He, an acute and original observer, statistician, and scientific man, properly so called, did not require to be instructed as to the lamentable11 results which the premature12 death of millions causes to the surviving relatives—results so eloquently13 and so correctly depicted14 by the illustrious Quetelet in his work on Man.4 Of all this he was well aware, and a consciousness of such a condition of humanity, and a firm belief in the opinion that the cause lay in some defect in our social system, remediable by human means, led to those inquiries15 on which the late Dr. Macculloch based his theory of a universal malaria the cause of most diseases—a theory now adopted in its entirety by a large section of the medical faculty16, and by the English Government of the present date.
The theory or theories of Macculloch,5 as expounded17 by himself, amounted in fact to this—that a poison, which may be called malaria, is generated by vegetable and animal substances whilst undergoing decomposition18 or putrefaction19, and that to the presence of this poison may be traced most of the diseases afflicting20 civilized21 man. In a neglected drain or sewer22 he saw the cause of typhus, of agues, of skin disease, neuralgias, &c.
These views of Macculloch respecting the origin of malaria and its effects on man, were, when first published, and indeed for many years afterwards, looked on with suspicion by the physicians of that day; they were viewed, in truth, as wildly speculative23, and wholly unsupported by facts. This opinion still prevails with many, but they are being rapidly borne down by a host of writers—many, it must not be overlooked, enjoying lucrative24 official appointments, and who thus have a deep and touching25 interest in supporting and maintaining the theories of Macculloch. An opportunity will occur in the course of this work of tracing briefly26 the progress of the mania—for such, to a certain extent, it speedily became—and of assigning the merit or demerit of the movement to those to whom it may be due. Here it is only necessary to allude27 to it as being in fact the source of all those visionary and Utopian schemes for the entire renovation28 of the social state of man, alternately advocated or deprecated by a press naturally chiming in with the prevailing29 public feeling. At times the discussion acquires an almost feverish30 character—as when, for example, during the present summer, “the river” exhaled31 an odour more than usually unpleasant; at times it cools down in the presence of a proposal to expend32 many millions of the public money on some wild, untried scheme, under the superintendence of the very men who deliberately33, and despite many warnings, reduced “the river” to its present sad condition—of men who had not the candour or the honesty to admit that, proceeding34 on the conjectures35 of Macculloch, they hazarded one of the coarsest experiments ever devised on the health of millions.6 These were the men whose course of action the Registrar-General endeavoured to palliate, on the plausible36 ground that, although they poisoned the river, the doing so was much less injurious to the inhabitants of London than to suffer the cesspools to continue any longer buried in the earth, although for the most part hermetically sealed! Thus were they permitted in open day to pollute the surface-drains of the metropolis37, converting them into sewers38—to render the streets and squares impassable—and finally to convert the river itself into a kind of elongated39 cesspool! This, says the Registrar-General, is an evil of less magnitude than the permitting the cesspools and dead-wells to remain as they were until gradually and cautiously disposed of by other means.
It were easy to show, were it worth while—1st. How the persons to whom I here allude suffered to be withdrawn40 from the Thames nearly a half of its natural waters before reaching London; 2nd. How next they converted the healthy surface drains of London and of its environs into odious41 sewers, ignoring the distinction between drain and sewer, a distinction which the most ignorant of day labourers perfectly42 understands, and heretofore had uniformly respected; 3rd. How they refused to suffer the suicidal act to proceed gradually and slowly, whereby the river, out of its own natural resources, might and would in time have accomplished43 its own depuration, but as best suiting their ultimate views, issued compulsory44 edicts on the inhabitants of this great city to empty into the river, and almost at once, the accumulated excreta of a quarter of a century, such being at least the average age of the contents of the cesspools. Thus was demanded of the river a depurative force at the least twenty times greater than under another system would have been required of it. Lastly, to complete a series of experiments so injurious to the public, but so profitable to individuals, the same party proposes further to deprive the stream of all aid in the purification of its waters, by pouring into the German Ocean the entirety of the water which the natural drainage of London, and the valley in which it stands, contribute to it, together with one-half the waters of the river itself, taken from it above the tide-way for the supply of the capital.
