During the progress of the Seven Years’ War, from 1756 to 1763, it became absolutely necessary, from the large annual increase in the number of prisoners of war brought to England, that some systematic2 accommodation for prisoners on land should be provided. Some idea of the increase may be formed when we find that the number of prisoners of war in England at the end of 1756 was 7,261, and that in 1763, the last year of the war, it was 40,000.
The poor wretches3 for whom there was no room in the already overcrowded hulks were herded4 together wherever space could be found or made for them.
They were in borough6 jails—veritable hells on earth even when filled with native debtors7 and felons8: they were in common prisons such as the Savoy and Wellclose Square in London: they were in hired and adapted strong houses such as the Wool House at Southampton, and the old pottery9 works in Liverpool, or in adapted country houses such as Sissinghurst in Kent, or in adapted farms like Roscrow and Kergilliack in Cornwall; or in barracks as at Winchester, Tynemouth and Edinburgh. Portchester Castle was but an adaptation, so was Forton, near Gosport, and the only place of confinement10 built as a prison, and kept exclusively for prisoners of war, was for a long time the Millbay prison at Plymouth.
In 1760 public attention was drawn11 to the ‘dangerous spirit’ among the French prisoners in England. Escapes were frequent, were carried out by large bodies of men, and in many cases were characterized by open acts of defiance12 and violence. Inquiries13 were made about places which could be prepared to accommodate, between them, from fifteen to twenty thousand prisoners of war. No place was too sacred for the prison-hunters. A 116report upon the suitability of Kenilworth Castle was drawn up by a Dr. Palmer, who concluded, ‘If the buildings are completed, some thousands of prisoners will be so accommodated as I flatter myself will reflect Honour on the British Nation.’
General Simon, we shall see later, was confined in Dumbarton Castle. The Royal Palace at Linlithgow only escaped conversion14 into a war prison by the exertions15 of Viscount Dundas, Lord of the Admiralty—a fact to which Sir Walter Scott thus alludes16 in Waverley:
‘They halted at Linlithgow, distinguished17 by its ancient palace, which, Sixty Years since, was entire and habitable, and whose venerable ruins, not quite Sixty Years since, very narrowly escaped the unworthy fate of being converted into a barrack for French prisoners. May repose18 and blessings19 attend the ashes of the patriotic20 statesman, who, amongst his last services to Scotland, interposed to prevent this profanation21!’
So the business of searching for suitable places and of adaptation of unsuitable went on, the prisoners being of course the chief sufferers, which in that hard, merciless age was not a matter of much concern, and it was not until 1782 that a move in the right direction seemed to be made by the abandonment of the old evil place of confinement at Knowle, near Bristol (visited and commented on by Wesley in 1759 and 1760, and by Howard in 1779), and the transfer of the prisoners to the ‘Fish Ponds’ prison, better known later as Stapleton.
In 1779 Howard says, in his General Report upon the prisons on land, ‘The French Government made an allowance of 3d. per diem to Captains, Mates, sailing masters and surgeons; 2d. per diem to boatswains, carpenters, and petty officers generally, and 1d. per diem to all below these ratings (which is almost exactly the same as the allowances made by the British Government to its prisoners abroad). There is, besides, a supply from the same Court of clothes, linen22, and shoes to those who are destitute23 of these articles; a noble and exemplary provision much to the honour of those who at present conduct public affairs in France.’
Howard found the American prisoners, except at Pembroke, clean and well clothed, thanks to liberal supplies from their 117own country as well as from England. He noted24 the care and assiduity of the ‘Sick and Hurt’ Office in London, and decided25 that England and France treated foreign prisoners very much alike on the whole.
In 1794 Charles Townshend wrote to the Earl of Ailesbury: ‘The French prisoners have their quarters in Hillsea Barracks (Portsmouth), find our biscuit and beef much better than their own, and are astonished at the good treatment they meet with. Most of them are very young, and were driven on board by the bayonet.’
I quote this as I am only too glad when I come across any record or evidence which can serve to brighten the dark dreary26 record of these chapters in our national history.
In 1795 there were 13,666 prisoners of war in Britain, of whom 1,357 were officers on parole; of the remainder the largest number, 4,769, were at Portchester Castle.
In 1796–7 the great dép?t at Norman Cross near Peterborough, to contain 7,000 prisoners, was built and occupied. In 1798, further inquiries were made by the Government for prison accommodation, as the inflow of prisoners was unceasing and ever increasing, the total for this year being 35,000. The advertised specifications27 give us an idea of the space then considered sufficient for prisoners. Besides accommodation for a garrison28 calculated at the proportion of one guard for every twenty prisoners, cells were required measuring eight feet by seven, and eleven feet high, for four or five prisoners, or rooms twenty-four feet by twenty-two to be divided into nine cells, and replies were received from Coldbath Fields, London, Liverpool, Manchester, Preston, Lancaster Castle, Shrewsbury, and Dorchester.
