This spiritual need of dress is not wholly, nor even chiefly, a naive14 propensity15 for display of expenditure. The law of conspicuous waste guides consumption in apparel, as in other things, chiefly at the second remove, by shaping the canons of taste and decency16. In the common run of cases the conscious motive17 of the wearer or purchaser of conspicuously18 wasteful apparel is the need of conforming to established usage, and of living up to the accredited19 standard of taste and reputability. It is not only that one must be guided by the code of proprieties20 in dress in order to avoid the mortification21 that comes of unfavorable notice and comment, though that motive in itself counts for a great deal; but besides that, the requirement of expensiveness is so ingrained into our habits of thought in matters of dress that any other than expensive apparel is instinctively22 odious23 to us. Without reflection or analysis, we feel that what is inexpensive is unworthy. "A cheap coat makes a cheap man." "Cheap and nasty" is recognized to hold true in dress with even less mitigation than in other lines of consumption. On the ground both of taste and of serviceability, an inexpensive article of apparel is held to be inferior, under the maxim24 "cheap and nasty." We find things beautiful, as well as serviceable, somewhat in proportion as they are costly25. With few and inconsequential exceptions, we all find a costly hand-wrought article of apparel much preferable, in point of beauty and of serviceability, to a less expensive imitation of it, however cleverly the spurious article may imitate the costly original; and what offends our sensibilities in the spurious article is not that it falls short in form or color, or, indeed, in visual effect in any way. The offensive object may be so close an imitation as to defy any but the closest scrutiny26; and yet so soon as the counterfeit27 is detected, its aesthetic28 value, and its commercial value as well, declines precipitately29. Not only that, but it may be asserted with but small risk of contradiction that the aesthetic value of a detected counterfeit in dress declines somewhat in the same proportion as the counterfeit is cheaper than its original. It loses caste aesthetically30 because it falls to a lower pecuniary grade.
But the function of dress as an evidence of ability to pay does not end with simply showing that the wearer consumes valuable goods in excess of what is required for physical comfort. Simple conspicuous waste of goods is effective and gratifying as far as it goes; it is good prima facie evidence of pecuniary success, and consequently prima facie evidence of social worth. But dress has subtler and more far-reaching possibilities than this crude, first-hand evidence of wasteful consumption only. If, in addition to showing that the wearer can afford to consume freely and uneconomically, it can also be shown in the same stroke that he or she is not under the necessity of earning a livelihood31, the evidence of social worth is enhanced in a very considerable degree. Our dress, therefore, in order to serve its purpose effectually, should not only he expensive, but it should also make plain to all observers that the wearer is not engaged in any kind of productive labor32. In the evolutionary33 process by which our system of dress has been elaborated into its present admirably perfect adaptation to its purpose, this subsidiary line of evidence has received due attention. A detailed34 examination of what passes in popular apprehension35 for elegant apparel will show that it is contrived36 at every point to convey the impression that the wearer does not habitually37 put forth any useful effort. It goes without saying that no apparel can be considered elegant, or even decent, if it shows the effect of manual labor on the part of the wearer, in the way of soil or wear. The pleasing effect of neat and spotless garments is chiefly, if not altogether, due to their carrying the suggestion of leisure-exemption39 from personal contact with industrial processes of any kind. Much of the charm that invests the patent-leather shoe, the stainless40 linen41, the lustrous42 cylindrical43 hat, and the walking-stick, which so greatly enhance the native dignity of a gentleman, comes of their pointedly44 suggesting that the wearer cannot when so attired47 bear a hand in any employment that is directly and immediately of any human use. Elegant dress serves its purpose of elegance49 not only in that it is expensive, but also because it is the insignia of leisure. It not only shows that the wearer is able to consume a relatively50 large value, but it argues at the same time that he consumes without producing.
The dress of women goes even farther than that of men in the way of demonstrating the wearer's abstinence from productive employment. It needs no argument to enforce the generalization51 that the more elegant styles of feminine bonnets52 go even farther towards making work impossible than does the man's high hat. The woman's shoe adds the so-called French heel to the evidence of enforced leisure afforded by its polish; because this high heel obviously makes any, even the simplest and most necessary manual work extremely difficult. The like is true even in a higher degree of the skirt and the rest of the drapery which characterizes woman's dress. The substantial reason for our tenacious54 attachment55 to the skirt is just this; it is expensive and it hampers56 the wearer at every turn and incapacitates her for all useful exertion57. The like is true of the feminine custom of wearing the hair excessively long.
