[2]
Behind institutions, behind constitutional forms and modifications6, lie the vital forces that call these organs into life and shape them to meet changing conditions. The peculiarity7 of American institutions is, the fact that they have been compelled to adapt themselves to the changes of an expanding people—to the changes involved in crossing a continent, in winning a wilderness8, and in developing at each area of this progress out of the primitive10 economic and political conditions of the frontier into the complexity11 of city life. Said Calhoun in 1817, "We are great, and rapidly—I was about to say fearfully—growing!"[2:1] So saying, he touched the distinguishing feature of American life. All peoples show development; the germ theory of politics has been sufficiently12 emphasized. In the case of most nations, however, the development has occurred in a limited area; and if the nation has expanded, it has met other growing peoples whom it has conquered. But in the case of the United States we have a different phenomenon. Limiting our attention to the Atlantic coast, we have the familiar phenomenon of the evolution of institutions in a limited area, such as the rise of representative government; the differentiation13 of simple colonial governments into complex organs; the progress from primitive industrial society, without division of labor14, up to manufacturing civilization. But we have in addition to this a recurrence15 of the process of evolution in each western area reached in the process of expansion. Thus American development has exhibited not merely advance along a single line, but a return to primitive conditions on a continually advancing frontier line, and a new development for that area. American social development has been continually beginning over again on the frontier. This perennial16 rebirth, this fluidity of American life, this expansion westward with its new opportunities, its continuous touch with [3]the simplicity17 of primitive society, furnish the forces dominating American character. The true point of view in the history of this nation is not the Atlantic coast, it is the Great West. Even the slavery struggle, which is made so exclusive an object of attention by writers like Professor von Holst, occupies its important place in American history because of its relation to westward expansion.
In this advance, the frontier is the outer edge of the wave—the meeting point between savagery19 and civilization. Much has been written about the frontier from the point of view of border warfare20 and the chase, but as a field for the serious study of the economist21 and the historian it has been neglected.
The American frontier is sharply distinguished22 from the European frontier—a fortified23 boundary line running through dense24 populations. The most significant thing about the American frontier is, that it lies at the hither edge of free land. In the census reports it is treated as the margin25 of that settlement which has a density26 of two or more to the square mile. The term is an elastic27 one, and for our purposes does not need sharp definition. We shall consider the whole frontier belt, including the Indian country and the outer margin of the "settled area" of the census reports. This paper will make no attempt to treat the subject exhaustively; its aim is simply to call attention to the frontier as a fertile field for investigation28, and to suggest some of the problems which arise in connection with it.
In the settlement of America we have to observe how European life entered the continent, and how America modified and developed that life and reacted on Europe. Our early history is the study of European germs developing in an American environment. Too exclusive attention has been paid by institutional students to the Germanic origins, too little to the American factors. The frontier is the line of [4]most rapid and effective Americanization. The wilderness masters the colonist29. It finds him a European in dress, industries, tools, modes of travel, and thought. It takes him from the railroad car and puts him in the birch canoe. It strips off the garments of civilization and arrays him in the hunting shirt and the moccasin. It puts him in the log cabin of the Cherokee and Iroquois and runs an Indian palisade around him. Before long he has gone to planting Indian corn and plowing31 with a sharp stick; he shouts the war cry and takes the scalp in orthodox Indian fashion. In short, at the frontier the environment is at first too strong for the man. He must accept the conditions which it furnishes, or perish, and so he fits himself into the Indian clearings and follows the Indian trails. Little by little he transforms the wilderness, but the outcome is not the old Europe, not simply the development of Germanic germs, any more than the first phenomenon was a case of reversion to the Germanic mark. The fact is, that here is a new product that is American. At first, the frontier was the Atlantic coast. It was the frontier of Europe in a very real sense. Moving westward, the frontier became more and more American. As successive terminal moraines result from successive glaciations, so each frontier leaves its traces behind it, and when it becomes a settled area the region still partakes of the frontier characteristics. Thus the advance of the frontier has meant a steady movement away from the influence of Europe, a steady growth of independence on American lines. And to study this advance, the men who grew up under these conditions, and the political, economic, and social results of it, is to study the really American part of our history.