Thus, by a series of man?uvres, transparent45 enough to those who have carefully watched the movements for the last twenty years, its inhabitants are now called on at their own expense to remedy the clumsy experiments of those who occupy positions they could not fill in any country but England.7
Four-and-twenty centuries ago, Hippocrates, the father of medicine, gave to the world his celebrated46 treatise47, de aere, aquis et locis (Περι ?δατων αερον κα? τοπων), having for its object an inquiry48 into the influence of the external world on man’s physical structure and moral nature. To trace the origin of disease to these circumstances, does not seem to have fallen within the scope of his argument; accordingly, it can scarcely be said that any author prior to Macculloch ever considered this matter from a philosophical49 or physiological50 point of view, a reason for which may be found, I think, in the absence of a minutely accurate chemical analysis of natural and artificial products. No Ehrenberg had taught mankind the wonders of the living microscopic51 world of life; even the geology of Macculloch was much behind the profound analyses of the present day. Sober thinking men had rejected the bold speculations52 of Buffon as to the antiquity53 of life on the globe, and the demonstrations54 of the immortal56 Cuvier were as yet but partially57 admitted; whilst the theories of Lamark, respecting the vast influence of life in the construction of the crust of the globe, had been suffered quietly to fall into abeyance58. Life was thought to be but a recent acquisition by the earth; the Silurian and Cambrian systems of fossils were either unknown or misunderstood. These fossils, at present called “the first stages of this grand and long series of former accumulations,” must, in the nature of things, yield their claims to others which geology will no doubt soon discover, thus rendering59 more than probable the theory that life and the globe are coeval60.
Placed accidentally in a country usually considered as a focus or centre of that malaria or influence, whatever it may be, which man, correctly, perhaps, esteems61 as the source and cause of remittent and intermittent62 fevers, I have thought it might prove a labour of some utility to mankind to test the theoretical opinions to which I have alluded63, by an appeal to facts submitted to more refined analyses than were known at the period of their promulgation64. Time can only show in how far the views I venture to substitute for those now in vogue65 fairly represent the truth. A power of nature, invisible and impalpable, harasses66 mankind, destroys armies,8 desolates67 districts and countries, slays68 adult man at the moment when his native land expects from him a suitable return for all the labour, trouble, and expense bestowed69 on him: to inquire into the nature of this poison is the object, or at least the main object, of this work. If we would rightly understand its essence and properties, it may be admitted that we ought to study carefully in the first instance its manifestations70 and effects; now these are tolerably well known. The most difficult part of the inquiry remains71, that is, the demonstration55 of the essential nature of the poison or miasm giving rise to such disastrous72 results. All modern science leads to the conclusion that malaria, whether it originate in circumstances over which man has no control, despite every hygienic effort, or emanate73 from a combination of circumstances mainly caused by man himself, or be only effectual when it meets with individuals living in contempt of common sanitary74 precautions, must, by its material nature, be within the range of philosophical research. To Schonbein, a distinguished chemist now alive, we owe the discovery of ozone75. Major Tulloch had already hinted at the doctrine76 that the cause of the frightful77 mortality in tropical countries was to be looked for in electrical conditions of the atmosphere, of whose nature we as yet are ignorant.9 Other discoveries in this direction are sure to follow at no distant period. What so obscure a short time ago as electricity? Now look at its position, at least, as a science of application! Life, it is true, is the mystery of mysteries, equally so in its origin and extinction78; yet granting this to be a truth, and foreseeing in it all the difficulties of every inquiry directed to elucidate79 its essential nature, every reflecting mind must be struck with the remarkable80 discoveries of modern times, all tending to show the close alliance between the chemical and vital phenomena81, an alliance wholly unknown to the most gifted of antiquity. The modern world, right or wrong, looks to chemistry for the solution of many great and important problems, the most elevated of which unquestionably is the discovery of the causes rendering certain wide-spread localities of this earth unfit for the habitation of those at least who may not claim them as their natal82 soil; of which they are not the aborigines.
