The life of Frederick Douglass, recorded in the pages which follow, is not merely an example of self-elevation under the most adverse8 circumstances; it is, moreover, a noble vindication9 of the highest aims of the American anti-slavery movement. The real object of that movement is not only to disenthrall, it is, also, to bestow11 upon the Negro the exercise of all those rights, from the possession of which he has been so long debarred.
But this full recognition of the colored man to the right, and the entire admission of the same to the full privileges, political, religious and social, of manhood, requires powerful effort on the part of the enthralled13, as well as on the part of those who would disenthrall them. The people at large must feel the conviction, as well as admit the abstract logic14, of human equality;[5] the Negro, for the first time in the world’s history, brought in full contact with high civilization, must prove his title first to all that is demanded for him; in the teeth of unequal chances, he must prove himself equal to the mass of those who oppress him—therefore, absolutely superior to his apparent fate, and to their relative ability. And it is most cheering to the friends of freedom, today, that evidence of this equality is rapidly accumulating, not from the ranks of the half-freed colored people of the free states, but from the very depths of slavery itself; the indestructible equality of man to man is demonstrated by the ease with which black men, scarce one remove from barbarism—if slavery can be honored with such a distinction—vault into the high places of the most advanced and painfully acquired civilization. Ward5 and Garnett, Wells Brown and Pennington, Loguen and Douglass, are banners on the outer wall, under which abolition16 is fighting its most successful battles, because they are living exemplars of the practicability of the most radical17 abolitionism; for, they were all of them born to the doom18 of slavery, some of them remained slaves until adult age, yet they all have not only won equality to their white fellow citizens, in civil, religious, political and social rank, but they have also illustrated19 and adorned20 our common country by their genius, learning and eloquence21.
The characteristics whereby Mr. Douglass has won first rank among these remarkable22 men, and is still rising toward highest rank among living Americans, are abundantly laid bare in the book before us. Like the autobiography23 of Hugh Miller24, it carries us so far back into early childhood, as to throw light upon the question, “when positive and persistent25 memory begins in the human being.” And, like Hugh Miller, he must have been a shy old-fashioned child, occasionally oppressed by what he could not well account for, peering and poking26 about among the layers of right and wrong, of tyrant27 and thrall10, and the wonderfulness of that hopeless tide of things which brought power to one race, and unrequited toil28 to another, until, finally, he stumbled upon[6] his “first-found Ammonite,” hidden away down in the depths of his own nature, and which revealed to him the fact that liberty and right, for all men, were anterior30 to slavery and wrong. When his knowledge of the world was bounded by the visible horizon on Col. Lloyd’s plantation31, and while every thing around him bore a fixed32, iron stamp, as if it had always been so, this was, for one so young, a notable discovery.
To his uncommon33 memory, then, we must add a keen and accurate insight into men and things; an original breadth of common sense which enabled him to see, and weigh, and compare whatever passed before him, and which kindled34 a desire to search out and define their relations to other things not so patent, but which never succumbed35 to the marvelous nor the supernatural; a sacred thirst for liberty and for learning, first as a means of attaining37 liberty, then as an end in itself most desirable; a will; an unfaltering energy and determination to obtain what his soul pronounced desirable; a majestic38 self-hood; determined39 courage; a deep and agonizing40 sympathy with his embruted, crushed and bleeding fellow slaves, and an extraordinary depth of passion, together with that rare alliance between passion and intellect, which enables the former, when deeply roused, to excite, develop and sustain the latter.
