For the Independent Journal. Saturday, November 3, 1787
JAY
To the People of the State of New York:
IT IS not a new observation that the people of any country (if, like the Americans, intelligent and wellinformed) seldom adopt and steadily1 persevere2 for many years in an erroneous opinion respecting their interests. That consideration naturally tends to create great respect for the high opinion which the people of America have so long and uniformly entertained of the importance of their continuing firmly united under one federal government, vested with sufficient powers for all general and national purposes.
The more attentively3 I consider and investigate the reasons which appear to have given birth to this opinion, the more I become convinced that they are cogent4 and conclusive5.
Among the many objects to which a wise and free people find it necessary to direct their attention, that of providing for their SAFETY seems to be the first. The SAFETY of the people doubtless has relation to a great variety of circumstances and considerations, and consequently affords great latitude6 to those who wish to define it precisely7 and comprehensively.
At present I mean only to consider it as it respects security for the preservation8 of peace and tranquillity9, as well as against dangers from FOREIGN ARMS AND INFLUENCE, as from dangers of the LIKE KIND arising from domestic causes. As the former of these comes first in order, it is proper it should be the first discussed. Let us therefore proceed to examine whether the people are not right in their opinion that a cordial union, under an efficient national government, affords them the best security that can be devised against HOSTILITIES10 from abroad.
The number of wars which have happened or will happen in the world will always be found to be in proportion to the number and weight of the causes, whether REAL or PRETENDED, which PROVOKE or INVITE them. If this remark be just, it becomes useful to inquire whether so many JUST causes of war are likely to be given by UNITED AMERICA as by DISUNITED America; for if it should turn out that United America will probably give the fewest, then it will follow that in this respect the union tends most to preserve the people in a state of peace with other nations.
The JUST causes of war, for the most part, arise either from violation11 of treaties or from direct violence. America has already formed treaties with no less than six foreign nations, and all of them, except Prussia, are maritime12, and therefore able to annoy and injure us. She has also extensive commerce with Portugal, Spain, and Britain, and, with respect to the two latter, has, in addition, the circumstance of neighborhood to attend to.
It is of high importance to the peace of America that she observe the laws of nations towards all these powers, and to me it appears evident that this will be more perfectly13 and punctually done by one national government than it could be either by thirteen separate States or by three or four distinct confederacies.
Because when once an efficient national government is established, the best men in the country will not only consent to serve, but also will generally be appointed to manage it; for, although town or country, or other contracted influence, may place men in State assemblies, or senates, or courts of justice, or executive departments, yet more general and extensive reputation for talents and other qualifications will be necessary to recommend men to offices under the national government,—especially as it will have the widest field for choice, and never experience that want of proper persons which is not uncommon14 in some of the States. Hence, it will result that the administration, the political counsels, and the judicial15 decisions of the national government will be more wise, systematical, and judicious16 than those of individual States, and consequently more satisfactory with respect to other nations, as well as more SAFE with respect to us.
Because, under the national government, treaties and articles of treaties, as well as the laws of nations, will always be expounded17 in one sense and executed in the same manner,—whereas, adjudications on the same points and questions, in thirteen States, or in three or four confederacies, will not always accord or be consistent; and that, as well from the variety of independent courts and judges appointed by different and independent governments, as from the different local laws and interests which may affect and influence them. The wisdom of the convention, in committing such questions to the jurisdiction18 and judgment19 of courts appointed by and responsible only to one national government, cannot be too much commended.
Because the prospect20 of present loss or advantage may often tempt21 the governing party in one or two States to swerve22 from good faith and justice; but those temptations, not reaching the other States, and consequently having little or no influence on the national government, the temptation will be fruitless, and good faith and justice be preserved. The case of the treaty of peace with Britain adds great weight to this reasoning.
Because, even if the governing party in a State should be disposed to resist such temptations, yet as such temptations may, and commonly do, result from circumstances peculiar23 to the State, and may affect a great number of the inhabitants, the governing party may not always be able, if willing, to prevent the injustice24 meditated25, or to punish the aggressors. But the national government, not being affected26 by those local circumstances, will neither be induced to commit the wrong themselves, nor want power or inclination27 to prevent or punish its commission by others.