But the woman's apparel not only goes beyond that of the modern man in the degree in which it argues exemption from labor; it also adds a peculiar58 and highly characteristic feature which differs in kind from anything habitually practiced by the men. This feature is the class of contrivances of which the corset is the typical example. The corset is, in economic theory, substantially a mutilation, undergone for the purpose of lowering the subject's vitality59 and rendering60 her permanently61 and obviously unfit for work. It is true, the corset impairs62 the personal attractions of the wearer, but the loss suffered on that score is offset63 by the gain in reputability which comes of her visibly increased expensiveness and infirmity. It may broadly be set down that the womanliness of woman's apparel resolves itself, in point of substantial fact, into the more effective hindrance64 to useful exertion offered by the garments peculiar to women. This difference between masculine and feminine apparel is here simply pointed45 out as a characteristic feature. The ground of its occurrence will be discussed presently.
So far, then, we have, as the great and dominant65 norm of dress, the broad principle of conspicuous waste. Subsidiary to this principle, and as a corollary under it, we get as a second norm the principle of conspicuous leisure. In dress construction this norm works out in the shape of divers66 contrivances going to show that the wearer does not and, as far as it may conveniently be shown, can not engage in productive labor. Beyond these two principles there is a third of scarcely less constraining67 force, which will occur to any one who reflects at all on the subject. Dress must not only be conspicuously expensive and inconvenient68, it must at the same time be up to date. No explanation at all satisfactory has hitherto been offered of the phenomenon of changing fashions. The imperative69 requirement of dressing70 in the latest accredited manner, as well as the fact that this accredited fashion constantly changes from season to season, is sufficiently71 familiar to every one, but the theory of this flux72 and change has not been worked out. We may of course say, with perfect consistency73 and truthfulness74, that this principle of novelty is another corollary under the law of conspicuous waste. Obviously, if each garment is permitted to serve for but a brief term, and if none of last season's apparel is carried over and made further use of during the present season, the wasteful expenditure on dress is greatly increased. This is good as far as it goes, but it is negative only. Pretty much all that this consideration warrants us in saying is that the norm of conspicuous waste exercises a controlling surveillance in all matters of dress, so that any change in the fashions must conspicuous waste exercises a controlling surveillance in all matters of dress, so that any change in the fashions must conform to the requirement of wastefulness75; it leaves unanswered the question as to the motive for making and accepting a change in the prevailing76 styles, and it also fails to explain why conformity77 to a given style at a given time is so imperatively78 necessary as we know it to be.
For a creative principle, capable of serving as motive to invention and innovation in fashions, we shall have to go back to the primitive79, non-economic motive with which apparel originated—the motive of adornment80. Without going into an extended discussion of how and why this motive asserts itself under the guidance of the law of expensiveness, it may be stated broadly that each successive innovation in the fashions is an effort to reach some form of display which shall be more acceptable to our sense of form and color or of effectiveness, than that which it displaces. The changing styles are the expression of a restless search for something which shall commend itself to our aesthetic sense; but as each innovation is subject to the selective action of the norm of conspicuous waste, the range within which innovation can take place is somewhat restricted. The innovation must not only be more beautiful, or perhaps oftener less offensive, than that which it displaces, but it must also come up to the accepted standard of expensiveness.
It would seem at first sight that the result of such an unremitting struggle to attain81 the beautiful in dress should be a gradual approach to artistic82 perfection. We might naturally expect that the fashions should show a well-marked trend in the direction of some one or more types of apparel eminently becoming to the human form; and we might even feel that we have substantial ground for the hope that today, after all the ingenuity83 and effort which have been spent on dress these many years, the fashions should have achieved a relative perfection and a relative stability, closely approximating to a permanently tenable artistic ideal. But such is not the case. It would be very hazardous84 indeed to assert that the styles of today are intrinsically more becoming than those of ten years ago, or than those of twenty, or fifty, or one hundred years ago. On the other hand, the assertion freely goes uncontradicted that styles in vogue two thousand years ago are more becoming than the most elaborate and painstaking85 constructions of today.