With these original gifts in view, let us look at his schooling41; the fearful discipline through which it pleased God to prepare him for the high calling on which he has since entered—the advocacy of emancipation42 by the people who are not slaves. And for this special mission, his plantation education was better than any he could have acquired in any lettered school. What he needed, was facts and experiences, welded to acutely wrought43 up sympathies, and these he could not elsewhere have obtained, in a manner so peculiarly adapted to his nature. His physical being was well trained, also, running wild until advanced into boyhood; hard work and light diet, thereafter, and a skill in handicraft in youth.[7]
For his special mission, then, this was, considered in connection with his natural gifts, a good schooling; and, for his special mission, he doubtless “left school” just at the proper moment. Had he remained longer in slavery—had he fretted44 under bonds until the ripening45 of manhood and its passions, until the drear agony of slave-wife and slave-children had been piled upon his already bitter experiences—then, not only would his own history have had another termination, but the drama of American slavery would have been essentially46 varied47; for I cannot resist the belief, that the boy who learned to read and write as he did, who taught his fellow slaves these precious acquirements as he did, who plotted for their mutual48 escape as he did, would, when a man at bay, strike a blow which would make slavery reel and stagger. Furthermore, blows and insults he bore, at the moment, without resentment50; deep but suppressed emotion rendered him insensible to their sting; but it was afterward51, when the memory of them went seething52 through his brain, breeding a fiery53 indignation at his injured self-hood, that the resolve came to resist, and the time fixed when to resist, and the plot laid, how to resist; and he always kept his self-pledged word. In what he undertook, in this line, he looked fate in the face, and had a cool, keen look at the relation of means to ends. Henry Bibb, to avoid chastisement54, strewed55 his master’s bed with charmed leaves and was whipped. Frederick Douglass quietly pocketed a like fetiche, compared his muscles with those of Covey—and whipped him.
In the history of his life in bondage56, we find, well developed, that inherent and continuous energy of character which will ever render him distinguished57. What his hand found to do, he did with his might; even while conscious that he was wronged out of his daily earnings58, he worked, and worked hard. At his daily labor59 he went with a will; with keen, well set eye, brawny60 chest, lithe61 figure, and fair sweep of arm, he would have been king among calkers, had that been his mission.
It must not be overlooked, in this glance at his education, that[8] Mr. Douglass lacked one aid to which so many men of mark have been deeply indebted—he had neither a mother’s care, nor a mother’s culture, save that which slavery grudgingly62 meted63 out to him. Bitter nurse! may not even her features relax with human feeling, when she gazes at such offspring! How susceptible64 he was to the kindly65 influences of mother-culture, may be gathered from his own words, on page 57: “It has been a life-long standing66 grief to me, that I know so little of my mother, and that I was so early separated from her. The counsels of her love must have been beneficial to me. The side view of her face is imaged on my memory, and I take few steps in life, without feeling her presence; but the image is mute, and I have no striking words of hers treasured up.”
From the depths of chattel67 slavery in Maryland, our author escaped into the caste-slavery of the north, in New Bedford, Massachusetts. Here he found oppression assuming another, and hardly less bitter, form; of that very handicraft which the greed of slavery had taught him, his half-freedom denied him the exercise for an honest living; he found himself one of a class—free colored men—whose position he has described in the following words:
“Aliens are we in our native land. The fundamental principles of the republic, to which the humblest white man, whether born here or elsewhere, may appeal with confidence, in the hope of awakening69 a favorable response, are held to be inapplicable to us. The glorious doctrines71 of your revolutionary fathers, and the more glorious teachings of the Son of God, are construed72 and applied73 against us. We are literally74 scourged75 beyond the beneficent range of both authorities, human and divine. * * * * American humanity hates us, scorns us, disowns and denies, in a thousand ways, our very personality. The outspread wing of American christianity, apparently76 broad enough to give shelter to a perishing world, refuses to cover us. To us, its bones are brass77, and its features iron. In running thither78 for shelter and[9] succor79, we have only fled from the hungry blood-hound to the devouring80 wolf—from a corrupt81 and selfish world, to a hollow and hypocritical church.”—Speech before American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, May, 1854.
Four years or more, from 1837 to 1841, he struggled on, in New Bedford, sawing wood, rolling casks, or doing what labor he might, to support himself and young family; four years he brooded over the scars which slavery and semi-slavery had inflicted82 upon his body and soul; and then, with his wounds yet unhealed, he fell among the Garrisonians—a glorious waif to those most ardent84 reformers. It happened one day, at Nantucket, that he, diffidently and reluctantly, was led to address an anti-slavery meeting. He was about the age when the younger Pitt entered the House of Commons; like Pitt, too, he stood up a born orator85.
