But while retrogression is difficult, a fresh advance in conspicuous10 expenditure is relatively easy; indeed, it takes place almost as a matter of course. In the rare cases where it occurs, a failure to increase one's visible consumption when the means for an increase are at hand is felt in popular apprehension15 to call for explanation, and unworthy motives17 of miserliness are imputed18 to those who fall short in this respect. A prompt response to the stimulus19, on the other hand, is accepted as the normal effect. This suggests that the standard of expenditure which commonly guides our efforts is not the average, ordinary expenditure already achieved; it is an ideal of consumption that lies just beyond our reach, or to reach which requires some strain. The motive16 is emulation20—the stimulus of an invidious comparison which prompts us to outdo those with whom we are in the habit of classing ourselves. Substantially the same proposition is expressed in the commonplace remark that each class envies and emulates21 the class next above it in the social scale, while it rarely compares itself with those below or with those who are considerably22 in advance. That is to say, in other words, our standard of decency in expenditure, as in other ends of emulation, is set by the usage of those next above us in reputability; until, in this way, especially in any community where class distinctions are somewhat vague, all canons of reputability and decency, and all standards of consumption, are traced back by insensible gradations to the usages and habits of thought of the highest social and pecuniary class—the wealthy leisure class.
It is for this class to determine, in general outline, what scheme of Life the community shall accept as decent or honorific; and it is their office by precept23 and example to set forth24 this scheme of social salvation25 in its highest, ideal form. But the higher leisure class can exercise this quasi-sacerdotal office only under certain material limitations. The class cannot at discretion26 effect a sudden revolution or reversal of the popular habits of thought with respect to any of these ceremonial requirements. It takes time for any change to permeate27 the mass and change the habitual28 attitude of the people; and especially it takes time to change the habits of those classes that are socially more remote from the radiant body. The process is slower where the mobility29 of the population is less or where the intervals30 between the several classes are wider and more abrupt31. But if time be allowed, the scope of the discretion of the leisure class as regards questions of form and detail in the community's scheme of life is large; while as regards the substantial principles of reputability, the changes which it can effect lie within a narrow margin32 of tolerance33. Its example and precept carries the force of prescription34 for all classes below it; but in working out the precepts35 which are handed down as governing the form and method of reputability—in shaping the usages and the spiritual attitude of the lower classes—this authoritative36 prescription constantly works under the selective guidance of the canon of conspicuous waste, tempered in varying degree by the instinct of workmanship. To those norms is to be added another broad principle of human nature—the predatory animus—which in point of generality and of psychological content lies between the two just named. The effect of the latter in shaping the accepted scheme of life is yet to be discussed. The canon of reputability, then, must adapt itself to the economic circumstances, the traditions, and the degree of spiritual maturity37 of the particular class whose scheme of life it is to regulate. It is especially to be noted38 that however high its authority and however true to the fundamental requirements of reputability it may have been at its inception39, a specific formal observance can under no circumstances maintain itself in force if with the lapse40 of time or on its transmission to a lower pecuniary class it is found to run counter to the ultimate ground of decency among civilized41 peoples, namely, serviceability for the purpose of an invidious comparison in pecuniary success. It is evident that these canons of expenditure have much to say in determining the standard of living for any community and for any class. It is no less evident that the standard of living which prevails at any time or at any given social altitude will in its turn have much to say as to the forms which honorific expenditure will take, and as to the degree to which this "higher" need will dominate a people's consumption. In this respect the control exerted by the accepted standard of living is chiefly of a negative character; it acts almost solely42 to prevent recession from a scale of conspicuous expenditure that has once become habitual.