The explanation of the fashions just offered, then, does not fully86 explain, and we shall have to look farther. It is well known that certain relatively stable styles and types of costume have been worked out in various parts of the world; as, for instance, among the Japanese, Chinese, and other Oriental nations; likewise among the Greeks, Romans, and other Eastern peoples of antiquity87 so also, in later times, among the peasants of nearly every country of Europe. These national or popular costumes are in most cases adjudged by competent critics to be more becoming, more artistic, than the fluctuating styles of modern civilized88 apparel. At the same time they are also, at least usually, less obviously wasteful; that is to say, other elements than that of a display of expense are more readily detected in their structure.
These relatively stable costumes are, commonly, pretty strictly89 and narrowly localized, and they vary by slight and systematic90 gradations from place to place. They have in every case been worked out by peoples or classes which are poorer than we, and especially they belong in countries and localities and times where the population, or at least the class to which the costume in question belongs, is relatively homogeneous, stable, and immobile. That is to say, stable costumes which will bear the test of time and perspective are worked out under circumstances where the norm of conspicuous waste asserts itself less imperatively than it does in the large modern civilized cities, whose relatively mobile wealthy population today sets the pace in matters of fashion. The countries and classes which have in this way worked out stable and artistic costumes have been so placed that the pecuniary emulation91 among them has taken the direction of a competition in conspicuous leisure rather than in conspicuous consumption of goods. So that it will hold true in a general way that fashions are least stable and least becoming in those communities where the principle of a conspicuous waste of goods asserts itself most imperatively, as among ourselves. All this points to an antagonism92 between expensiveness and artistic apparel. In point of practical fact, the norm of conspicuous waste is incompatible93 with the requirement that dress should be beautiful or becoming. And this antagonism offers an explanation of that restless change in fashion which neither the canon of expensiveness nor that of beauty alone can account for.
The standard of reputability requires that dress should show wasteful expenditure; but all wastefulness is offensive to native taste. The psychological law has already been pointed out that all men—and women perhaps even in a higher degree abhor94 futility95, whether of effort or of expenditure—much as Nature was once said to abhor a vacuum. But the principle of conspicuous waste requires an obviously futile96 expenditure; and the resulting conspicuous expensiveness of dress is therefore intrinsically ugly. Hence we find that in all innovations in dress, each added or altered detail strives to avoid condemnation97 by showing some ostensible98 purpose, at the same time that the requirement of conspicuous waste prevents the purposefulness of these innovations from becoming anything more than a somewhat transparent99 pretense100. Even in its freest flights, fashion rarely if ever gets away from a simulation of some ostensible use. The ostensible usefulness of the fashionable details of dress, however, is always so transparent a make-believe, and their substantial futility presently forces itself so baldly upon our attention as to become unbearable101, and then we take refuge in a new style. But the new style must conform to the requirement of reputable wastefulness and futility. Its futility presently becomes as odious as that of its predecessor102; and the only remedy which the law of waste allows us is to seek relief in some new construction, equally futile and equally untenable. Hence the essential ugliness and the unceasing change of fashionable attire46.
Having so explained the phenomenon of shifting fashions, the next thing is to make the explanation tally103 with everyday facts. Among these everyday facts is the well-known liking104 which all men have for the styles that are in vogue at any given time. A new style comes into vogue and remains105 in favor for a season, and, at least so long as it is a novelty, people very generally find the new style attractive. The prevailing fashion is felt to be beautiful. This is due partly to the relief it affords in being different from what went before it, partly to its being reputable. As indicated in the last chapter, the canon of reputability to some extent shapes our tastes, so that under its guidance anything will be accepted as becoming until its novelty wears off, or until the warrant of reputability is transferred to a new and novel structure serving the same general purpose. That the alleged106 beauty, or "loveliness," of the styles in vogue at any given time is transient and spurious only is attested107 by the fact that none of the many shifting fashions will bear the test of time. When seen in the perspective of half-a-dozen years or more, the best of our fashions strike us as grotesque108, if not unsightly. Our transient attachment to whatever happens to be the latest rests on other than aesthetic grounds, and lasts only until our abiding109 aesthetic sense has had time to assert itself and reject this latest indigestible contrivance.
The process of developing an aesthetic nausea110 takes more or less time; the length of time required in any given case being inversely111 as the degree of intrinsic odiousness112 of the style in question. This time relation between odiousness and instability in fashions affords ground for the inference that the more rapidly the styles succeed and displace one another, the more offensive they are to sound taste. The presumption113, therefore, is that the farther the community, especially the wealthy classes of the community, develop in wealth and mobility114 and in the range of their human contact, the more imperatively will the law of conspicuous waste assert itself in matters of dress, the more will the sense of beauty tend to fall into abeyance115 or be overborne by the canon of pecuniary reputability, the more rapidly will fashions shift and change, and the more grotesque and intolerable will be the varying styles that successively come into vogue.