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1 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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2 geologists | |
地质学家,地质学者( geologist的名词复数 ) | |
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3 volcanic | |
adj.火山的;象火山的;由火山引起的 | |
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4 rheumatism | |
n.风湿病 | |
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5 precarious | |
adj.不安定的,靠不住的;根据不足的 | |
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6 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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7 woes | |
困境( woe的名词复数 ); 悲伤; 我好苦哇; 某人就要倒霉 | |
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8 malaria | |
n.疟疾 | |
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9 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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10 mitigate | |
vt.(使)减轻,(使)缓和 | |
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11 lamentable | |
adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
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12 premature | |
adj.比预期时间早的;不成熟的,仓促的 | |
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13 eloquently | |
adv. 雄辩地(有口才地, 富于表情地) | |
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14 depicted | |
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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15 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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16 faculty | |
n.才能;学院,系;(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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17 expounded | |
论述,详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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18 decomposition | |
n. 分解, 腐烂, 崩溃 | |
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19 putrefaction | |
n.腐坏,腐败 | |
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20 afflicting | |
痛苦的 | |
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21 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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22 sewer | |
n.排水沟,下水道 | |
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23 speculative | |
adj.思索性的,暝想性的,推理的 | |
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24 lucrative | |
adj.赚钱的,可获利的 | |
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25 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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26 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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27 allude | |
v.提及,暗指 | |
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28 renovation | |
n.革新,整修 | |
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29 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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30 feverish | |
adj.发烧的,狂热的,兴奋的 | |
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31 exhaled | |
v.呼出,发散出( exhale的过去式和过去分词 );吐出(肺中的空气、烟等),呼气 | |
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32 expend | |
vt.花费,消费,消耗 | |
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33 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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34 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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35 conjectures | |
推测,猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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36 plausible | |
adj.似真实的,似乎有理的,似乎可信的 | |
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37 metropolis | |
n.首府;大城市 | |
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38 sewers | |
n.阴沟,污水管,下水道( sewer的名词复数 ) | |
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39 elongated | |
v.延长,加长( elongate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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41 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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42 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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43 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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44 compulsory | |
n.强制的,必修的;规定的,义务的 | |
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45 transparent | |
adj.明显的,无疑的;透明的 | |
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46 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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47 treatise | |
n.专著;(专题)论文 | |
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48 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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49 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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50 physiological | |
adj.生理学的,生理学上的 | |
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51 microscopic | |
adj.微小的,细微的,极小的,显微的 | |
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52 speculations | |
n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 );思考;投机活动;推断 | |
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53 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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54 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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55 demonstration | |
n.表明,示范,论证,示威 | |
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56 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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57 partially | |
adv.部分地,从某些方面讲 | |
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58 abeyance | |
n.搁置,缓办,中止,产权未定 | |
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59 rendering | |
n.表现,描写 | |
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60 coeval | |
adj.同时代的;n.同时代的人或事物 | |
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61 esteems | |
n.尊敬,好评( esteem的名词复数 )v.尊敬( esteem的第三人称单数 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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62 intermittent | |
adj.间歇的,断断续续的 | |
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63 alluded | |
提及,暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64 promulgation | |
n.颁布 | |
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65 Vogue | |
n.时髦,时尚;adj.流行的 | |
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66 harasses | |
v.侵扰,骚扰( harass的第三人称单数 );不断攻击(敌人) | |
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67 desolates | |
毁坏( desolate的第三人称单数 ); 极大地破坏; 使沮丧; 使痛苦 | |
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68 slays | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的第三人称单数 ) | |
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69 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70 manifestations | |
n.表示,显示(manifestation的复数形式) | |
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71 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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72 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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73 emanate | |
v.发自,来自,出自 | |
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74 sanitary | |
adj.卫生方面的,卫生的,清洁的,卫生的 | |
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75 ozone | |
n.臭氧,新鲜空气 | |
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76 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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77 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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78 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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79 elucidate | |
v.阐明,说明 | |
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80 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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81 phenomena | |
n.现象 | |
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82 natal | |
adj.出生的,先天的 | |
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