William Lloyd Garrison83, who was happily present, writes thus of Mr. Douglass’ maiden86 effort; “I shall never forget his first speech at the convention—the extraordinary emotion it excited in my own mind—the powerful impression it created upon a crowded auditory, completely taken by surprise. * * * I think I never hated slavery so intensely as at that moment; certainly, my perception of the enormous outrage87 which is inflicted by it on the godlike nature of its victims, was rendered far more clear than ever. There stood one in physical proportions and stature88 commanding and exact—in intellect richly endowed—in natural eloquence a prodigy89.” 1
It is of interest to compare Mr. Douglass’s account of this meeting with Mr. Garrison’s. Of the two, I think the latter the most correct. It must have been a grand burst of eloquence! The pent up agony, indignation and pathos90 of an abused and harrowed boyhood and youth, bursting out in all their freshness and overwhelming earnestness!
This unique introduction to its great leader, led immediately[10] to the employment of Mr. Douglass as an agent by the American Anti-Slavery Society. So far as his self-relying and independent character would permit, he became, after the strictest sect92, a Garrisonian. It is not too much to say, that he formed a complement93 which they needed, and they were a complement equally necessary to his “make-up.” With his deep and keen sensitiveness to wrong, and his wonderful memory, he came from the land of bondage full of its woes94 and its evils, and painting them in characters of living light; and, on his part, he found, told out in sound Saxon phrase, all those principles of justice and right and liberty, which had dimly brooded over the dreams of his youth, seeking definite forms and verbal expression. It must have been an electric flashing of thought, and a knitting of soul, granted to but few in this life, and will be a life-long memory to those who participated in it. In the society, moreover, of Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, William Lloyd Garrison, and other men of earnest faith and refined culture, Mr. Douglass enjoyed the high advantage of their assistance and counsel in the labor of self-culture, to which he now addressed himself with wonted energy. Yet, these gentlemen, although proud of Frederick Douglass, failed to fathom96, and bring out to the light of day, the highest qualities of his mind; the force of their own education stood in their own way: they did not delve97 into the mind of a colored man for capacities which the pride of race led them to believe to be restricted to their own Saxon blood. Bitter and vindictive98 sarcasm99, irresistible100 mimicry101, and a pathetic narrative102 of his own experiences of slavery, were the intellectual manifestations103 which they encouraged him to exhibit on the platform or in the lecture desk.
A visit to England, in 1845, threw Mr. Douglass among men and women of earnest souls and high culture, and who, moreover, had never drank of the bitter waters of American caste. For the first time in his life, he breathed an atmosphere congenial to the longings105 of his spirit, and felt his manhood free and[11] unrestricted. The cordial and manly106 greetings of the British and Irish audiences in public, and the refinement107 and elegance108 of the social circles in which he mingled109, not only as an equal, but as a recognized man of genius, were, doubtless, genial104 and pleasant resting places in his hitherto thorny110 and troubled journey through life. There are joys on the earth, and, to the wayfaring111 fugitive112 from American slavery or American caste, this is one of them.
But his sojourn113 in England was more than a joy to Mr. Douglass. Like the platform at Nantucket, it awakened114 him to the consciousness of new powers that lay in him. From the pupilage of Garrisonism he rose to the dignity of a teacher and a thinker; his opinions on the broader aspects of the great American question were earnestly and incessantly115 sought, from various points of view, and he must, perforce, bestir himself to give suitable answer. With that prompt and truthful116 perception which has led their sisters in all ages of the world to gather at the feet and support the hands of reformers, the gentlewomen of England 2 were foremost to encourage and strengthen him to carve out for himself a path fitted to his powers and energies, in the life-battle against slavery and caste to which he was pledged. And one stirring thought, inseparable from the British idea of the evangel of freedom, must have smote117 his ear from every side—
Hereditary118 bondmen! know ye not
Who would be free, themselves mast strike the blow?
The result of this visit was, that on his return to the United States, he established a newspaper. This proceeding119 was sorely against the wishes and the advice of the leaders of the American Anti-Slavery Society, but our author had fully15 grown up to the conviction of a truth which they had once promulged, but now[12] forgotten, to wit: that in their own elevation—self-elevation—colored men have a blow to strike “on their own hook,” against slavery and caste. Differing from his Boston friends in this matter, diffident in his own abilities, reluctant at their dissuadings, how beautiful is the loyalty120 with which he still clung to their principles in all things else, and even in this.