In the course of the seventeenth century the frontier was advanced up the Atlantic river courses, just beyond the "fall line," and the tidewater region became the settled area. In [5]the first half of the eighteenth century another advance occurred. Traders followed the Delaware and Shawnese Indians to the Ohio as early as the end of the first quarter of the century.[5:1] Gov. Spotswood, of Virginia, made an expedition in 1714 across the Blue Ridge34. The end of the first quarter of the century saw the advance of the Scotch-Irish and the Palatine Germans up the Shenandoah Valley into the western part of Virginia, and along the Piedmont region of the Carolinas.[5:2] The Germans in New York pushed the frontier of settlement up the Mohawk to German Flats.[5:3] In Pennsylvania the town of Bedford indicates the line of settlement. Settlements soon began on the New River, or the Great Kanawha, and on the sources of the Yadkin and French Broad.[5:4] The King attempted to arrest the advance by his proclamation of 1763,[5:5] forbidding settlements beyond the sources of the rivers flowing into the Atlantic; but in vain. In the period of the Revolution the frontier crossed the Alleghanies into Kentucky and Tennessee, and the upper waters of the Ohio were settled.[5:6] When the first census was taken in 1790, the continuous settled area was bounded by a line which ran near the coast of Maine, and included New England except a portion of Vermont and New Hampshire, New York along the Hudson [6]and up the Mohawk about Schenectady, eastern and southern Pennsylvania, Virginia well across the Shenandoah Valley, and the Carolinas and eastern Georgia.[6:1] Beyond this region of continuous settlement were the small settled areas of Kentucky and Tennessee, and the Ohio, with the mountains intervening between them and the Atlantic area, thus giving a new and important character to the frontier. The isolation35 of the region increased its peculiarly American tendencies, and the need of transportation facilities to connect it with the East called out important schemes of internal improvement, which will be noted36 farther on. The "West," as a self-conscious section, began to evolve.
From decade to decade distinct advances of the frontier occurred. By the census of 1820[6:2] the settled area included Ohio, southern Indiana and Illinois, southeastern Missouri, and about one-half of Louisiana. This settled area had surrounded Indian areas, and the management of these tribes became an object of political concern. The frontier region of the time lay along the Great Lakes, where Astor's American Fur Company operated in the Indian trade,[6:3] and beyond the Mississippi, [7]where Indian traders extended their activity even to the Rocky Mountains; Florida also furnished frontier conditions. The Mississippi River region was the scene of typical frontier settlements.[7:1]
The rising steam navigation[7:2] on western waters, the opening of the Erie Canal, and the westward extension of cotton[7:3] culture added five frontier states to the union in this period. Grund, writing in 1836, declares: "It appears then that the universal disposition37 of Americans to emigrate to the western wilderness, in order to enlarge their dominion38 over inanimate nature, is the actual result of an expansive power which is inherent in them, and which by continually agitating39 all classes of society is constantly throwing a large portion of the whole population on the extreme confines of the State, in order to gain space for its development. Hardly is a new State or Territory formed before the same principle manifests itself again and gives rise to a further emigration; and so is it destined41 to go on until a physical barrier must finally obstruct42 its progress."[7:4]
[8]
In the middle of this century the line indicated by the present eastern boundary of Indian Territory, Nebraska, and Kansas marked the frontier of the Indian country.[8:1] Minnesota and Wisconsin still exhibited frontier conditions,[8:2] but the distinctive43 frontier of the period is found in California, where the gold discoveries had sent a sudden tide of adventurous44 miners, and in Oregon, and the settlements in Utah.[8:3] As the frontier had leaped over the Alleghanies, so now it skipped the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains; and in the same way that the advance of the frontiersmen beyond the Alleghanies had caused the rise of important questions of transportation and internal improvement, so now the settlers beyond the Rocky Mountains needed means of communication with the East, and in the furnishing of these arose the settlement of the Great Plains and the development of still another kind [9]of frontier life. Railroads, fostered by land grants, sent an increasing tide of immigrants into the Far West. The United States Army fought a series of Indian wars in Minnesota, Dakota, and the Indian Territory.
