455 deaths, which, taking the average number of prisoners at 5,000, works out at a little over 4 per cent annually83. But during six months of the years 1809–1810 there were 500 deaths out of 5,000 prisoners at Dartmoor, due to an unusual epidemic and to exceptionally severe weather. With the extraordinary healthiness of the Perth dép?t I shall deal in its proper place.
I have to thank Mr. Neves, editor of the Chatham News, for the following particulars relative to Chatham.
‘The exact number of prisoners accommodated in these floating prisons cannot be ascertained84, but it appears they were moored85 near the old Gillingham Fort (long since demolished) which occupied a site in the middle of what is now Chatham Dockyard Extension. St. Mary’s Barracks, Gillingham, were built during the Peninsular War for the accommodation of French prisoners. There is no doubt that the rate of mortality among the prisoners confined in the hulks was very high, and the bodies were buried on St. Mary’s Island on ground which is now the Dockyard Wharf86.
45
Prison Ships.
46‘In the course of the excavations88 in connexion with the extension of the Dockyard—a work of great magnitude which was commenced in 1864 and not finished until 1884, and which cost ￡3,000,000, the remains of many of the French prisoners were disinterred. The bones were collected and brought round to a site within the extension works, opposite Cookham Woods. A small cemetery of about 200 feet square was formed, railed in, and laid out in flower-beds and gravelled pathways. A handsome monument, designed by the late Sir Andrew Clarke, was erected90 in the centre—the plinth and steps of granite91, with a finely carved figure in armour92 and cloaked, and holding an inverted93 torch in the centre, under a canopied94 and groined spire95 terminating in crockets and gilt96 finials. In addition to erecting97 this monument the Admiralty allotted98 a small sum annually for keeping it in order.
‘The memorial bore the following inscription99, which was written by the late Sir Stafford Northcote, afterwards Lord Iddesleigh:
Here are gathered together
The remains of many brave soldiers and sailors, who, having been once the foes100, and afterwards captives, of England, now find rest in her soil, remembering no more the animosities of war or the sorrows of imprisonment101. They were deprived of the consolation102 of closing their eyes among the countrymen they loved; but they have been laid in an honoured grave by a nation which knows how to respect valour and to sympathize with misfortune.
‘The Government of the French Republic was deeply moved by the action of the Admiralty, and its Ambassador in London wrote:
The Government of the Republic has been made acquainted through me with the recent decision taken by the Government of the Queen to assure the preservation103 of the funeral monument at Chatham, where rest the remains of the soldiers and sailors of the First Empire who died prisoners of war on board the English hulks. I am charged to make known to your lordship that the Minister of Marine104 has been particularly affected105 at the initiative taken in this matter by the British Administration. I shall be much obliged to you if you will make known to H.M’s Government the sincere feelings of gratitude106 of the Government of the Republic for the homage107 rendered to our deceased soldiers.
(Signed) Waddington.
‘In 1904 it became necessary again to move the bones of the prisoners of war and they were then interred89 in the grounds of the new naval barracks, a site being set apart for the purpose near the chapel108, where the monument was re-erected. It occupies a position where it can be seen by passers-by. The number of skulls109 was 506. Quite recently (1910) two skeletons were dug up by excavators of the Gas Company’s new wharf at Gillingham, and, there being every reason to believe that they were the remains of French prisoners of war, they were returned to the little cemetery above mentioned.’
Memorial To French Prisoners of War in the Royal Naval Barracks, Chatham
47That a vast system of jobbery and corruption110 prevailed among the contractors112 for the food, clothing, and bedding of the prisoners, and, consequently, among those in office who had the power of selection and appointment; and more, that not a tithe113 of what existed was expressed, is not the least among the many indictments114 against our nation at this period which bring a flush of shame to the cheek. As has been before remarked, all that printed regulations and ordinance115 could do to keep matters in proper order was done. What could read better, for instance, than the following official Contracting Obligations for 1797:
‘Beer:
to be equal in quality to that issued on H.M.’s ships.
Beef:
Cheese:
to be good Gloucester or Wiltshire, or equal in quality.
Pease:
Greens:
Beer:
every 7 barrels to be brewed119 from 8 bushels of the strongest amber120 malt, and 6 or 7 lb. of good hops121 at ￡1 18s. per ton.