Now came the trial hour. Without cordial support from any large body of men or party on this side the Atlantic, and too far distant in space and immediate91 interest to expect much more, after the much already done, on the other side, he stood up, almost alone, to the arduous121 labor and heavy expenditure122 of editor and lecturer. The Garrison party, to which he still adhered, did not want a colored newspaper—there was an odor of caste about it; the Liberty party could hardly be expected to give warm support to a man who smote their principles as with a hammer; and the wide gulf123 which separated the free colored people from the Garrisonians, also separated them from their brother, Frederick Douglass.
The arduous nature of his labors124, from the date of the establishment of his paper, may be estimated by the fact, that anti-slavery papers in the United States, even while organs of, and when supported by, anti-slavery parties, have, with a single exception, failed to pay expenses. Mr. Douglass has maintained, and does maintain, his paper without the support of any party, and even in the teeth of the opposition125 of those from whom he had reason to expect counsel and encouragement. He has been compelled, at one and the same time, and almost constantly, during the past seven years, to contribute matter to its columns as editor, and to raise funds for its support as lecturer. It is within bounds to say, that he has expended126 twelve thousand dollars of his own hard earned money, in publishing this paper, a larger sum than has been contributed by any one individual for the general advancement127 of the colored people. There had been many other papers published and edited by colored men, beginning as far back as[13] 1827, when the Rev29. Samuel E. Cornish and John B. Russworm (a graduate of Bowdoin college, and afterward Governor of Cape49 Palmas) published the Freedom’s Journal, in New York City; probably not less than one hundred newspaper enterprises have been started in the United States, by free colored men, born free, and some of them of liberal education and fair talents for this work; but, one after another, they have fallen through, although, in several instances, anti-slavery friends contributed to their support. 3 It had almost been given up, as an impracticable thing, to maintain a colored newspaper, when Mr. Douglass, with fewest early advantages of all his competitors, essayed, and has proved the thing perfectly128 practicable, and, moreover, of great public benefit. This paper, in addition to its power in holding up the hands of those to whom it is especially devoted129, also affords irrefutable evidence of the justice, safety and practicability of Immediate Emancipation; it further proves the immense loss which slavery inflicts130 on the land while it dooms131 such energies as his to the hereditary degradation132 of slavery.
It has been said in this Introduction, that Mr. Douglass had raised himself by his own efforts to the highest position in society. As a successful editor, in our land, he occupies this position. Our editors rule the land, and he is one of them. As an orator and thinker, his position is equally high, in the opinion of his countrymen. If a stranger in the United States would seek its most distinguished men—the movers of public opinion—he will find their names mentioned, and their movements chronicled, under the head of “BY MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH,” in the daily papers. The keen caterers for the public attention, set down, in this column, such men only as have won high mark in the public esteem133. During the past winter—1854-5—very frequent mention of Frederick Douglass was made under this head in the daily papers; his name glided134 as often—this week from Chicago, next[14] week from Boston—over the lightning wires, as the name of any other man, of whatever note. To no man did the people more widely nor more earnestly say, “Tell me thy thought!” And, somehow or other, revolution seemed to follow in his wake. His were not the mere7 words of eloquence which Kossuth speaks of, that delight the ear and then pass away. No! They were work-able, do-able words, that brought forth135 fruits in the revolution in Illinois, and in the passage of the franchise136 resolutions by the Assembly of New York.
And the secret of his power, what is it? He is a Representative American man—a type of his countrymen. Naturalists137 tell us that a full grown man is a resultant or representative of all animated138 nature on this globe; beginning with the early embryo139 state, then representing the lowest forms of organic life, 4 and passing through every subordinate grade or type, until he reaches the last and highest—manhood. In like manner, and to the fullest extent, has Frederick Douglass passed through every gradation of rank comprised in our national make-up, and bears upon his person and upon his soul every thing that is American. And he has not only full sympathy with every thing American; his proclivity140 or bent141, to active toil and visible progress, are in the strictly142 national direction, delighting to outstrip143 “all creation.”