By 1880 the settled area had been pushed into northern Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, along Dakota rivers, and in the Black Hills region, and was ascending45 the rivers of Kansas and Nebraska. The development of mines in Colorado had drawn46 isolated frontier settlements into that region, and Montana and Idaho were receiving settlers. The frontier was found in these mining camps and the ranches48 of the Great Plains. The superintendent of the census for 1890 reports, as previously49 stated, that the settlements of the West lie so scattered50 over the region that there can no longer be said to be a frontier line.
In these successive frontiers we find natural boundary lines which have served to mark and to affect the characteristics of the frontiers, namely: the "fall line;" the Alleghany Mountains; the Mississippi; the Missouri where its direction approximates north and south; the line of the arid51 lands, approximately the ninety-ninth meridian52; and the Rocky Mountains. The fall line marked the frontier of the seventeenth century; the Alleghanies that of the eighteenth; the Mississippi that of the first quarter of the nineteenth; the Missouri that of the middle of this century (omitting the California movement); and the belt of the Rocky Mountains and the arid tract53, the present frontier. Each was won by a series of Indian wars.
At the Atlantic frontier one can study the germs of processes repeated at each successive frontier. We have the complex European life sharply precipitated54 by the wilderness into the simplicity of primitive conditions. The first frontier had to meet its Indian question, its question of the disposition of the public domain55, of the means of intercourse56 with older settlements, of the extension of political organization, of religious [10]and educational activity. And the settlement of these and similar questions for one frontier served as a guide for the next. The American student needs not to go to the "prim9 little townships of Sleswick" for illustrations of the law of continuity and development. For example, he may study the origin of our land policies in the colonial land policy; he may see how the system grew by adapting the statutes57 to the customs of the successive frontiers.[10:1] He may see how the mining experience in the lead regions of Wisconsin, Illinois, and Iowa was applied58 to the mining laws of the Sierras,[10:2] and how our Indian policy has been a series of experimentations59 on successive frontiers. Each tier of new States has found in the older ones material for its constitutions.[10:3] Each frontier has made similar contributions to American character, as will be discussed farther on.
But with all these similarities there are essential differences due to the place element and the time element. It is evident that the farming frontier of the Mississippi Valley presents different conditions from the mining frontier of the Rocky Mountains. The frontier reached by the Pacific Railroad, surveyed into rectangles, guarded by the United States Army, and recruited by the daily immigrant ship, moves forward at a swifter pace and in a different way than the frontier reached by the birch canoe or the pack horse. The geologist60 traces patiently the shores of ancient seas, maps their areas, and compares the older and the newer. It would be a work worth the historian's labors61 to mark these various frontiers and in detail compare one with another. Not only would there result a [11]more adequate conception of American development and characteristics, but invaluable62 additions would be made to the history of society.
Loria,[11:1] the Italian economist, has urged the study of colonial life as an aid in understanding the stages of European development, affirming that colonial settlement is for economic science what the mountain is for geology, bringing to light primitive stratifications. "America," he says, "has the key to the historical enigma63 which Europe has sought for centuries in vain, and the land which has no history reveals luminously64 the course of universal history." There is much truth in this. The United States lies like a huge page in the history of society. Line by line as we read this continental65 page from West to East we find the record of social evolution. It begins with the Indian and the hunter; it goes on to tell of the disintegration66 of savagery by the entrance of the trader, the pathfinder of civilization; we read the annals of the pastoral stage in ranch47 life; the exploitation of the soil by the raising of unrotated crops of corn and wheat in sparsely67 settled farming communities; the intensive culture of the denser69 farm settlement; and finally the manufacturing organization with city and factory system.[11:2] This page is familiar to the student of census statistics, but how little of it has been used by our historians. Particularly in eastern States this page is a palimpsest. What is now a manufacturing State was in an earlier decade an area of intensive farming. Earlier yet it had been a wheat area, and still earlier the "range" had attracted the cattle-herder. Thus Wisconsin, now developing manufacture, is a [12]State with varied70 agricultural interests. But earlier it was given over to almost exclusive grain-raising, like North Dakota at the present time.