Bread:
to be equal in quality to that served on H.M.’s ships.’
As if there was really some wish on the part of the authorities to have things in order, the custom began in 1804 for the Transport Board to send to its prison agents and prison-ship commanders this notice:
‘I am directed by the Board to desire that you will immediately forward to this office by coach a loaf taken indiscriminately from the bread issued to the prisoners on the day you receive this letter.’
In so many cases was the specimen122 bread sent pronounced ‘not fit to be eaten’, that circulars were sent that all prisons and ships would receive a model loaf of the bread to be served out to prisoners, ‘made of whole wheaten meal actually and bona fide dressed through an eleven shilling cloth’.
Nor was the regulation quantity less satisfactory than the nominal123 quality. In 1812 the scale of victualling on prison ships according to the advertisement to contractors was:
Sunday.48
1? lb. bread.
Monday.
?? lb. fresh beef.
Tuesday.
Thursday.
Saturday.
?? ounce salt.
?? ounce onions.
Wednesday.
1? lb. bread, 1 lb. good sound herrings, 1 lb. good sound potatoes.
Friday.
1? lb. bread, 1 lb. good sound cod, 1 lb. potatoes.
In the year 1778 there were 924 American prisoners of war in England. It has been shown before (p. 11) how the fact of their ill-treatment was forcibly taken up by their own Government, but the following extract from a London newspaper further shows that the real cause of their ill-treatment was no secret:
‘As to the prisoners who were kept in England’ (this is the sequel of remarks about our harsh treatment of American prisoners in America), ‘their penury126 and distress127 was undoubtedly128 great, and was much marked by the fraud and cruelty of those who were entrusted129 with their government, and the supply of their provisions. For these persons, who certainly never had any orders for ill-treatment of the prisoners by countenance130 in it, having, however, not been overlooked with the utmost vigilance, besides their prejudice and their natural cruelty, considered their offices as only lucrative131 jobs which were created merely for their emolument133. Whether there was not some exaggeration, as there usually is in these accounts, it is certain that though the subsistence accorded them by Government would indeed have been sufficient, if honestly administered, to have sustained human nature, in the respect to the mere132 articles of foods, yet the want of clothes, firing, and bedding, with all the other various articles which custom or nature regards as conducive134 to health and comfort, became practically insupportable in the extremity135 of the winter. In consequence of the complaint by the prisoners, the matter was very humanely136 taken up in the House of Peers by Lord Abingdon ... and soon after a liberal subscription137 was carried on in London and other parts, and this provided a sufficient remedy for the evil.’
On April 13, 1778, a Contractors’ Bill was brought in to Parliament by Sir Philip Jenning Clarke ‘for the restraining of any person being a Member of the House of Commons, from being concerned himself or any person in trust for him, in any contract made by the Commissioners138 of H.M.’s Navy or Treasury139, 49the Board of Ordnance140, or by any other person or persons for the public service, unless the said contract shall be made at a public bidding’.
The first reading of the Bill was carried by seventy-one to fifty, the second reading by seventy-two to sixty-one. Success in the Lords was therefore regarded as certain. Yet it was actually lost by two votes upon the question of commitment, and the exertion141 of Government influence in the Bill was taken to mean a censure142 on certain Treasury officials.
So things went on in the old way. Between 1804 and 1808 the evil state of matters was either so flagrant that it commanded attention, or some fearless official new broom was doing his duty, for the records of these years abound143 with complaints, exposures, trials, and judgements.
We read of arrangements being discussed between contractors and the stewards144 of prison ships by which part of the statutory provisions was withheld145 from the prisoners; of hundreds of suits of clothing sent of one size, of boots supposed to last eighteen months which fell to pieces during the first wet weather; of rotten hammocks, of blankets so thin that they were transparent146; of hundreds of sets of handcuffs being returned as useless; of contractors using salt water in the manufacture of bread instead of salt, and further, of these last offenders147 being prosecuted148, not for making unwholesome bread, but for defrauding149 the Revenue! Out of 1,200 suits of clothes ordered to be at Plymouth by October 1807, as provision for the winter, by March 1808 only 300 had been delivered!
Let us take this last instance and consider what it meant.