Nor have the natural gifts, already named as his, lost anything by his severe training. When unexcited, his mental processes are probably slow, but singularly clear in perception, and wide in vision, the unfailing memory bringing up all the facts in their every aspect; incongruities144 he lays hold of incontinently, and holds up on the edge of his keen and telling wit. But this wit never descends145 to frivolity146; it is rigidly147 in the keeping of his truthful common sense, and always used in illustration or proof of some point which could not so readily be reached any other way. “Beware of a Yankee when he is feeding,” is a shaft148 that strikes home[15] in a matter never so laid bare by satire149 before. “The Garrisonian views of disunion, if carried to a successful issue, would only place the people of the north in the same relation to American slavery which they now bear to the slavery of Cuba or the Brazils,” is a statement, in a few words, which contains the result and the evidence of an argument which might cover pages, but could not carry stronger conviction, nor be stated in less pregnable form. In proof of this, I may say, that having been submitted to the attention of the Garrisonians in print, in March, it was repeated before them at their business meeting in May—the platform, par12 excellence150, on which they invite free fight, a l’outrance, to all comers. It was given out in the clear, ringing tones, wherewith the hall of shields was wont95 to resound151 of old, yet neither Garrison, nor Phillips, nor May, nor Remond, nor Foster, nor Burleigh, with his subtle steel of “the ice brook’s temper,” ventured to break a lance upon it! The doctrine70 of the dissolution of the union, as a means for the abolition of American slavery, was silenced upon the lips that gave it birth, and in the presence of an array of defenders152 who compose the keenest intellects in the land.
“The man who is right is a majority” is an aphorism153 struck out by Mr. Douglass in that great gathering154 of the friends of freedom, at Pittsburgh, in 1852, where he towered among the highest, because, with abilities inferior to none, and moved more deeply than any, there was neither policy nor party to trammel the outpourings of his soul. Thus we find, opposed to all disadvantages which a black man in the United States labors and struggles under, is this one vantage ground—when the chance comes, and the audience where he may have a say, he stands forth the freest, most deeply moved and most earnest of all men.
It has been said of Mr. Douglass, that his descriptive and declamatory powers, admitted to be of the very highest order, take precedence of his logical force. Whilst the schools might have trained him to the exhibition of the formulas of deductive[16] logic, nature and circumstances forced him into the exercise of the higher faculties155 required by induction156. The first ninety pages of this “Life in Bondage,” afford specimens157 of observing, comparing, and careful classifying, of such superior character, that it is difficult to believe them the results of a child’s thinking; he questions the earth, and the children and the slaves around him again and again, and finally looks to “God in the sky” for the why and the wherefore of the unnatural158 thing, slavery. “Yes, if indeed thou art, wherefore dost thou suffer us to be slain159?” is the only prayer and worship of the God-forsaken Dodos in the heart of Africa. Almost the same was his prayer. One of his earliest observations was that white children should know their ages, while the colored children were ignorant of theirs; and the songs of the slaves grated on his inmost soul, because a something told him that harmony in sound, and music of the spirit, could not consociate with miserable160 degradation.
To such a mind, the ordinary processes of logical deduction161 are like proving that two and two make four. Mastering the intermediate steps by an intuitive glance, or recurring162 to them as Ferguson resorted to geometry, it goes down to the deeper relation of things, and brings out what may seem, to some, mere statements, but which are new and brilliant generalizations164, each resting on a broad and stable basis. Thus, Chief Justice Marshall gave his decisions, and then told Brother Story to look up the authorities—and they never differed from him. Thus, also, in his “Lecture on the Anti-Slavery Movement,” delivered before the Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society, Mr. Douglass presents a mass of thought, which, without any showy display of logic on his part, requires an exercise of the reasoning faculties of the reader to keep pace with him. And his “Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered,” is full of new and fresh thoughts on the dawning science of race-history.