Each of these areas has had an influence in our economic and political history; the evolution of each into a higher stage has worked political transformations71. But what constitutional historian has made any adequate attempt to interpret political facts by the light of these social areas and changes?[12:1]
The Atlantic frontier was compounded of fisherman, fur-trader, miner, cattle-raiser, and farmer. Excepting the fisherman, each type of industry was on the march toward the West, impelled72 by an irresistible73 attraction. Each passed in successive waves across the continent. Stand at Cumberland Gap and watch the procession of civilization, marching single file—the buffalo74 following the trail to the salt springs, the Indian, the fur-trader and hunter, the cattle-raiser, the pioneer farmer—and the frontier has passed by. Stand at South Pass in the Rockies a century later and see the same procession with wider intervals75 between. The unequal rate of advance compels us to distinguish the frontier into the trader's frontier, the rancher's frontier, or the miner's frontier, and the farmer's frontier. When the mines and the cow pens were still near the fall line the traders' pack trains were tinkling76 across the Alleghanies, and the French on the Great Lakes were fortifying77 their posts, alarmed by the British trader's birch canoe. When the trappers scaled the Rockies, the farmer was still near the mouth of the Missouri.
Why was it that the Indian trader passed so rapidly across the continent? What effects followed from the trader's frontier? The trade was coeval78 with American discovery. The Norsemen, Vespuccius, Verrazani, Hudson, John Smith, all [13]trafficked for furs. The Plymouth pilgrims settled in Indian cornfields, and their first return cargo79 was of beaver80 and lumber81. The records of the various New England colonies show how steadily82 exploration was carried into the wilderness by this trade. What is true for New England is, as would be expected, even plainer for the rest of the colonies. All along the coast from Maine to Georgia the Indian trade opened up the river courses. Steadily the trader passed westward, utilizing83 the older lines of French trade. The Ohio, the Great Lakes, the Mississippi, the Missouri, and the Platte, the lines of western advance, were ascended84 by traders. They found the passes in the Rocky Mountains and guided Lewis and Clark,[13:1] Frémont, and Bidwell. The explanation of the rapidity of this advance is connected with the effects of the trader on the Indian. The trading post left the unarmed tribes at the mercy of those that had purchased fire-arms—a truth which the Iroquois Indians wrote in blood, and so the remote and unvisited tribes gave eager welcome to the trader. "The savages85," wrote La Salle, "take better care of us French than of their own children; from us only can they get guns and goods." This accounts for the trader's power and the rapidity of his advance. Thus the disintegrating86 forces of civilization entered the wilderness. Every river valley and Indian trail became a fissure87 in Indian society, and so that society became honeycombed. Long before the pioneer farmer appeared on the scene, primitive Indian life had passed away. The farmers met Indians armed with guns. The trading frontier, while steadily undermining Indian power by making the tribes ultimately dependent on the whites, yet, through its sale of guns, gave to the Indian increased power of resistance to the farming frontier. French colonization was dominated [14]by its trading frontier; English colonization by its farming frontier. There was an antagonism89 between the two frontiers as between the two nations. Said Duquesne to the Iroquois, "Are you ignorant of the difference between the king of England and the king of France? Go see the forts that our king has established and you will see that you can still hunt under their very walls. They have been placed for your advantage in places which you frequent. The English, on the contrary, are no sooner in possession of a place than the game is driven away. The forest falls before them as they advance, and the soil is laid bare so that you can scarce find the wherewithal to erect90 a shelter for the night."
And yet, in spite of this opposition91 of the interests of the trader and the farmer, the Indian trade pioneered the way for civilization. The buffalo trail became the Indian trail, and this became the trader's "trace;" the trails widened into roads, and the roads into turnpikes, and these in turn were transformed into railroads. The same origin can be shown for the railroads of the South, the Far West, and the Dominion of Canada.[14:1] The trading posts reached by these trails were on the sites of Indian villages which had been placed in positions suggested by nature; and these trading posts, situated92 so as to command the water systems of the country, have grown into such cities as Albany, Pittsburgh, Detroit, Chicago, St. Louis, Council Bluffs93, and Kansas City. Thus civilization in America has followed the arteries94 made by geology, pouring an ever richer tide through them, until at last the slender paths of aboriginal95 intercourse have been broadened and interwoven into the complex mazes96 of modern commercial lines; the [15]wilderness has been interpenetrated by lines of civilization growing ever more numerous. It is like the steady growth of a complex nervous system for the originally simple, inert97 continent. If one would understand why we are to-day one nation, rather than a collection of isolated states, he must study this economic and social consolidation98 of the country. In this progress from savage18 conditions lie topics for the evolutionist.[15:1]
The effect of the Indian frontier as a consolidating99 agent in our history is important. From the close of the seventeenth century various intercolonial congresses have been called to treat with Indians and establish common measures of defense100. Particularism was strongest in colonies with no Indian frontier. This frontier stretched along the western border like a cord of union. The Indian was a common danger, demanding united action. Most celebrated101 of these conferences was the Albany congress of 1754, called to treat with the Six Nations, and to consider plans of union. Even a cursory102 reading of the plan proposed by the congress reveals the importance of the frontier. The powers of the general council and the officers were, chiefly, the determination of peace and war with the Indians, the regulation of Indian trade, the purchase of Indian lands, and the creation and government of new settlements as a security against the Indians. It is evident that the unifying103 tendencies of the Revolutionary period were facilitated by the previous co?peration in the regulation of the frontier. In this connection may be mentioned the importance of the frontier, from that day to this, as a military training school, keeping alive the power of resistance to aggression104, and developing the stalwart and rugged105 qualities of the frontiersman.