It meant, firstly, that the contractor111 had never the smallest intention of delivering the full number of suits. Secondly150, that he had, by means best known to himself and the officials, received payment for the whole. Thirdly, that hundreds of poor wretches151 had been compelled to face the rigour of an English winter on the hulks in a half naked condition, to relieve which very many of them had been driven to gambling and even worse crimes.
And all the time the correspondence of the Transport Office consists to a large extent of rules and regulations and provisions and safeguards against fraud and wrong-doing; moral 50precepts accompany inquiry152 about a missing guard-room poker153, and sentimental154 exhortations155 wind up paragraphs about the letting of grazing land or the acquisition of new chimney-pots. Agents and officials are constantly being reminded and advised and lectured and reproved. Money matters of the most trifling156 significance are carefully and minutely dealt with. Yet we know that the war-prison contract business was a festering mass of jobbery and corruption, that large fortunes were made by contractors, that a whole army of small officials and not a few big ones throve on the ‘pickings’ to be had.
Occasionally, a fraudulent contractor was brought up, heavily fined and imprisoned157; but such cases are so rare that it is hard to avoid the suspicion that their prominence was a matter of expediency158 and policy, and that many a rascal159 who should have been hanged for robbing defenceless foreigners of the commonest rights of man had means with which to defeat justice and to persist unchecked in his unholy calling. References to this evil will be made in the chapter dealing160 with prisons ashore, in connexion with which the misdeeds of contractors seem to have been more frequent and more serious than with the hulks.
If it is painful for an Englishman to be obliged to write thus upon the subject of fraudulent contractors, their aiders and abettors, still more so is it to have to confess that a profession even more closely associated with the cause of humanity seems to have been far too often unworthily represented.
Allusion161 has been made to the unanimity162 of foreign officer-prisoners about the utter misery of prison-ship life, but in nothing is their agreement more marked than their condemnation, not merely of our methods of treatment of the sick and wounded, but of the character of the prison-ship doctors. Always bearing in mind that Britain treated her own sailors and soldiers as if they were vicious animals, and that the sickbay and the cockpit of a man-of-war of Nelson’s day were probably not very much better than those described by Smollett in Roderick Random163, which was written in 1748, there seems to have been an amount of gratuitous164 callousness165 and cruelty practised by the medical officers attached to the hulks which we cannot believe would have been permitted upon the national ships.
51And here again the Government Regulations were admirable on paper: the one point which was most strongly insisted upon being that the doctors should live on board the vessels, and devote the whole of their time to their duties, whereas there is abundant evidence to show that most of the doctors of the Portsmouth, Plymouth, and Chatham hulks carried on private practices ashore and in consequence lived ashore.
More will be found upon this unhappy topic in the next chapter of records of life on the hulks, but we may fittingly close the present with the report upon hulk diseases by Dr. Fontana, French Officer of Health to the Army of Portugal, written upon the Brunswick prison ship at Chatham in 1812, and published as an appendix to Colonel Lebertre’s book upon English war-prison life.
He divides the diseases into three heads:
(1) External, arising from utter want of exercise, from damp, from insufficient food—especially upon the ‘maigre’ days of the week—and from lack of clothing. Wounds on the legs, which were generally bare, made bad ulcers166 which the ‘bourreaux’ of English doctors treated with quack167 remedies such as the unguent168 basilicon. He describes the doctor of the Fyen prison hospital-ship as a type of the English ignorant and brutal169 medical man.
(2) Scorbutic diathesis, arising from the ulcers and tumours170 on the lower limbs, caused by the breathing of foul171 air from twelve to sixteen hours a day, by overcrowding, salt food, lack of vegetables, and deprivation172 of all alcohol.
(3) Chest troubles—naturally the most prevalent, largely owing to moral despair caused by humiliations and cruelties, and deprivations173 inflicted174 by low-born, uneducated brutes175, miserable176 accommodation, the foul exhalations from the mud shores at low water, and the cruel treatment by doctors, who practised severe bleedings, prescribed no dieting except an occasional mixture, the result being extreme weakness. When the patient was far gone in disease he was sent to hospital, where more bleeding was performed, a most injudicious use of mercury made, and his end hastened.
The great expense of the hulks, together with the comparative ease with which escape could be made from them, and the annually increasing number of prisoners brought to England, 52led to the development of the Land Prison System. It was shown that the annual expense of a seventy-four, fitted to hold 700 prisoners, was ￡5,869. Dartmoor Prison, built to hold 6,000 prisoners, cost ￡135,000, and the annual expense of it was ￡2,862: in other words, it would require eight seventy-fours at an annual expense of ￡46,952 to accommodate this number of prisoners.