In 1799 Stapleton Prison, near Bristol, was to be enlarged so as to be ready in June 1800, for twice its then complement29 of prisoners.
In 1803 a very general impression was prevalent in high places that an invasion of England was imminent30 from Ireland with which the prisoners of war all over the country, but especially the Western counties, were to be associated, and so, at the request of Sir Rupert George of the Transport Office, a detailed31 report was drawn up by Mr. Yorke of the best means 118to be taken to guard against this. To this was appended a memorandum32 of the capacity and condition of various inland prisons, such as Manchester, Stafford, Shrewsbury, Dorchester, Gloucester, Coldbath Fields in London, and Liverpool.
In 1806 the great prison at Dartmoor, built to hold 6,000 prisoners, and thus relieve the dangerous congestion33 at Plymouth, was founded, but the first prisoners did not enter it until 1809. In 1811 a large dép?t was formed at Valleyfield near Penicuik on the Esk, about nine miles south of Edinburgh, which was gradually enlarged until at the Peace of 1814 it contained 10,000 prisoners.
So by this time, 1814, there were nine large prisons at Dartmoor, Norman Cross, Millbay, Stapleton, Valleyfield, Forton, Portchester, Chatham (where the present St. Mary’s Barracks were first used as a war-prison), and Perth, holding about 45,000 prisoners; there were about 2,000 officers on parole; the hulks at Portsmouth, Plymouth, and Chatham—about fifty ships—would hold nearly 35,000 prisoners, and the grand total would be well in excess of the largest number of war prisoners in Britain in one year, that is, 72,000 in 1814.
In 1812 the following notification was sent to the Admiralty, who evidently treated it seriously, as a copy of it was sent to the agents of all the war prisons in the country:
‘Extra Secret Intelligence.
‘The large fleet here (Boulogne) remain perfectly34 inactive, but the Flotilla are only waiting for orders. I was yesterday told by one of the Captains that 6,000 men would soon be embarked35, that the place of landing was to be as near as possible to Stilton Prison (Norman Cross) and that every man was to carry two complete sets of arms, &c., in order to equip the prisoners they may release.’
Three men, named La Ferre, Denisham, and De Mussy, were to land as American gentlemen, and to take charge quietly and unobtrusively. The head-quarters were to be near Liverpool, Hull36, and between Portsmouth and Plymouth, whence these emissaries were to gain access to all the prisons, and prepare the minds of the inmates37 for the Great Event.
Nothing came of this, but the correspondence of the Transport Office reveals the fact that by one means or another a more 119or less regular correspondence was kept up between France and the prisons, and that there were concerned in it some very well known officers on parole, and even some Englishmen.
The captaincy of a war prison was no sinecure38, and if history shows that one or two of the officers occupying the position were ill-fitted for it, assuredly they had no reason to complain of a lack of rules, regulations, and instructions from head-quarters, and they were called to order in no measured terms.
The care of the prisoners themselves, desperate, restless, cunning rascals39 as many of them were, seems to have bothered the agent much less than the care of those who were in any way associated with the working of the prison—the big and little officials, the officers and soldiers of the garrison, the contractors40, the tradesmen, the workmen, the servants, the innkeepers, farmers, post-office officials, even the stage coachmen and guards, not to mention the neighbouring gentry41, parsons and old ladies who, of course, knew very much better how to run a war-prison than did Captain Pressland, or Captain Cotgrave, or Captain Draper, or any other selected man.
Another fact which contributed to the irksomeness of the post was that although a naval42 captain was always the head of a war prison, and his turnkeys were generally of the same service, and he was the responsible head of the establishment, the guardianship43 of the prisoners was absolutely in the hands of the military authorities, who were therefore responsible for the safe-keeping of the prisoners. Any difference therefore between the naval captain and the military colonel as to the arrangement and disposal of the guards—and such differences were frequent—was sure to betray itself in the condition of the prison.
It may be easily understood that although it was the naval captain in charge of a prison who was held responsible for every escape of a prisoner, he would be pretty sure to put the onus44 of it on to the military commander, who, in turn, would be ready to attribute the mishap45 to anything but deficiency in the arrangement of sentries46 or to any slackness on the part of his men.
Take again the position of the war prisoner agent, as he was called, with regard to the numberless appeals to his humanity with which he was assailed47. The period of the Great 120Wars was not characterized by hyper-sensitiveness on the score of human suffering and want, although I thoroughly48 believe that the men selected for the position of war prisoner agents were generally as kindly49 disposed and as sympathetic, as refined and well-bred Englishmen as could be in an age not remarkable50 for gentleness. It must be remembered that they had ever to be on their guard against ruse51 and stratagem52.