[16]
It would not be possible in the limits of this paper to trace the other frontiers across the continent. Travelers of the eighteenth century found the "cowpens" among the canebrakes and peavine pastures of the South, and the "cow drivers" took their droves to Charleston, Philadelphia, and New York.[16:1] Travelers at the close of the War of 1812 met droves of more than a thousand cattle and swine from the interior of Ohio going to Pennsylvania to fatten106 for the Philadelphia market.[16:2] The ranges of the Great Plains, with ranch and cowboy and nomadic107 life, are things of yesterday and of to-day. The experience of the Carolina cowpens guided the ranchers of Texas. One element favoring the rapid extension of the rancher's frontier is the fact that in a remote country lacking transportation facilities the product must be in small bulk, or must be able to transport itself, and the cattle raiser could easily drive his product to market. The effect of these great ranches on the subsequent agrarian108 history of the localities in which they existed should be studied.
The maps of the census reports show an uneven109 advance of the farmer's frontier, with tongues of settlement pushed forward and with indentations of wilderness. In part this is due to Indian resistance, in part to the location of river valleys and passes, in part to the unequal force of the centers of frontier attraction. Among the important centers of attraction may be mentioned the following: fertile and favorably situated soils, salt springs, mines, and army posts.
The frontier army post, serving to protect the settlers from the Indians, has also acted as a wedge to open the Indian country, and has been a nucleus110 for settlement.[16:3] In this [17]connection mention should also be made of the government military and exploring expeditions in determining the lines of settlement. But all the more important expeditions were greatly indebted to the earliest pathmakers, the Indian guides, the traders and trappers, and the French voyageurs, who were inevitable111 parts of governmental expeditions from the days of Lewis and Clark.[17:1] Each expedition was an epitome112 of the previous factors in western advance.
In an interesting monograph113, Victor Hehn[17:2] has traced the effect of salt upon early European development, and has pointed114 out how it affected115 the lines of settlement and the form of administration. A similar study might be made for the salt springs of the United States. The early settlers were tied to the coast by the need of salt, without which they could not preserve their meats or live in comfort. Writing in 1752, Bishop116 Spangenburg says of a colony for which he was seeking lands in North Carolina, "They will require salt & other necessaries which they can neither manufacture nor raise. Either they must go to Charleston, which is 300 miles distant . . . Or else they must go to Boling's Point in Va on a branch of the James & is also 300 miles from here . . Or else they must go down the Roanoke—I know not how many miles—where salt is brought up from the Cape117 Fear."[17:3] This may serve as a typical illustration. An annual pilgrimage to the coast for salt thus became essential. Taking flocks or furs and ginseng root, the early settlers sent their pack trains after seeding time each year to the coast.[17:4] This proved to be an important educational influence, since it was almost the [18]only way in which the pioneer learned what was going on in the East. But when discovery was made of the salt springs of the Kanawha, and the Holston, and Kentucky, and central New York, the West began to be freed from dependence32 on the coast. It was in part the effect of finding these salt springs that enabled settlement to cross the mountains.