The hulks were retained until the end of the great wars, and that they were recognized by the authorities as particular objects of aversion and dread177 seems to be evident from the fact that incorrigible178 offenders from the land prisons were sent there, as in the case of the wholesale179 transfer to them in 1812 of the terrible ‘Romans’ from Dartmoor, and from the many letters written by prisoners on board the hulks praying to be sent to prison on land, of which the following, from a French officer on a Gillingham hulk to Lady Pigott, is a specimen:
H.M.S. Sampson.
‘My Lady:
‘Je crains d’abuser de votre bonté naturelle et de ce doux sentiment de compation qui vous fait toujours prendre pitié des malheureux, mais, Madame, un infortuné sans amis et sans soutiens se réfugie sous les auspices180 des personnes généreuses qui daignent le plaindre, et vous avez humainement pris part à mes maux. Souffrez donc que je vous supplie encore de renouveler vos demandes en ma faveur, si toutefois cette demande ne doit pas être contraire à votre tranquillité personnelle. Voilà deux ans que je suis renfermé dans cette prison si nuisible à ma santé plus chancellante et plus débile que jamais. Voilà six ans et plus que je suis prisonnier sans espoir qu’un sort si funeste et si peu mérité finisse. Si je n’ai pas mérité la mort, et si on ne veut pas me la donner, il faut qu’on me permette de retourner m’isoler à terre, où je pourrais alors dans la tranquillité vivre d’une manière plus convenable181 à ma faible constitution, et résister au malheur, pour vous prouver, my lady, que quand j’ai commis la faute pour laquelle je souffre tant, ce fut beaucoup plus par2 manque d’expérience que par vice35 du c?ur.
‘Jean-Auguste Neveu.’
1812.
This letter was accompanied by a certificate from the doctor of the Trusty hospital ship, and the supplicant182 was noted183 to be sent to France with the first batch184 of invalids185.
53Many of the aforementioned letters are of the most touching186 description, and if some of them were shown to be the clever concoctions187 of desperate men, there is a genuine ring about most which cannot fail to move our pity. Lady Pigott was one of the many admirable English women who interested themselves in the prisoners, and who, as usual, did so much of the good work which should have been done by those paid to do it. It is unfortunate for our national reputation that so many of the reminiscences of imprisonment in England which have come down to us have been those of angry, embittered188 men, and that so little written testimony189 exists to the many great and good and kindly190 deeds done by English men and women whose hearts went out to the unfortunate men on the prison ships, in the prisons, and on parole, whose only crime was having fought against us. But that there were such acts is a matter of history.
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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specified
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sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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picturesqueness
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prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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weird
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| adj.古怪的，离奇的；怪诞的，神秘而可怕的 | |
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spectral
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cemetery
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| n.坟墓，墓地，坟场 | |
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13
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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14
sifting
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| n.筛，过滤v.筛( sift的现在分词 )；筛滤；细查；详审 | |
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15
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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16
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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17
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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18
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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19
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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20
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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21
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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22
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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23
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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24
fomented
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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25
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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26
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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27
procurable
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| adj.可得到的，得手的 | |
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28
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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29
diabolical
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|
| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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30
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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31
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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32
adroitly
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| adv.熟练地，敏捷地 | |
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33
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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34
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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35
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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36
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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37
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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38
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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39
credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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40
berth
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| n.卧铺，停泊地，锚位；v.使停泊 | |
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41
testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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42
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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43
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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44
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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45
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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46
perfectly
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|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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47
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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48
frigate
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| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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49
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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50
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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51
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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52
memorable
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|
| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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53
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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54
conscientiousness
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| 责任心 | |
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55
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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56
scathing
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|
| adj.（言词、文章）严厉的，尖刻的；不留情的adv.严厉地，尖刻地v.伤害，损害（尤指使之枯萎）( scathe的现在分词) | |
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57
dismantled
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|
| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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58
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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59
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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60
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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61
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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62
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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63
upwards
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|
| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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64
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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65
propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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66
encumbrances
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| n.负担( encumbrance的名词复数 )；累赘；妨碍；阻碍 | |
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67
mustered
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|
| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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68
turnips
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|
| 芜青( turnip的名词复数 )； 芜菁块根； 芜菁甘蓝块根； 怀表 | |
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69
turnip
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| n.萝卜，芜菁 | |
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70
cod
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|
| n.鳕鱼；v.愚弄；哄骗 | |
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71
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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72
jealousy
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|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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73
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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74
lodging
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|
| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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75
industrious
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|
| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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76
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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77
vigilant
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|
| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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78
vengeance
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|
| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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79
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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80
debilitated
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|
| adj.疲惫不堪的，操劳过度的v.使（人或人的身体）非常虚弱( debilitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
wreck
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|
| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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82
varied
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|
| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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83
annually
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|
| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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84
ascertained
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|
| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
moored
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|
| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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86
wharf
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| n.码头，停泊处 | |
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87
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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88
excavations
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|
| n.挖掘( excavation的名词复数 )；开凿；开凿的洞穴（或山路等）；（发掘出来的）古迹 | |
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89
interred
|
|
| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
ERECTED
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|
| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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91
granite
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|
| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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92
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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93
inverted
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|
| adj.反向的，倒转的v.使倒置，使反转( invert的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94
canopied
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|
| adj. 遮有天篷的 | |
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95
spire
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|
| n.(教堂)尖顶，尖塔，高点 | |
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96
gilt
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| adj.镀金的；n.金边证券 | |
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97
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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98
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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100
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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101
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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102
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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103
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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104
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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105
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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106
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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107
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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108
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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109
skulls
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| 颅骨( skull的名词复数 )； 脑袋； 脑子； 脑瓜 | |
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110
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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111
contractor
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| n.订约人，承包人，收缩肌 | |
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112
contractors
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| n.（建筑、监造中的）承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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113
tithe
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| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
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114
indictments
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|
| n.（制度、社会等的）衰败迹象( indictment的名词复数 )；刑事起诉书；公诉书；控告 | |
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115
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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116
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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117
boilers
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| 锅炉，烧水器，水壶( boiler的名词复数 ) | |
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118
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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119
brewed
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| 调制( brew的过去式和过去分词 )； 酝酿； 沏（茶）； 煮（咖啡） | |
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120
amber
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| n.琥珀；琥珀色；adj.琥珀制的 | |
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121
hops
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| 跳上[下]( hop的第三人称单数 )； 单足蹦跳； 齐足（或双足）跳行； 摘葎草花 | |
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122
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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123
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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124
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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125
barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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126
penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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127
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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128
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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129
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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131
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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132
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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133
emolument
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| n.报酬，薪水 | |
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134
conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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135
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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136
humanely
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| adv.仁慈地；人道地；富人情地；慈悲地 | |
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137
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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138
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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139
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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140
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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141
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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142
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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143
abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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144
stewards
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| （轮船、飞机等的）乘务员( steward的名词复数 )； （俱乐部、旅馆、工会等的）管理员； （大型活动的）组织者； （私人家中的）管家 | |
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145
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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147
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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148
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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149
defrauding
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| v.诈取，骗取( defraud的现在分词 ) | |
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150
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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151
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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153
poker
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| n.扑克；vt.烙制 | |
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154
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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157
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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158
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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159
rascal
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| n.流氓；不诚实的人 | |
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160
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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161
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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162
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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callousness
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166
ulcers
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| n.溃疡( ulcer的名词复数 )；腐烂物；道德败坏；腐败 | |
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167
quack
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| n.庸医；江湖医生；冒充内行的人；骗子 | |
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168
unguent
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| n.（药）膏；润滑剂；滑油 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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170
tumours
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| 肿瘤( tumour的名词复数 ) | |
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171
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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172
deprivation
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| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
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173
deprivations
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| 剥夺( deprivation的名词复数 )； 被夺去； 缺乏； 匮乏 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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brutes
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| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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incorrigible
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| adj.难以纠正的，屡教不改的 | |
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179
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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180
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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181
convenable
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| 可召集的，可召唤的 | |
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182
supplicant
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| adj.恳求的n.恳求者 | |
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183
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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184
batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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185
invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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186
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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187
concoctions
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| n.编造，捏造，混合物( concoction的名词复数 ) | |
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188
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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190
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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