The plague of the time of Justinian is known to us only through the medium of the Greek and Roman writers. We know nothing as to how it affected43 the remote East, or whether that portion of the earth escaped. No record exists to prove or disprove the passage across the Atlantic, in ancient times, of plagues and pestilences44, such as we know now overleap with ease that seemingly impassable barrier. The history of cholera in its progress from the East, though drawn45 up by skilful46 official writers, tells us as little of its real nature as Procopius did of the plague. It resembles in some respects the history of ancient Egypt, each discovery merely adding another enigma47 to the already existing and unexplained. Its propagation by contagion is still denied by the first of medical authorities, and yet it must be admitted that it pursues in a mysterious manner the paths of commerce, as if by the abuse of trade, plagues, which would otherwise become extinct in the land of their origin, are diffused48 over the continents of the world.12
The propagation of the plague by contagion was, as we have already seen, distinctly denied by Procopius, and in this opinion he seems, as in modern times, to have been backed by a majority of the people. The immortal historian of “The Decline and Fall” did not partake of Procopius’ doubts. “Contagion,” he remarks, “is the inseparable symptom of the plague, which, by mutual49 respiration50, is transfused51 from the infected persons to the lungs and stomach of those who approach them. While the philosophers believe and tremble, it is singular that the existence of a real danger should have been denied by a people most prone52 to vain and imaginary terrors. Yet the fellow-citizens of Procopius were satisfied, by some short and partial experience, that the infection could not be gained by the closest conversation; and this persuasion53 might support the assiduity of friends or physicians in the care of the sick, whom inhuman54 prudence55 would have condemned56 to solitude57 and despair. But the fatal security, like the predestination of the Turks, must have aided the progress of the contagion; and those salutary precautions to which Europe is indebted for her safety, were unknown to the government of Justinian. No restraints were imposed on the free and frequent intercourse58 of the Roman provinces. From Persia to France the nations were mingled59 and infected by wars and emigration, and the pestilential odour which lurks60 for years in a bale of cotton was imported by the abuse of trade into the most distant regions.”13
Thus has been bandied about from the earliest times to the present day, the great question of the origin of the pestilential diseases, and their contagious properties when once produced. The question still remains61 unsettled, nor has the advent62 of the cholera in modern times contributed in the slightest degree to bring the disputation to a demonstrative issue.
Are they of terrestrial or atmospheric origin properly, or do both contribute their share towards the production of pestilences? How originated the cholera, and how does it spread? These questions may still be asked, and when asked must remain unanswered. The share ascribed to man in the production and propagation of this and similar diseases is mainly the object of this inquiry63, and to that I shall adhere as much as possible.
Men, ever anxious to discover the causes of events, ascribed the origin of the plague in the reign of Justinian to the putrefaction of locusts; but the same event may and has happened without being productive of similar results—without, indeed, causing any disease whatever, as if the poison, though present, were ineffectual unless aided by other circumstances at present unknown to man. Those who have seen cholera only as it prevails on the rotten banks of the Ganges, ascribe its origin to heat and putrefaction, its extension to the habits of a densely-congregated people. They forget, or choose not to remember, that it raged in the depth of winter in the cold regions of Russia and of Scotland, in thinly-populated villages, in hamlets, and insulated cottages, scattered64 over the elevated yet cultivated estates of noble and wealthy proprietors65.14 Those who have studied the phenomena of typhus only in the horrid66 slums of Glasgow, in the wynds and closes of cold and bleak67 Edinburgh—from which it is never absent, occasionally raging with something like the virulence68 of a plague—ascribe the origin and extension of the disease to cold and hunger, to a deficiency of animal food, and to a contempt for all sanitary arrangements; but they do not choose to remember that a few years ago typhus in its worst form appeared in the south-eastern angle of England, spreading thence through the midland counties, deeply affecting the population of hamlets and villages the salubrity of whose site was unquestioned. And if negative evidence be held sufficient to refute Procopius’ theory of the origin of the true plague, we have but to look into the pages of a modern traveller, whose official position naturally adds to the value of his testimony69. Mr. Barrow, in describing a visitation of locusts to the Cape25 of Good Hope, makes the following curious remark:—“Their last departure was rather singular. All the full-grown insects were driven into the sea by a tempestuous70 north-west wind, and were afterwards cast upon the beach, where it is said they formed a bank of three or four feet high, which extended from the mouth of the Bosjesman river to that of the Becca, a distance of nearly fifty English miles; and it is asserted that when this mass became putrid71, and the wind was at south-east, the stench was sensibly felt in several parts of the Sneuwberg.” The distance over which the stench was felt must have been at least a hundred miles, the range of the Sneuwbergen being at about this distance from the coast.