There remains at least one point in this theory of dress yet to be discussed. Most of what has been said applies to men's attire as well as to that of women; although in modern times it applies at nearly all points with greater force to that of women. But at one point the dress of women differs substantially from that of men. In woman's dress there is obviously greater insistence116 on such features as testify to the wearer's exemption from or incapacity for all vulgarly productive employment. This characteristic of woman's apparel is of interest, not only as completing the theory of dress, but also as confirming what has already been said of the economic status of women, both in the past and in the present.
As has been seen in the discussion of woman's status under the heads of Vicarious Leisure and Vicarious Consumption, it has in the course of economic development become the office of the woman to consume vicariously for the head of the household; and her apparel is contrived with this object in view. It has come about that obviously productive labor is in a peculiar degree derogatory to respectable women, and therefore special pains should be taken in the construction of women's dress, to impress upon the beholder117 the fact (often indeed a fiction) that the wearer does not and can not habitually engage in useful work. Propriety118 requires respectable women to abstain119 more consistently from useful effort and to make more of a show of leisure than the men of the same social classes. It grates painfully on our nerves to contemplate120 the necessity of any well-bred woman's earning a livelihood by useful work. It is not "woman's sphere." Her sphere is within the household, which she should "beautify," and of which she should be the "chief ornament121." The male head of the household is not currently spoken of as its ornament. This feature taken in conjunction with the other fact that propriety requires more unremitting attention to expensive display in the dress and other paraphernalia122 of women, goes to enforce the view already implied in what has gone before. By virtue123 of its descent from a patriarchal past, our social system makes it the woman's function in an especial degree to put in evidence her household's ability to pay. According to the modern civilized scheme of life, the good name of the household to which she belongs should be the special care of the woman; and the system of honorific expenditure and conspicuous leisure by which this good name is chiefly sustained is therefore the woman's sphere. In the ideal scheme, as it tends to realize itself in the life of the higher pecuniary classes, this attention to conspicuous waste of substance and effort should normally be the sole economic function of the woman.
At the stage of economic development at which the women were still in the full sense the property of the men, the performance of conspicuous leisure and consumption came to be part of the services required of them. The women being not their own masters, obvious expenditure and leisure on their part would redound124 to the credit of their master rather than to their own credit; and therefore the more expensive and the more obviously unproductive the women of the household are, the more creditable and more effective for the purpose of reputability of the household or its head will their life be. So much so that the women have been required not only to afford evidence of a life of leisure, but even to disable themselves for useful activity.
It is at this point that the dress of men falls short of that of women, and for sufficient reason. Conspicuous waste and conspicuous leisure are reputable because they are evidence of pecuniary strength; pecuniary strength is reputable or honorific because, in the last analysis, it argues success and superior force; therefore the evidence of waste and leisure put forth by any individual in his own behalf cannot consistently take such a form or be carried to such a pitch as to argue incapacity or marked discomfort125 on his part; as the exhibition would in that case show not superior force, but inferiority, and so defeat its own purpose. So, then, wherever wasteful expenditure and the show of abstention from effort is normally, or on an average, carried to the extent of showing obvious discomfort or voluntarily induced physical disability. There the immediate48 inference is that the individual in question does not perform this wasteful expenditure and undergo this disability for her own personal gain in pecuniary repute, but in behalf of some one else to whom she stands in a relation of economic dependence126; a relation which in the last analysis must, in economic theory, reduce itself to a relation of servitude.
To apply this generalization to women's dress, and put the matter in concrete terms: the high heel, the skirt, the impracticable bonnet53, the corset, and the general disregard of the wearer's comfort which is an obvious feature of all civilized women's apparel, are so many items of evidence to the effect that in the modern civilized scheme of life the woman is still, in theory, the economic dependent of the man—that, perhaps in a highly idealized sense, she still is the man's chattel127. The homely128 reason for all this conspicuous leisure and attire on the part of women lies in the fact that they are servants to whom, in the differentiation129 of economic functions, has been delegated the office of putting in evidence their master's ability to pay. There is a marked similarity in these respects between the apparel of women and that of domestic servants, especially liveried servants. In both there is a very elaborate show of unnecessary expensiveness, and in both cases there is also a notable disregard of the physical comfort of the wearer. But the attire of the lady goes farther in its elaborate insistence on the idleness, if not on the physical infirmity of the wearer, than does that of the domestic. And this is as it should be; for in theory, according to the ideal scheme of the pecuniary culture, the lady of the house is the chief menial of the household.