A standard of living is of the nature of habit. It is an habitual scale and method of responding to given stimuli43. The difficulty in the way of receding44 from an accustomed standard is the difficulty of breaking a habit that has once been formed. The relative facility with which an advance in the standard is made means that the life process is a process of unfolding activity and that it will readily unfold in a new direction whenever and wherever the resistance to self-expression decreases. But when the habit of expression along such a given line of low resistance has once been formed, the discharge will seek the accustomed outlet45 even after a change has taken place in the environment whereby the external resistance has appreciably46 risen. That heightened facility of expression in a given direction which is called habit may offset47 a considerable increase in the resistance offered by external circumstances to the unfolding of life in the given direction. As between the various habits, or habitual modes and directions of expression, which go to make up an individual's standard of living, there is an appreciable48 difference in point of persistence49 under counteracting50 circumstances and in point of the degree of imperativeness51 with which the discharge seeks a given direction.
That is to say, in the language of current economic theory, while men are reluctant to retrench53 their expenditures54 in any direction, they are more reluctant to retrench in some directions than in others; so that while any accustomed consumption is reluctantly given up, there are certain lines of consumption which are given up with relatively extreme reluctance55. The articles or forms of consumption to which the consumer clings with the greatest tenacity56 are commonly the so-called necessaries of life, or the subsistence minimum. The subsistence minimum is of course not a rigidly determined57 allowance of goods, definite and invariable in kind and quantity; but for the purpose in hand it may be taken to comprise a certain, more or less definite, aggregate58 of consumption required for the maintenance of life. This minimum, it may be assumed, is ordinarily given up last in case of a progressive retrenchment59 of expenditure. That is to say, in a general way, the most ancient and ingrained of the habits which govern the individual's life—those habits that touch his existence as an organism—are the most persistent60 and imperative52. Beyond these come the higher wants—later-formed habits of the individual or the race—in a somewhat irregular and by no means invariable gradation. Some of these higher wants, as for instance the habitual use of certain stimulants61, or the need of salvation (in the eschatological sense), or of good repute, may in some cases take precedence of the lower or more elementary wants. In general, the longer the habituation, the more unbroken the habit, and the more nearly it coincides with previous habitual forms of the life process, the more persistently62 will the given habit assert itself. The habit will be stronger if the particular traits of human nature which its action involves, or the particular aptitudes63 that find exercise in it, are traits or aptitudes that are already largely and profoundly concerned in the life process or that are intimately bound up with the life history of the particular racial stock. The varying degrees of ease with which different habits are formed by different persons, as well as the varying degrees of reluctance with which different habits are given up, goes to say that the formation of specific habits is not a matter of length of habituation simply. Inherited aptitudes and traits of temperament65 count for quite as much as length of habituation in deciding what range of habits will come to dominate any individual's scheme of life. And the prevalent type of transmitted aptitudes, or in other words the type of temperament belonging to the dominant66 ethnic67 element in any community, will go far to decide what will be the scope and form of expression of the community's habitual life process. How greatly the transmitted idiosyncrasies of aptitude64 may count in the way of a rapid and definitive68 formation of habit in individuals is illustrated69 by the extreme facility with which an all-dominating habit of alcoholism is sometimes formed; or in the similar facility and the similarly inevitable70 formation of a habit of devout71 observances in the case of persons gifted with a special aptitude in that direction. Much the same meaning attaches to that peculiar72 facility of habituation to a specific human environment that is called romantic love.