It is hardly necessary for me to observe, that no disease followed the destruction and putrefaction of these locusts. The colony of South Africa still continues free from plague and cholera, and many other diseases afflicting72 the most favoured of European lands; consumption, scrofula, and fever are all but unknown. I am not aware that the inhabitants are in any way remarkable73 for their sanitary arrangements, whilst of the Hottentots it may with truth be said, that they are at once the healthiest and dirtiest people in the world.
Thus, after the lapse74 of many centuries, the great questions debated in the time of Justinian—may we not rather say in the days of Thucydides?—surge up again whenever a new plague appears on the earth. The professors of “the conjectural75 art,” anxious to vindicate76 their claim to activity, and to share in the laudations bestowed77 on the superior intelligence of the present day, offer at present a highly consolatory78 view, not only as to the origin of these diseases, but as to their speedy suppression. They argue that, but for the neglect of hygienic measures, such influences or poisons would either not arise, or would pass on their course, leaving the nations unscathed. In the meantime, it is prudent79 to recall to the recollection of those who arrive rashly at conclusions such as these—who theorize on narrow local ground—who are sanguine80 enough to look forward to the speedy extinction81 of all zymotic diseases, that pestilential and destructive epidemics82 are not confined to man; that, under the form of murrains, they destroy the beasts of the field. In the murrain of 1747, it is stated on authority that 30,000 cattle died in Cheshire in the course of half a year. The marsh83 districts suffered most; and it has even been conjectured84 that such epizootic diseases usually originate amidst swamps and malarious85 districts; but of this we have no proofs. Even the harvests to which man looks for sustenance86 are not spared—nor the vine; the life-destroying principle, attacking these lower forms of life, cannot well be traced to the neglect of hygienic measures on the part of man, or of the animals or plants themselves; and yet in the midst of these bogs87 and marshes88 which undeniably give origin to some forms of fever, the buffalo89, the ox, the camel, the elephant, and the wild of all species, live and thrive. Thus the question of the origin of disease is complicated ab origine; the origin of typhus—that scourge and pest of the nations inhabiting the temperate regions, more especially of Western Europe, and of the British Isles90 in particular—is absolutely unknown. To affect to trace it to a foul91 drain, an uncleansed sewer92, an untrapped cesspool, a laystall, a collection of neglected rubbish, is clearly against the evidence and the daily experience of thousands; but all are agreed that in certain fenny93 and marshy94 countries fevers prevail—intermittent in temperate, remittent in ardent95 climes nearer the tropic; whilst within the tropics the life of the European stranger can scarcely be valued at a week’s purchase.15 To this destructive influence, most commonly connected with a marshy soil, the Italian first gave the name of malaria96—a useful appellation97, universally accepted as implying no theory; and had such fevers been found only in such localities, the inference must have followed, that a something, open to the chemist to discover, emanating98 or produced by these marshes, was solely99 and distinctly the cause of all such fevers. But now a more careful and extended inquiry shows that such fevers are not confined to those districts, but infest100 even the hay-field, are not unfrequent in or near woods growing on soils where marshes have ever been unknown; whilst as regards the more ardent remittents of Eastern countries, the statistics of Major Tulloch have all but destroyed the theory which would trace to marshes exclusively the fevers which in such countries set all medical treatment and all human precautions at defiance101.16
This uncertainty102 of life from the effects of malaria must ever, I think, remain whilst the true nature of the poison is unknown; and it is with a view to discover, if possible, the circumstances under which it originates, that I undertook this difficult inquiry. Long resident in a country supposed to be an ague-producing land, I watched with much interest the social condition of a sagacious, prudent, and industrious103 race of men, who could thus, at one and the same time, preserve their liberty and life from the hostile assaults of furious, implacable tyrants104 from without, and of an insidious105, invisible enemy within, walking stealthily around the habitations of men, poisoning the air of his house, his fields, and gardens. It was in Holland that a French general, writing to the great Napoleon, and complaining of the destruction of the garrisons106 by fever, received from him the only reply which at the time the necessities of the mighty107 conqueror108 permitted him to give—“L’homme meurt partout.” “Man dies everywhere,” was the only answer, if answer it could be called, to a kind-hearted commander, more touched by the calamity109 around him than by the exigencies110 of the State.