If, as has been stated, his intellection is slow, when unexcited, it is most prompt and rapid when he is thoroughly165 aroused.[17] Memory, logic, wit, sarcasm, invective166 pathos and bold imagery of rare structural167 beauty, well up as from a copious168 fountain, yet each in its proper place, and contributing to form a whole, grand in itself, yet complete in the minutest proportions. It is most difficult to hedge him in a corner, for his positions are taken so deliberately169, that it is rare to find a point in them undefended aforethought. Professor Reason tells me the following: “On a recent visit of a public nature, to Philadelphia, and in a meeting composed mostly of his colored brethren, Mr. Douglass proposed a comparison of views in the matters of the relations and duties of ‘our people;’ he holding that prejudice was the result of condition, and could be conquered by the efforts of the degraded themselves. A gentleman present, distinguished for logical acumen170 and subtlety171, and who had devoted no small portion of the last twenty-five years to the study and elucidation172 of this very question, held the opposite view, that prejudice is innate173 and unconquerable. He terminated a series of well dove-tailed, Socratic questions to Mr. Douglass, with the following: ‘If the legislature at Harrisburgh should awaken68, to-morrow morning, and find each man’s skin turned black and his hair woolly, what could they do to remove prejudice?’ ‘Immediately pass laws entitling black men to all civil, political and social privileges,’ was the instant reply—and the questioning ceased.”
The most remarkable mental phenomenon in Mr. Douglass, is his style in writing and speaking. In March, 1855, he delivered an address in the assembly chamber174 before the members of the legislature of the state of New York. An eye witness 5 describes the crowded and most intelligent audience, and their rapt attention to the speaker, as the grandest scene he ever witnessed in the capitol. Among those whose eyes were riveted175 on the speaker full two hours and a half, were Thurlow Weed and Lieutenant176 Governor Raymond; the latter, at the conclusion of the address, exclaimed to a friend, “I would give twenty thousand dollars,[18] if I could deliver that address in that manner.” Mr. Raymond is a first class graduate of Dartmouth, a rising politician, ranking foremost in the legislature; of course, his ideal of oratory177 must be of the most polished and finished description.
The style of Mr. Douglass in writing, is to me an intellectual puzzle. The strength, affluence178 and terseness179 may easily be accounted for, because the style of a man is the man; but how are we to account for that rare polish in his style of writing, which, most critically examined, seems the result of careful early culture among the best classics of our language; it equals if it does not surpass the style of Hugh Miller, which was the wonder of the British literary public, until he unraveled the mystery in the most interesting of autobiographies180. But Frederick Douglass was still calking the seams of Baltimore clippers, and had only written a “pass,” at the age when Miller’s style was already formed.
I asked William Whipper, of Pennsylvania, the gentleman alluded181 to above, whether he thought Mr. Douglass’s power inherited from the Negroid, or from what is called the Caucasian side of his make up? After some reflection, he frankly182 answered, “I must admit, although sorry to do so, that the Caucasian predominates.” At that time, I almost agreed with him; but, facts narrated183 in the first part of this work, throw a different light on this interesting question.
We are left in the dark as to who was the paternal184 ancestor of our author; a fact which generally holds good of the Romuluses and Remuses who are to inaugurate the new birth of our republic. In the absence of testimony185 from the Caucasian side, we must see what evidence is given on the other side of the house.
“My grandmother, though advanced in years, * * * was yet a woman of power and spirit. She was marvelously straight in figure, elastic186 and muscular.” (p. 46.)
After describing her skill in constructing nets, her perseverance187 in using them, and her wide-spread fame in the agricultural way he adds, “It happened to her—as it will happen to any careful[19] and thrifty188 person residing in an ignorant and improvident189 neighborhood—to enjoy the reputation of being born to good luck.” And his grandmother was a black woman.
“My mother was tall, and finely proportioned; of deep black, glossy190 complexion191; had regular features; and among other slaves was remarkably192 sedate193 in her manners.” “Being a field hand, she was obliged to walk twelve miles and return, between nightfall and daybreak, to see her children” (p. 54.) “I shall never forget the indescribable expression of her countenance194 when I told her that I had had no food since morning. * * * There was pity in her glance at me, and a fiery indignation at Aunt Katy at the same time; * * * * she read Aunt Katy a lecture which she never forgot.” (p. 56.) “I learned after my mother’s death, that she could read, and that she was the only one of all the slaves and colored people in Tuckahoe who enjoyed that advantage. How she acquired this knowledge, I know not, for Tuckahoe is the last place in the world where she would be apt to find facilities for learning.” (p. 57.) “There is, in Prichard’s Natural History of Man, the head of a figure—on page 157—the features of which so resemble those of my mother, that I often recur163 to it with something of the feeling which I suppose others experience when looking upon the pictures of dear departed ones.” (p. 52.)