From the time the mountains rose between the pioneer and the seaboard, a new order of Americanism arose. The West and the East began to get out of touch of each other. The settlements from the sea to the mountains kept connection with the rear and had a certain solidarity118. But the over-mountain men grew more and more independent. The East took a narrow view of American advance, and nearly lost these men. Kentucky and Tennessee history bears abundant witness to the truth of this statement. The East began to try to hedge and limit westward expansion. Though Webster could declare that there were no Alleghanies in his politics, yet in politics in general they were a very solid factor.
The exploitation of the beasts took hunter and trader to the west, the exploitation of the grasses took the rancher west, and the exploitation of the virgin33 soil of the river valleys and prairies attracted the farmer. Good soils have been the most continuous attraction to the farmer's frontier. The land hunger of the Virginians drew them down the rivers into Carolina, in early colonial days; the search for soils took the Massachusetts men to Pennsylvania and to New York. As the eastern lands were taken up migration40 flowed across them to the west. Daniel Boone, the great backwoodsman, who combined the occupations of hunter, trader, cattle-raiser, farmer, and surveyor—learning, probably from the traders, of the fertility of the lands of the upper Yadkin, where the traders were wont119 to rest as they took their way to the Indians, left his Pennsylvania home with his father, and passed down the [19]Great Valley road to that stream. Learning from a trader of the game and rich pastures of Kentucky, he pioneered the way for the farmers to that region. Thence he passed to the frontier of Missouri, where his settlement was long a landmark120 on the frontier. Here again he helped to open the way for civilization, finding salt licks, and trails, and land. His son was among the earliest trappers in the passes of the Rocky Mountains, and his party are said to have been the first to camp on the present site of Denver. His grandson, Col. A. J. Boone, of Colorado, was a power among the Indians of the Rocky Mountains, and was appointed an agent by the government. Kit121 Carson's mother was a Boone.[19:1] Thus this family epitomizes the backwoodsman's advance across the continent.
The farmer's advance came in a distinct series of waves. In Peck's New Guide to the West, published in Boston in 1837, occurs this suggestive passage:
Generally, in all the western settlements, three classes, like the waves of the ocean, have rolled one after the other. First comes the pioneer, who depends for the subsistence of his family chiefly upon the natural growth of vegetation, called the "range," and the proceeds of hunting. His implements122 of agriculture are rude, chiefly of his own make, and his efforts directed mainly to a crop of corn and a "truck patch." The last is a rude garden for growing cabbage, beans, corn for roasting ears, cucumbers, and potatoes. A log cabin, and, occasionally, a stable and corn-crib, and a field of a dozen acres, the timber girdled or "deadened," and fenced, are enough for his occupancy. It is quite immaterial whether he ever becomes the [20]owner of the soil. He is the occupant for the time being, pays no rent, and feels as independent as the "lord of the manor123." With a horse, cow, and one or two breeders of swine, he strikes into the woods with his family, and becomes the founder124 of a new county, or perhaps state. He builds his cabin, gathers around him a few other families of similar tastes and habits, and occupies till the range is somewhat subdued125, and hunting a little precarious126, or, which is more frequently the case, till the neighbors crowd around, roads, bridges, and fields annoy him, and he lacks elbow room. The pre?mption law enables him to dispose of his cabin and cornfield to the next class of emigrants127; and, to employ his own figures, he "breaks for the high timber," "clears out for the New Purchase," or migrates to Arkansas or Texas, to work the same process over.
The next class of emigrants purchase the lands, add field to field, clear out the roads, throw rough bridges over the streams, put up hewn log houses with glass windows and brick or stone chimneys, occasionally plant orchards128, build mills, school-houses, court-houses, etc., and exhibit the picture and forms of plain, frugal129, civilized130 life.
Another wave rolls on. The men of capital and enterprise come. The settler is ready to sell out and take the advantage of the rise in property, push farther into the interior and become, himself, a man of capital and enterprise in turn. The small village rises to a spacious131 town or city; substantial edifices132 of brick, extensive fields, orchards, gardens, colleges, and churches are seen. Broadcloths, silks, leghorns, crapes, and all the refinements133, [21]luxuries, elegancies, frivolities, and fashions are in vogue134. Thus wave after wave is rolling westward; the real Eldorado is still farther on.
A portion of the two first classes remain stationary135 amidst the general movement, improve their habits and condition, and rise in the scale of society.