But how was it that whilst French and English soldiers perished so unaccountably in the prime of life, the inhabitants of these countries lived seemingly unaware111 of the pestilence walking around and amongst them? This problem may, I think, be solved; and as not foreign to the matter in hand, I may be permitted to glance at the character, position, and social condition of a race and a nation so distinct from all other branches of the great European family. My remarks will bear mainly on the influence they exercise over the portion of the earth they inhabit, and on the modifications112 which man’s industry, guided by prudence and science, may imprint113 on “the earth, the air, and water” of the territory which, under the circumstances I now describe, may especially be called their own.
点击收听单词发音
1 epidemic | |
n.流行病;盛行;adj.流行性的,流传极广的 | |
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2 atmospheric | |
adj.大气的,空气的;大气层的;大气所引起的 | |
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3 malady | |
n.病,疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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4 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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5 stagnating | |
v.停滞,不流动,不发展( stagnate的现在分词 ) | |
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6 putrefaction | |
n.腐坏,腐败 | |
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7 swarms | |
蜂群,一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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8 locusts | |
n.蝗虫( locust的名词复数 );贪吃的人;破坏者;槐树 | |
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9 bog | |
n.沼泽;室...陷入泥淖 | |
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10 penetrated | |
adj. 击穿的,鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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11 contagion | |
n.(通过接触的疾病)传染;蔓延 | |
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12 pestilence | |
n.瘟疫 | |
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13 cholera | |
n.霍乱 | |
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14 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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15 phenomena | |
n.现象 | |
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16 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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17 ferment | |
vt.使发酵;n./vt.(使)激动,(使)动乱 | |
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18 inexplicable | |
adj.无法解释的,难理解的 | |
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19 sanitary | |
adj.卫生方面的,卫生的,清洁的,卫生的 | |
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20 contagious | |
adj.传染性的,有感染力的 | |
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21 measles | |
n.麻疹,风疹,包虫病,痧子 | |
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22 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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23 vouch | |
v.担保;断定;n.被担保者 | |
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24 sequestered | |
adj.扣押的;隐退的;幽静的;偏僻的v.使隔绝,使隔离( sequester的过去式和过去分词 );扣押 | |
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25 cape | |
n.海角,岬;披肩,短披风 | |
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26 diffuse | |
v.扩散;传播;adj.冗长的;四散的,弥漫的 | |
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27 venom | |
n.毒液,恶毒,痛恨 | |
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28 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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29 temperate | |
adj.温和的,温带的,自我克制的,不过分的 | |
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30 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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31 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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32 alleviated | |
减轻,缓解,缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33 malignity | |
n.极度的恶意,恶毒;(病的)恶性 | |
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34 abated | |
减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 ); 减去; 降价; 撤消(诉讼) | |
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35 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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36 languished | |
长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 ); 受折磨; 变得(越来越)衰弱; 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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37 calamitous | |
adj.灾难的,悲惨的;多灾多难;惨重 | |
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38 conjecture | |
n./v.推测,猜测 | |
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39 withered | |
adj. 枯萎的,干瘪的,(人身体的部分器官)因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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40 scourge | |
n.灾难,祸害;v.蹂躏 | |
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41 afflicted | |
使受痛苦,折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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43 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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44 pestilences | |
n.瘟疫, (尤指)腺鼠疫( pestilence的名词复数 ) | |
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45 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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46 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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47 enigma | |
n.谜,谜一样的人或事 | |
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48 diffused | |
散布的,普及的,扩散的 | |
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49 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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50 respiration | |
n.呼吸作用;一次呼吸;植物光合作用 | |
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51 transfused | |
v.输(血或别的液体)( transfuse的过去式和过去分词 );渗透;使…被灌输或传达 | |
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52 prone | |
adj.(to)易于…的,很可能…的;俯卧的 | |