So far, therefore, as either designed or accidental violations28 of treaties and the laws of nations afford JUST causes of war, they are less to be apprehended29 under one general government than under several lesser30 ones, and in that respect the former most favors the SAFETY of the people.
As to those just causes of war which proceed from direct and unlawful violence, it appears equally clear to me that one good national government affords vastly more security against dangers of that sort than can be derived31 from any other quarter.
Because such violences are more frequently caused by the passions and interests of a part than of the whole; of one or two States than of the union. Not a single Indian war has yet been occasioned by aggressions of the present federal government, feeble as it is; but there are several instances of Indian hostilities having been provoked by the improper32 conduct of individual States, who, either unable or unwilling33 to restrain or punish offenses34, have given occasion to the slaughter35 of many innocent inhabitants.
The neighborhood of Spanish and British territories, bordering on some States and not on others, naturally confines the causes of quarrel more immediately to the borderers. The bordering States, if any, will be those who, under the impulse of sudden irritation36, and a quick sense of apparent interest or injury, will be most likely, by direct violence, to excite war with these nations; and nothing can so effectually obviate37 that danger as a national government, whose wisdom and prudence38 will not be diminished by the passions which actuate the parties immediately interested.
But not only fewer just causes of war will be given by the national government, but it will also be more in their power to accommodate and settle them amicably39. They will be more temperate40 and cool, and in that respect, as well as in others, will be more in capacity to act advisedly than the offending State. The pride of states, as well as of men, naturally disposes them to justify41 all their actions, and opposes their acknowledging, correcting, or repairing their errors and offenses. The national government, in such cases, will not be affected by this pride, but will proceed with moderation and candor42 to consider and decide on the means most proper to extricate43 them from the difficulties which threaten them.
Besides, it is well known that acknowledgments, explanations, and compensations are often accepted as satisfactory from a strong united nation, which would be rejected as unsatisfactory if offered by a State or confederacy of little consideration or power.
In the year 1685, the state of Genoa having offended Louis XIV., endeavored to appease44 him. He demanded that they should send their Doge, or chief magistrate45, accompanied by four of their senators, to FRANCE, to ask his pardon and receive his terms. They were obliged to submit to it for the sake of peace. Would he on any occasion either have demanded or have received the like humiliation46 from Spain, or Britain, or any other POWERFUL nation?
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1 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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2 persevere | |
v.坚持,坚忍,不屈不挠 | |
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3 attentively | |
adv.聚精会神地;周到地;谛;凝神 | |
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4 cogent | |
adj.强有力的,有说服力的 | |
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5 conclusive | |
adj.最后的,结论的;确凿的,消除怀疑的 | |
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6 latitude | |
n.纬度,行动或言论的自由(范围),(pl.)地区 | |
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7 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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8 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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9 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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10 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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11 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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12 maritime | |
adj.海的,海事的,航海的,近海的,沿海的 | |
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13 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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14 uncommon | |
adj.罕见的,非凡的,不平常的 | |
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15 judicial | |
adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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16 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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17 expounded | |
论述,详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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18 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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19 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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20 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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21 tempt | |
vt.引诱,勾引,吸引,引起…的兴趣 | |
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22 swerve | |
v.突然转向,背离;n.转向,弯曲,背离 | |
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23 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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24 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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25 meditated | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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26 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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27 inclination | |
n.倾斜;点头;弯腰;斜坡;倾度;倾向;爱好 | |
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28 violations | |
违反( violation的名词复数 ); 冒犯; 违反(行为、事例); 强奸 | |
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29 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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30 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
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31 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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32 improper | |
adj.不适当的,不合适的,不正确的,不合礼仪的 | |
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33 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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34 offenses | |
n.进攻( offense的名词复数 );(球队的)前锋;进攻方法;攻势 | |
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35 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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36 irritation | |
n.激怒,恼怒,生气 | |
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37 obviate | |
v.除去,排除,避免,预防 | |
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38 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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39 amicably | |
adv.友善地 | |
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40 temperate | |
adj.温和的,温带的,自我克制的,不过分的 | |
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41 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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42 candor | |
n.坦白,率真 | |
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43 extricate | |
v.拯救,救出;解脱 | |
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44 appease | |
v.安抚,缓和,平息,满足 | |
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45 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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46 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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