A forcible illustration is afforded by the much vexed53 question of the religious condition of the prisoners. In 1798 the Bishop54 of Léon asked that French priests should be allowed to minister to the prisoners at Portchester and Stapleton, and, although it was notorious that by far the greater number of Frenchmen were not merely indifferent to religion, but avowed55 preachers of atheism56, the permission was given, and the Abbés De La Marc and Pasquier were told off for duty. Later on, however, it would seem that the privilege thus accorded had been grossly abused, and the permission cancelled, for the Transport Office writes:
‘The T. O. regrets that it is not in their power to permit the émigré priests to visit War Prisons. We feel it our duty, however, to say that in the present difficult times when pretended Friends are not always distinguishable from real Foes57, we feel it our Duty to be on our guard respecting Intercourse58 with all Prisoners of war under our charge, and though we have a sincere desire to promote the interests of the Christian59 Religion under any Denomination60, yet where it has been, and is uniformly, if not universally, insulted by the Republicans of your Nation who constitute the bulk of our captives, we must be cautious of every species of Introduction to men so generally unprincipled, and who are at best the Dupes of an ignorant and insidious61 Philosophy. We allow much when we grant permission to your Priests upon the express desire of the Parties, and we appeal to you whether it be not an indulgence which would not be conceded to Protestant Divines under similar circumstances in any Roman Catholic Country, and particularly in France itself under its ancient Government.’
The bishop also applies to have a priest at Deal. The Transport Office refuses, saying that Deal is not a dép?t for prisoners, but only a receiving place, and there are no turnkeys and clerks, such ‘as the admission of an Ecclesiastic62 might render necessary’.
121In 1801, the same Bishop of Léon had the assurance to request the release of a French priest taken under arms. To this the Transport Office replied:
‘The Board is rather surprised that you should apply to them on behalf of such a person, as they conceive it to be against the spirit of all Religion that men in Holy Orders should be found in Military Array, and they are more convinced that they should not comply with such a request, as no assurance can be given or be relied on that so unprincipled a man may not put off his Function for his own purposes a second time and repeat his enormity.’
In 1808, the Bishop of Moulins was chaplain to the prisoners at Norman Cross, and, according to the Rev5. Arthur Brown, author of a little book about this prison, devoted63 his life to the spiritual regeneration of the poor fellows in captivity64, although Dr. Walker, of Peterborough, estimates the bishop somewhat differently.
At any rate, his boy attendant, a prisoner, was found guilty of breaking one of the prison rules by selling straw hats clandestinely65 made by the prisoners, and was ordered back into confinement. The bishop, who did not live in the prison, but was staying at the Bell, in Stilton, applied66 for another prisoner attendant, but was refused.
Again, in 1814, the British and Foreign Bible Society asked that the Transport Office agents should be allowed to distribute New Testaments68 among the prisoners at Stapleton and Norman Cross. The Office replied:
‘We cannot impress such a duty on our agents, as they consider it an impossibility to prevent the prisoners from selling them, as all the Vigilance exercised by the officers of the Department is insufficient69 to prevent the prisoners from making away with the most necessary articles of clothing and bedding.’
That the Transport Office were justified70 in their refusal is confirmed by an incident at the final embarkation71 of the French prisoners from the Perth dép?t in July of the same year, 1814. A considerable number of French Testaments were sent from Edinburgh to be distributed among the prisoners leaving for France. The distribution was duly made, but by the time the 122prisoners had reached the waterside, almost every man had sold his Testament67 for a trifling72 sum.
It cannot be doubted, I think, that the hardships endured by the prisoners in the war prisons were very much exaggerated, and also that to a very large extent the prisoners brought them upon themselves. Especially was this the case in the matter of insufficient food and clothing. Gambling73 was the besetting74 sin of the prisons, and to get the wherewithal to gamble the prisoners sold clothing, bedding, and not only their rations75 for the day, but for days to come. At Dartmoor the evil occasioned by the existence of the sale of rations by prisoners to ‘brokers’, who resold them at a profit, was so great that Captain Cotgrave, the Governor, in February 1813, sent a number of the ‘brokers’ to the cachot. To their remonstrance76 he replied, in writing, much as a sailor man he would have spoken:
‘To the Prisoners in the Cachot for purchasing Provisions. The Orders to put you on short allowance (2/3rds) from the Commissioners77 of His Majesty’s Transport Board is for purchasing the provisions of your fellow prisoners, by which means numbers have died from want of food, and the hospital is filled with sick not likely to recover. The number of deaths occasioned by this inhuman78 practise occasions considerable expense to the Government, not only in coffins79, but the hospital is filled with these poor, unhappy wretches so far reduced from want of food that they linger a considerable time in the hospital at the Government’s expense, and then fall a victim to the cruelty of those who have purchased their provisions, to the disgrace of Christians80 and whatever nation they belong to.