Besides servants, currently recognized as such, there is at least one other class of persons whose garb130 assimilates them to the class of servants and shows many of the features that go to make up the womanliness of woman's dress. This is the priestly class. Priestly vestments show, in accentuated131 form, all the features that have been shown to be evidence of a servile status and a vicarious life. Even more strikingly than the everyday habit of the priest, the vestments, properly so called, are ornate, grotesque, inconvenient, and, at least ostensibly, comfortless to the point of distress132. The priest is at the same time expected to refrain from useful effort and, when before the public eye, to present an impassively disconsolate133 countenance134, very much after the manner of a well-trained domestic servant. The shaven face of the priest is a further item to the same effect. This assimilation of the priestly class to the class of body servants, in demeanor135 and apparel, is due to the similarity of the two classes as regards economic function. In economic theory, the priest is a body servant, constructively136 in attendance upon the person of the divinity whose livery he wears. His livery is of a very expensive character, as it should be in order to set forth in a beseeming manner the dignity of his exalted137 master; but it is contrived to show that the wearing of it contributes little or nothing to the physical comfort of the wearer, for it is an item of vicarious consumption, and the repute which accrues138 from its consumption is to be imputed139 to the absent master, not to the servant.
The line of demarcation between the dress of women, priests, and servants, on the one hand, and of men, on the other hand, is not always consistently observed in practice, but it will scarcely be disputed that it is always present in a more or less definite way in the popular habits of thought. There are of course also free men, and not a few of them, who, in their blind zeal140 for faultless reputable attire, transgress141 the theoretical line between man's and woman's dress, to the extent of arraying themselves in apparel that is obviously designed to vex142 the mortal frame; but everyone recognizes without hesitation143 that such apparel for men is a departure from the normal. We are in the habit of saying that such dress is "effeminate"; and one sometimes hears the remark that such or such an exquisitely144 attired gentleman is as well dressed as a footman.
Certain apparent discrepancies145 under this theory of dress merit a more detailed examination, especially as they mark a more or less evident trend in the later and maturer development of dress. The vogue of the corset offers an apparent exception from the rule of which it has here been cited as an illustration. A closer examination, however, will show that this apparent exception is really a verification of the rule that the vogue of any given element or feature in dress rests on its utility as an evidence of pecuniary standing. It is well known that in the industrially more advanced communities the corset is employed only within certain fairly well defined social strata146. The women of the poorer classes, especially of the rural population, do not habitually use it, except as a holiday luxury. Among these classes the women have to work hard, and it avails them little in the way of a pretense of leisure to so crucify the flesh in everyday life. The holiday use of the contrivance is due to imitation of a higher-class canon of decency. Upwards147 from this low level of indigence148 and manual labor, the corset was until within a generation or two nearly indispensable to a socially blameless standing for all women, including the wealthiest and most reputable. This rule held so long as there still was no large class of people wealthy enough to be above the imputation149 of any necessity for manual labor and at the same time large enough to form a self-sufficient, isolated150 social body whose mass would afford a foundation for special rules of conduct within the class, enforced by the current opinion of the class alone. But now there has grown up a large enough leisure class possessed151 of such wealth that any aspersion152 on the score of enforced manual employment would be idle and harmless calumny153; and the corset has therefore in large measure fallen into disuse within this class. The exceptions under this rule of exemption from the corset are more apparent than real. They are the wealthy classes of countries with a lower industrial structure—nearer the archaic154, quasi-industrial type—together with the later accessions of the wealthy classes in the more advanced industrial communities. The latter have not yet had time to divest155 themselves of the plebeian156 canons of taste and of reputability carried over from their former, lower pecuniary grade. Such survival of the corset is not infrequent among the higher social classes of those American cities, for instance, which have recently and rapidly risen into opulence157. If the word be used as a technical term, without any odious implication, it may be said that the corset persists in great measure through the period of snobbery—the interval158 of uncertainty159 and of transition from a lower to the upper levels of pecuniary culture. That is to say, in all countries which have inherited the corset it continues in use wherever and so long as it serves its purpose as an evidence of honorific leisure by arguing physical disability in the wearer. The same rule of course applies to other mutilations and contrivances for decreasing the visible efficiency of the individual.