The head alluded to is copied from the statue of Ramses the Great, an Egyptian king of the nineteenth dynasty. The authors of the Types of Mankind give a side view of the same on page 148, remarking that the profile, “like Napoleon’s, is superbly European!” The nearness of its resemblance to Mr. Douglass’ mother rests upon the evidence of his memory, and judging from his almost marvelous feats195 of recollection of forms and outlines recorded in this book, this testimony may be admitted.
These facts show that for his energy, perseverance, eloquence, invective, sagacity, and wide sympathy, he is indebted to his Negro blood. The very marvel36 of his style would seem to be a development of that other marvel—how his mother learned to read.[20] The versatility196 of talent which he wields197, in common with Dumas, Ira Aldridge, and Miss Greenfield, would seem to be the result of the grafting198 of the Anglo-Saxon on good, original, Negro stock. If the friends of “Caucasus” choose to claim, for that region, what remains199 after this analysis—to wit: combination—they are welcome to it. They will forgive me for reminding them that the term “Caucasian” is dropped by recent writers on Ethnology; for the people about Mount Caucasus, are, and have ever been, Mongols. The great “white race” now seek paternity, according to Dr. Pickering, in Arabia—“Arida Nutrix” of the best breed of horses &c. Keep on, gentlemen; you will find yourselves in Africa, by-and-by. The Egyptians, like the Americans, were a mixed race, with some Negro blood circling around the throne, as well as in the mud hovels.
This is the proper place to remark of our author, that the same strong self-hood, which led him to measure strength with Mr. Covey, and to wrench200 himself from the embrace of the Garrisonians, and which has borne him through many resistances to the personal indignities201 offered him as a colored man, sometimes becomes a hyper-sensitiveness to such assaults as men of his mark will meet with, on paper. Keen and unscrupulous opponents have sought, and not unsuccessfully, to pierce him in this direction; for well they know, that if assailed202, he will smite203 back.
It is not without a feeling of pride, dear reader, that I present you with this book. The son of a self-emancipated bond-woman, I feel joy in introducing to you my brother, who has rent his own bonds, and who, in his every relation—as a public man, as a husband and as a father—is such as does honor to the land which gave him birth. I shall place this book in the hands of the only child spared me, bidding him to strive and emulate204 its noble example. You may do likewise. It is an American book, for Americans, in the fullest sense of the idea. It shows that the worst of our institutions, in its worst aspect, cannot keep down energy, truthfulness205, and earnest struggle for the right. It proves the[21] justice and practicability of Immediate Emancipation. It shows that any man in our land, “no matter in what battle his liberty may have been cloven down, * * * * no matter what complexion an Indian or an African sun may have burned upon him,” not only may “stand forth redeemed206 and disenthralled,” but may also stand up a candidate for the highest suffrage207 of a great people—the tribute of their honest, hearty208 admiration. Reader, Vale! New York
JAMES M’CUNE SMITH
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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6
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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7
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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8
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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9
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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10
thrall
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| n.奴隶；奴隶制 | |
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11
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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12
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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13
enthralled
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| 迷住，吸引住( enthrall的过去式和过去分词 )； 使感到非常愉快 | |
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14
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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15
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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16
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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17
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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18
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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19
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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20
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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21
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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22
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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23
autobiography
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| n.自传 | |
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24
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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25
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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26
poking
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| n. 刺，戳，袋 vt. 拨开，刺，戳 vi. 戳，刺，捅，搜索，伸出，行动散慢 | |
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27
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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28
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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29
rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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30
anterior
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| adj.较早的；在前的 | |
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31
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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32
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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33
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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34
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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35
succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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36
marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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37
attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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38
majestic
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| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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39
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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40
agonizing
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| adj.痛苦难忍的；使人苦恼的v.使极度痛苦；折磨(agonize的ing形式) | |
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41
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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42
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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43
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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44
fretted
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| 焦躁的，附有弦马的，腐蚀的 | |
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45
ripening
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的现在分词 )；熟化；熟成 | |
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46
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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47
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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48
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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49
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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50
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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51
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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52
seething
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| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
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53
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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54
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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55
strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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56
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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57
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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58
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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59
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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60
brawny
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| adj.强壮的 | |
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61
lithe
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| adj.(指人、身体)柔软的，易弯的 | |
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62
grudgingly
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63
meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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65
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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66
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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67
chattel
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| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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68
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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69
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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70
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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71
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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72
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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73
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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74
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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75
scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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76
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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77
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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78
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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79
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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80
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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81
corrupt
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|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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82
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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84
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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85
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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86
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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87
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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88
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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89
prodigy
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| n.惊人的事物，奇迹，神童，天才，预兆 | |
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90
pathos
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| n.哀婉，悲怆 | |
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91
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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92
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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93
complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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94