The appeal was useless, and he issued a proclamation a month later, threatening to stop the markets if the practice was persisted in. This was equally fruitless. Charitable people pitied the poor half-naked prisoners in winter, and supplied them abundantly with clothing; but when the same men were pointed82 out to them a few days later as naked as before, and it was represented to them that by their well-meant benevolence83 they were actually encouraging that which it was most desirable to check, they refused to believe it. Hence it became necessary to punish severely84. The most efficacious form of punishment 123was to put an offender’s name at the bottom of the list for being exchanged against British prisoners to be sent from France or whatever country we happened to be at war with. But even this had no deterrent85 effect upon some, and the frenzy86 for gain was so remarkable that in all the prisons there was a regular market for the purchase and sale of places on the Exchange List, until the Government stopped the practice. The most common form of punishment was putting offenders87 on short allowance. For making away with hammock, bed, or blanket, the prisoner was put on short allowance for ten days; for making away with any two of these articles he was docked for fourteen days; for cutting or damaging bedding or clothes, he had half rations for five days and had to make the damage good.
Acts of violence brought confinement in the cachot or Black Hole. A prisoner who wounded a turnkey was to be kept handcuffed, with his hands behind him, for not less than twelve hours, and for not more than twenty-four!
For murder and forgery88 the prisoners came under the civil law; death was the penalty for both, but until 1810 no prisoner-forgers, although convicted, had been punished with death in England, owing to a doubt in the minds of judges whether prisoners of war were answerable to municipal tribunals for this sort of offence, which is not against the law of nations.
Prisoners who were not mentally or physically89 gifted enough to earn money by the exercise of their talents or employment in handicraft, had other opportunities of doing so. For working about the prisons as carpenters, gardeners, washermen, they were paid threepence a day. As helpers in the infirmaries—one to every ten patients—they received sixpence a day. Officers recaptured after breaking their parole or sent to prison for serious offences were glad, if they had means, to pay prisoners threepence a day to act as their servants, and do their dirty work generally. At the same rate sweepers were engaged at the ratio of one to every hundred men; cooks, in the proportion of one for every 400 men, received 4?d. a day, and barbers earned 3d. a day. At Dartmoor some five hundred prisoners were employed in these and other ways, each man wearing on his cap a tin plate with the nature of his calling thereon inscribed90. A necessarily rough estimate showed that nearly half of the 124inmates of the war prisons made honest money in one way or another; the remainder were gamblers and nothing else. Still, a very large number of the wage-earners were gamblers also. Of these various professions and trades much will be said in the accounts of the prison life which follow, and when comparisons are instituted between the versatility91, the deftness92, the ingenuity93, the artistic94 feeling, and the industry of the French prisoners in Britain, and the helpless indolence of the British prisoners abroad, testimony is unconsciously given in favour of that national system by which men of all social grades, of all professions, and of all trades, are compelled to serve in the defence of their country, as contrasted with that which, until late years, deemed only the scum of the population as properly liable to military service.
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1
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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herded
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| 群集，纠结( herd的过去式和过去分词 )； 放牧； （使）向…移动 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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borough
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| n.享有自治权的市镇；(英)自治市镇 | |
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debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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felons
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| n.重罪犯( felon的名词复数 )；瘭疽；甲沟炎；指头脓炎 | |
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pottery
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| n.陶器，陶器场 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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profanation
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linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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specifications
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| n.规格；载明；详述；（产品等的）说明书；说明书( specification的名词复数 )；详细的计划书；载明；详述 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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congestion
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| n.阻塞，消化不良 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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sinecure
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| n.闲差事，挂名职务 | |
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rascals
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| 流氓( rascal的名词复数 )； 无赖； （开玩笑说法）淘气的人（尤指小孩）； 恶作剧的人 | |
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contractors
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| n.（建筑、监造中的）承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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onus
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| n.负担；责任 | |
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mishap
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| n.不幸的事，不幸；灾祸 | |
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sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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ruse
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| n.诡计，计策；诡计 | |
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stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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clandestinely
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| adv.秘密地，暗中地 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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testaments
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| n.遗嘱( testament的名词复数 )；实际的证明 | |
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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besetting
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| adj.不断攻击的v.困扰( beset的现在分词 )；不断围攻；镶；嵌 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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coffins
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| n.棺材( coffin的名词复数 )；使某人早亡[死，完蛋，垮台等]之物 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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deterrent
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| n.阻碍物，制止物；adj.威慑的，遏制的 | |
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frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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inscribed
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| v.写，刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；内接 | |
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versatility
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| n.多才多艺，多样性，多功能 | |
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deftness
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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