Men differ in respect of transmitted aptitudes, or in respect of the relative facility with which they unfold their life activity in particular directions; and the habits which coincide with or proceed upon a relatively strong specific aptitude or a relatively great specific facility of expression become of great consequence to the man's well-being. The part played by this element of aptitude in determining the relative tenacity of the several habits which constitute the standard of living goes to explain the extreme reluctance with which men give up any habitual expenditure in the way of conspicuous consumption. The aptitudes or propensities73 to which a habit of this kind is to be referred as its ground are those aptitudes whose exercise is comprised in emulation; and the propensity74 for emulation—for invidious comparison—is of ancient growth and is a pervading75 trait of human nature. It is easily called into vigorous activity in any new form, and it asserts itself with great insistence76 under any form under which it has once found habitual expression. When the individual has once formed the habit of seeking expression in a given line of honorific expenditure—when a given set of stimuli have come to be habitually77 responded to in activity of a given kind and direction under the guidance of these alert and deep-reaching propensities of emulation—it is with extreme reluctance that such an habitual expenditure is given up. And on the other hand, whenever an accession of pecuniary strength puts the individual in a position to unfold his life process in larger scope and with additional reach, the ancient propensities of the race will assert themselves in determining the direction which the new unfolding of life is to take. And those propensities which are already actively78 in the field under some related form of expression, which are aided by the pointed79 suggestions afforded by a current accredited80 scheme of life, and for the exercise of which the material means and opportunities are readily available—these will especially have much to say in shaping the form and direction in which the new accession to the individual's aggregate force will assert itself. That is to say, in concrete terms, in any community where conspicuous consumption is an element of the scheme of life, an increase in an individual's ability to pay is likely to take the form of an expenditure for some accredited line of conspicuous consumption.
With the exception of the instinct of self-preservation, the propensity for emulation is probably the strongest and most alert and persistent of the economic motives proper. In an industrial community this propensity for emulation expresses itself in pecuniary emulation; and this, so far as regards the Western civilized communities of the present, is virtually equivalent to saying that it expresses itself in some form of conspicuous waste. The need of conspicuous waste, therefore, stands ready to absorb any increase in the community's industrial efficiency or output of goods, after the most elementary physical wants have been provided for. Where this result does not follow, under modern conditions, the reason for the discrepancy81 is commonly to be sought in a rate of increase in the individual's wealth too rapid for the habit of expenditure to keep abreast82 of it; or it may be that the individual in question defers83 the conspicuous consumption of the increment84 to a later date—ordinarily with a view to heightening the spectacular effect of the aggregate expenditure contemplated85. As increased industrial efficiency makes it possible to procure86 the means of livelihood87 with less labor88, the energies of the industrious89 members of the community are bent90 to the compassing of a higher result in conspicuous expenditure, rather than slackened to a more comfortable pace. The strain is not lightened as industrial efficiency increases and makes a lighter91 strain possible, but the increment of output is turned to use to meet this want, which is indefinitely expansible, after the manner commonly imputed in economic theory to higher or spiritual wants. It is owing chiefly to the presence of this element in the standard of living that J. S. Mill was able to say that "hitherto it is questionable92 if all the mechanical inventions yet made have lightened the day's toil93 of any human being." The accepted standard of expenditure in the community or in the class to which a person belongs largely determines what his standard of living will be. It does this directly by commending itself to his common sense as right and good, through his habitually contemplating94 it and assimilating the scheme of life in which it belongs; but it does so also indirectly95 through popular insistence on conformity96 to the accepted scale of expenditure as a matter of propriety97, under pain of disesteem and ostracism98. To accept and practice the standard of living which is in vogue99 is both agreeable and expedient100, commonly to the point of being indispensable to personal comfort and to success in life. The standard of living of any class, so far as concerns the element of conspicuous waste, is commonly as high as the earning capacity of the class will permit—with a constant tendency to go higher. The effect upon the serious activities of men is therefore to direct them with great singleness of purpose to the largest possible acquisition of wealth, and to discountenance work that brings no pecuniary gain. At the same time the effect on consumption is to concentrate it upon the lines which are most patent to the observers whose good opinion is sought; while the inclinations101 and aptitudes whose exercise does not involve a honorific expenditure of time or substance tend to fall into abeyance102 through disuse.