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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95
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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96
fathom
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| v.领悟，彻底了解 | |
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97
delve
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| v.深入探究，钻研 | |
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98
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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99
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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100
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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101
mimicry
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| n.（生物）拟态，模仿 | |
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102
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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103
manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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104
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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105
longings
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| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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106
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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107
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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108
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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109
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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110
thorny
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| adj.多刺的，棘手的 | |
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111
wayfaring
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| adj.旅行的n.徒步旅行 | |
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112
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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113
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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114
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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115
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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116
truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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117
smote
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| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
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118
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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119
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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120
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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121
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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122
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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123
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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124
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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125
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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126
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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127
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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128
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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129
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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130
inflicts
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的第三人称单数 ) | |
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131
dooms
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| v.注定( doom的第三人称单数 )；判定；使…的失败（或灭亡、毁灭、坏结局）成为必然；宣判 | |
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132
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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133
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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134
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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135
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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136
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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137
naturalists
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| n.博物学家( naturalist的名词复数 )；（文学艺术的）自然主义者 | |
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138
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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139
embryo
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| n.胚胎，萌芽的事物 | |
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140
proclivity
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| n.倾向，癖性 | |
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141
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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142
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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143
outstrip
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| v.超过，跑过 | |
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144
incongruities
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| n.不协调( incongruity的名词复数 )；不一致；不适合；不协调的东西 | |
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145
descends
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| v.下来( descend的第三人称单数 )；下去；下降；下斜 | |
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146
frivolity
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| n.轻松的乐事，兴高采烈；轻浮的举止 | |
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147
rigidly
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| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
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148
shaft
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| n.(工具的)柄，杆状物 | |
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149
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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150
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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151
resound
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| v.回响 | |
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152
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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153
aphorism
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| n.格言，警语 | |
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154
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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155
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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156
induction
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| n.感应，感应现象 | |
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157
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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158
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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159
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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163
recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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164
generalizations
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| 一般化( generalization的名词复数 )； 普通化； 归纳； 概论 | |
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165
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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166
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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167
structural
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| adj.构造的，组织的，建筑（用）的 | |
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168
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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169
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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170
acumen
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| n.敏锐，聪明 | |
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171
subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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elucidation
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| n.说明，阐明 | |
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173
innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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174
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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175
riveted
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| 铆接( rivet的过去式和过去分词 )； 把…固定住； 吸引； 引起某人的注意 | |
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176
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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177
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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178
affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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179
terseness
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| 简洁，精练 | |
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180
autobiographies
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| n.自传( autobiography的名词复数 )；自传文学 | |
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181
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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183
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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185
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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186
elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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187
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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188
thrifty
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| adj.节俭的；兴旺的；健壮的 | |
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189
improvident
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| adj.不顾将来的，不节俭的，无远见的 | |
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190
glossy
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| adj.平滑的；有光泽的 | |
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191
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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192
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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193
sedate
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| adj.沉着的，镇静的，安静的 | |
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194
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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195
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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196
versatility
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| n.多才多艺，多样性，多功能 | |
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197
wields
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的第三人称单数 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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198
grafting
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| 嫁接法，移植法 | |
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199
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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200
wrench
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| v.猛拧；挣脱；使扭伤；n.扳手；痛苦，难受 | |
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201
indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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202
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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203
smite
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| v.重击；彻底击败；n.打；尝试；一点儿 | |
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204
emulate
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| v.努力赶上或超越，与…竞争；效仿 | |
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205
truthfulness
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| n. 符合实际 | |
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206
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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207
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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208
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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