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53 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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54 inhuman | |
adj.残忍的,不人道的,无人性的 | |
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55 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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56 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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57 solitude | |
n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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58 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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59 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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60 lurks | |
n.潜在,潜伏;(lurk的复数形式)vi.潜伏,埋伏(lurk的第三人称单数形式) | |
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61 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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62 advent | |
n.(重要事件等的)到来,来临 | |
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63 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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64 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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65 proprietors | |
n.所有人,业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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66 horrid | |
adj.可怕的;令人惊恐的;恐怖的;极讨厌的 | |
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67 bleak | |
adj.(天气)阴冷的;凄凉的;暗淡的 | |
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68 virulence | |
n.毒力,毒性;病毒性;致病力 | |
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69 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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70 tempestuous | |
adj.狂暴的 | |
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71 putrid | |
adj.腐臭的;有毒的;已腐烂的;卑劣的 | |
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72 afflicting | |
痛苦的 | |
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73 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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74 lapse | |
n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
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75 conjectural | |
adj.推测的 | |
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76 vindicate | |
v.为…辩护或辩解,辩明;证明…正确 | |
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77 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78 consolatory | |
adj.慰问的,可藉慰的 | |
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79 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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80 sanguine | |
adj.充满希望的,乐观的,血红色的 | |
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81 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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82 epidemics | |
n.流行病 | |
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83 marsh | |
n.沼泽,湿地 | |
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84 conjectured | |
推测,猜测,猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85 malarious | |
(患)疟疾的,(有)瘴气的 | |
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86 sustenance | |
n.食物,粮食;生活资料;生计 | |
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87 bogs | |
n.沼泽,泥塘( bog的名词复数 );厕所v.(使)陷入泥沼, (使)陷入困境( bog的第三人称单数 );妨碍,阻碍 | |
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88 marshes | |
n.沼泽,湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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89 buffalo | |
n.(北美)野牛;(亚洲)水牛 | |
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90 isles | |
岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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91 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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92 sewer | |
n.排水沟,下水道 | |
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93 fenny | |
adj.沼泽的;沼泽多的;长在沼泽地带的;住在沼泽地的 | |
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94 marshy | |
adj.沼泽的 | |
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95 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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96 malaria | |
n.疟疾 | |
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97 appellation | |
n.名称,称呼 | |
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98 emanating | |
v.从…处传出,传出( emanate的现在分词 );产生,表现,显示 | |
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99 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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100 infest | |
v.大批出没于;侵扰;寄生于 | |
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101 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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102 uncertainty | |
n.易变,靠不住,不确知,不确定的事物 | |
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103 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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104 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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105 insidious | |
adj.阴险的,隐匿的,暗中为害的,(疾病)不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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106 garrisons | |
守备部队,卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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107 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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108 conqueror | |
n.征服者,胜利者 | |
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109 calamity | |
n.灾害,祸患,不幸事件 | |
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110 exigencies | |
n.急切需要 | |
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111 unaware | |
a.不知道的,未意识到的 | |
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112 modifications | |
n.缓和( modification的名词复数 );限制;更改;改变 | |
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113 imprint | |
n.印痕,痕迹;深刻的印象;vt.压印,牢记 | |
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