Through this discrimination in favor of visible consumption it has come about that the domestic life of most classes is relatively shabby, as compared with the éclat of that overt103 portion of their life that is carried on before the eyes of observers. As a secondary consequence of the same discrimination, people habitually screen their private life from observation. So far as concerns that portion of their consumption that may without blame be carried on in secret, they withdraw from all contact with their neighbors, hence the exclusiveness of people, as regards their domestic life, in most of the industrially developed communities; and hence, by remoter derivation, the habit of privacy and reserve that is so large a feature in the code of proprieties104 of the better class in all communities. The low birthrate of the classes upon whom the requirements of reputable expenditure fall with great urgency is likewise traceable to the exigencies105 of a standard of living based on conspicuous waste. The conspicuous consumption, and the consequent increased expense, required in the reputable maintenance of a child is very considerable and acts as a powerful deterrent106. It is probably the most effectual of the Malthusian prudential checks.
The effect of this factor of the standard of living, both in the way of retrenchment in the obscurer elements of consumption that go to physical comfort and maintenance, and also in the paucity107 or absence of children, is perhaps seen at its best among the classes given to scholarly pursuits. Because of a presumed superiority and scarcity108 of the gifts and attainments109 that characterize their life, these classes are by convention subsumed under a higher social grade than their pecuniary grade should warrant. The scale of decent expenditure in their case is pitched correspondingly high, and it consequently leaves an exceptionally narrow margin disposable for the other ends of life. By force of circumstances, their habitual sense of what is good and right in these matters, as well as the expectations of the community in the way of pecuniary decency among the learned, are excessively high—as measured by the prevalent degree of opulence110 and earning capacity of the class, relatively to the non-scholarly classes whose social equals they nominally111 are. In any modern community where there is no priestly monopoly of these occupations, the people of scholarly pursuits are unavoidably thrown into contact with classes that are pecuniarily112 their superiors. The high standard of pecuniary decency in force among these superior classes is transfused113 among the scholarly classes with but little mitigation of its rigor114; and as a consequence there is no class of the community that spends a larger proportion of its substance in conspicuous waste than these.
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1
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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rigidly
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| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
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incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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recede
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| vi.退(去)，渐渐远去；向后倾斜，缩进 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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wasteful
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| adj.（造成）浪费的，挥霍的 | |
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conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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emulates
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| v.与…竞争( emulate的第三人称单数 )；努力赶上；计算机程序等仿真；模仿 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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precept
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| n.戒律；格言 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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permeate
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| v.弥漫，遍布，散布；渗入，渗透 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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mobility
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| n.可动性，变动性，情感不定 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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inception
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| n.开端，开始，取得学位 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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stimuli
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| n.刺激（物） | |
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receding
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的现在分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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appreciably
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| adv.相当大地 | |
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offset
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| n.分支，补偿；v.抵消，补偿 | |
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appreciable
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| adj.明显的，可见的，可估量的，可觉察的 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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counteracting
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的现在分词 ) | |
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imperativeness
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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retrench
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| v.节省，削减 | |
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expenditures
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| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
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reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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retrenchment
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| n.节省，删除 | |
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persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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stimulants
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| n.兴奋剂( stimulant的名词复数 )；含兴奋剂的饮料；刺激物；激励物 | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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aptitudes
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| （学习方面的）才能，资质，天资( aptitude的名词复数 ) | |
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aptitude
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| n.(学习方面的)才能，资质，天资 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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ethnic
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| adj.人种的，种族的，异教徒的 | |
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definitive
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| adj.确切的，权威性的；最后的，决定性的 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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pervading
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的现在分词 ) | |
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insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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defers
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| v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的第三人称单数 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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increment
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| n.增值，增价；提薪，增加工资 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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contemplating
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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ostracism
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| n.放逐；排斥 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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proprieties
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| n.礼仪，礼节；礼貌( propriety的名词复数 )；规矩；正当；合适 | |
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exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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deterrent
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| n.阻碍物，制止物；adj.威慑的，遏制的 | |
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paucity
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| n.小量，缺乏 | |
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scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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pecuniarily
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| adv.在金钱上，在金钱方面 | |
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transfused
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| v.输（血或别的液体）( transfuse的过去式和过去分词 )；渗透；使…被灌输或传达 | |
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rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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