Something similar should hold true with respect to divers items of conspicuous consumption, and indeed something of the kind does seem to hold to a slight degree of sundry160 features of dress, especially if such features involve a marked discomfort or appearance of discomfort to the wearer. During the past one hundred years there is a tendency perceptible, in the development of men's dress especially, to discontinue methods of expenditure and the use of symbols of leisure which must have been irksome, which may have served a good purpose in their time, but the continuation of which among the upper classes today would be a work of supererogation; as, for instance, the use of powdered wigs161 and of gold lace, and the practice of constantly shaving the face. There has of late years been some slight recrudescence of the shaven face in polite society, but this is probably a transient and unadvised mimicry163 of the fashion imposed upon body servants, and it may fairly be expected to go the way of the powdered wig162 of our grandfathers.
These indices and others which resemble them in point of the boldness with which they point out to all observers the habitual38 uselessness of those persons who employ them, have been replaced by other, more dedicate methods of expressing the same fact; methods which are no less evident to the trained eyes of that smaller, select circle whose good opinion is chiefly sought. The earlier and cruder method of advertisement held its ground so long as the public to which the exhibitor had to appeal comprised large portions of the community who were not trained to detect delicate variations in the evidences of wealth and leisure. The method of advertisement undergoes a refinement164 when a sufficiently large wealthy class has developed, who have the leisure for acquiring skill in interpreting the subtler signs of expenditure. "Loud" dress becomes offensive to people of taste, as evincing an undue165 desire to reach and impress the untrained sensibilities of the vulgar. To the individual of high breeding, it is only the more honorific esteem166 accorded by the cultivated sense of the members of his own high class that is of material consequence. Since the wealthy leisure class has grown so large, or the contact of the leisure-class individual with members of his own class has grown so wide, as to constitute a human environment sufficient for the honorific purpose, there arises a tendency to exclude the baser elements of the population from the scheme even as spectators whose applause or mortification should be sought. The result of all this is a refinement of methods, a resort to subtler contrivances, and a spiritualization of the scheme of symbolism in dress. And as this upper leisure class sets the pace in all matters of decency, the result for the rest of society also is a gradual amelioration of the scheme of dress. As the community advances in wealth and culture, the ability to pay is put in evidence by means which require a progressively nicer discrimination in the beholder. This nicer discrimination between advertising167 media is in fact a very large element of the higher pecuniary culture.
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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assenting
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| 同意，赞成( assent的现在分词 ) | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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wasteful
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| adj.（造成）浪费的，挥霍的 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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inclement
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| adj.严酷的，严厉的，恶劣的 | |
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clotting
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| v.凝固( clot的现在分词 )；烧结 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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naive
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| adj.幼稚的，轻信的；天真的 | |
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propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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proprieties
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| n.礼仪，礼节；礼貌( propriety的名词复数 )；规矩；正当；合适 | |
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mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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26
scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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27
counterfeit
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| vt.伪造，仿造；adj.伪造的，假冒的 | |
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28
aesthetic
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| adj.美学的，审美的，有美感 | |
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29
precipitately
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| adv.猛进地 | |
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30
aesthetically
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| adv.美地，艺术地 | |
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31
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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32
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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33
evolutionary
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| adj.进化的；演化的，演变的；[生]进化论的 | |
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34
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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35
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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36
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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37
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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38
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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39
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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40
stainless
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| adj.无瑕疵的，不锈的 | |
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41
linen
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|
| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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42
lustrous
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|
| adj.有光泽的；光辉的 | |
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43
cylindrical
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|
| adj.圆筒形的 | |
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44
pointedly
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| adv.尖地，明显地 | |
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45
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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46
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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47
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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49
elegance
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|
| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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50
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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51
generalization
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|
| n.普遍性，一般性，概括 | |
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52
bonnets
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|
| n.童帽( bonnet的名词复数 )；（烟囱等的）覆盖物；（苏格兰男子的）无边呢帽；（女子戴的）任何一种帽子 | |
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53
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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54
tenacious
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|
| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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55
attachment
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|
| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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56
hampers
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的第三人称单数 ) | |
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57
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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58
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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59
vitality
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|
| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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60
rendering
|
|
| n.表现，描写 | |
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61
permanently
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|
| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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62
impairs
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|
| v.损害，削弱( impair的第三人称单数 ) | |
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63
offset
|
|
| n.分支，补偿；v.抵消，补偿 | |
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64
hindrance
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|
| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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65
dominant
|
|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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66
divers
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|
| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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67
constraining
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| 强迫( constrain的现在分词 )； 强使； 限制； 约束 | |
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68
inconvenient
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|
| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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69
imperative
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|
| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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70
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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71
sufficiently
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|
| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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72
flux
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| n.流动；不断的改变 | |
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73
consistency
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|
| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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74
truthfulness
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|
| n. 符合实际 | |
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75
wastefulness
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|
| 浪费，挥霍，耗费 | |
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76
prevailing
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|
| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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77
conformity
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|
| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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78
imperatively
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|
| adv.命令式地 | |
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79
primitive
|
|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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80
adornment
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|
| n.装饰；装饰品 | |
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81
attain
|
|
| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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82
artistic
|
|
| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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83
ingenuity
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|
| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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84
hazardous
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|
| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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85
painstaking
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|
| adj.苦干的；艰苦的，费力的，刻苦的 | |
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86
fully
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|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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87
antiquity
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|
| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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88
civilized
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|
| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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89
strictly
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|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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90
systematic
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|
| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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91
emulation
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|
| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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92
antagonism
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|
| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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93
incompatible
|
|
| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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94
abhor
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|
| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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95
futility
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|
| n.无用 | |
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96
futile
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|
| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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97
condemnation
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|
| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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98
ostensible
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|
| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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99
transparent
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|
| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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100
pretense
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|
| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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101
unbearable
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|
| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
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102
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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103
tally
|
|
| n.计数器，记分，一致，测量；vt.计算，记录，使一致；vi.计算，记分，一致 | |
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104
liking
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|
| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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105
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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106
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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107
attested
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|
| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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108
grotesque
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|
| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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109
abiding
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|
| adj.永久的，持久的，不变的 | |
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110
nausea
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|
| n.作呕，恶心；极端的憎恶(或厌恶) | |
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111
inversely
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| adj.相反的 | |
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112
odiousness
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|
| n.可憎；讨厌；可恨 | |
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113
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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114
mobility
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| n.可动性，变动性，情感不定 | |
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115
abeyance
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|
| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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116
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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117
beholder
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| n.观看者，旁观者 | |
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118
propriety
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|
| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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119
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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120
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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121
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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122
paraphernalia
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| n.装备；随身用品 | |
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123
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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124
redound
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| v.有助于；提；报应 | |
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125
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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126
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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127
chattel
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| n.动产；奴隶 | |
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128
homely
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|
| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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129
differentiation
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| n.区别，区分 | |
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130
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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131
accentuated
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|
| v.重读( accentuate的过去式和过去分词 )；使突出；使恶化；加重音符号于 | |
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132
distress
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|
| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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133
disconsolate
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|
| adj.忧郁的，不快的 | |
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134
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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135
demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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136
constructively
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| ad.有益的，积极的 | |
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137
exalted
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|
| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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138
accrues
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|
| v.增加( accrue的第三人称单数 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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139
imputed
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|
| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
zeal
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|
| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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141
transgress
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| vt.违反，逾越 | |
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142
vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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143
hesitation
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|
| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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144
exquisitely
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|
| adv.精致地；强烈地；剧烈地；异常地 | |
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145
discrepancies
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|
| n.差异，不符合（之处），不一致（之处）( discrepancy的名词复数 ) | |
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146
strata
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|
| n.地层（复数）；社会阶层 | |
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147
upwards
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|
| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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148
indigence
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|
| n.贫穷 | |
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149
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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150
isolated
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|
| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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151
possessed
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|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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152
aspersion
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| n.诽谤，中伤 | |
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153
calumny
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|
| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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154
archaic
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|
| adj.(语言、词汇等)古代的，已不通用的 | |
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155
divest
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| v.脱去，剥除 | |
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156
plebeian
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|
| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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157
opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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158
interval
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|
| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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159
uncertainty
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|
| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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160
sundry
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|
| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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161
wigs
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|
| n.假发，法官帽( wig的名词复数 ) | |
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162
wig
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| n.假发 | |
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163
mimicry
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| n.（生物）拟态，模仿 | |
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164
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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165
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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166
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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167
advertising
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| n.广告业；广告活动 a.广告的；广告业务的 | |
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