The writer has traveled much amongst the first class, the real pioneers. He has lived many years in connection with the second grade; and now the third wave is sweeping136 over large districts of Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri. Migration has become almost a habit in the West. Hundreds of men can be found, not over 50 years of age, who have settled for the fourth, fifth, or sixth time on a new spot. To sell out and remove only a few hundred miles makes up a portion of the variety of backwoods life and manners.[21:1]
Omitting those of the pioneer farmers who move from the love of adventure, the advance of the more steady farmer is easy to understand. Obviously the immigrant was attracted by the cheap lands of the frontier, and even the native farmer felt their influence strongly. Year by year the farmers who lived on soil whose returns were diminished by unrotated crops were offered the virgin soil of the frontier at nominal137 prices. Their growing families demanded more lands, and these were dear. The competition of the unexhausted, cheap, [22]and easily tilled prairie lands compelled the farmer either to go west and continue the exhaustion138 of the soil on a new frontier, or to adopt intensive culture. Thus the census of 1890 shows, in the Northwest, many counties in which there is an absolute or a relative decrease of population. These States have been sending farmers to advance the frontier on the plains, and have themselves begun to turn to intensive farming and to manufacture. A decade before this, Ohio had shown the same transition stage. Thus the demand for land and the love of wilderness freedom drew the frontier ever onward139.
Having now roughly outlined the various kinds of frontiers, and their modes of advance, chiefly from the point of view of the frontier itself, we may next inquire what were the influences on the East and on the Old World. A rapid enumeration140 of some of the more noteworthy effects is all that I have time for.
First, we note that the frontier promoted the formation of a composite nationality for the American people. The coast was preponderantly English, but the later tides of continental immigration flowed across to the free lands. This was the case from the early colonial days. The Scotch-Irish and the Palatine Germans, or "Pennsylvania Dutch," furnished the dominant141 element in the stock of the colonial frontier. With these peoples were also the freed indented142 servants, or redemptioners, who at the expiration143 of their time of service passed to the frontier. Governor Spotswood of Virginia writes in 1717, "The inhabitants of our frontiers are composed generally of such as have been transported hither as servants, and, being out of their time, settle themselves where land is to be taken up and that will produce the necessarys of life with little labour."[22:1] Very generally these redemptioners were of [23]non-English stock. In the crucible144 of the frontier the immigrants were Americanized, liberated145, and fused into a mixed race, English in neither nationality nor characteristics. The process has gone on from the early days to our own. Burke and other writers in the middle of the eighteenth century believed that Pennsylvania[23:1] was "threatened with the danger of being wholly foreign in language, manners, and perhaps even inclinations146." The German and Scotch-Irish elements in the frontier of the South were only less great. In the middle of the present century the German element in Wisconsin was already so considerable that leading publicists looked to the creation of a German state out of the commonwealth147 by concentrating their colonization.[23:2] Such examples teach us to beware of misinterpreting the fact that there is a common English speech in America into a belief that the stock is also English.
In another way the advance of the frontier decreased our dependence on England. The coast, particularly of the South, lacked diversified148 industries, and was dependent on England for the bulk of its supplies. In the South there was even a dependence on the Northern colonies for articles of food. Governor Glenn, of South Carolina, writes in the middle of the eighteenth century: "Our trade with New York and Philadelphia was of this sort, draining us of all the little money and bills we could gather from other places for their bread, flour, beer, hams, bacon, and other things of their produce, all which, except beer, our new townships begin to supply us with, which are settled with very industrious149 and thriving Germans. This no doubt diminishes the number of shipping150 and the appearance of our trade, but it is far from being a detriment151 to us."[23:3]
[24]
Before long the frontier created a demand for merchants. As it retreated from the coast it became less and less possible for England to bring her supplies directly to the consumer's wharfs152, and carry away staple153 crops, and staple crops began to give way to diversified agriculture for a time. The effect of this phase of the frontier action upon the northern section is perceived when we realize how the advance of the frontier aroused seaboard cities like Boston, New York, and Baltimore, to engage in rivalry154 for what Washington called "the extensive and valuable trade of a rising empire."
The legislation which most developed the powers of the national government, and played the largest part in its activity, was conditioned on the frontier. Writers have discussed the subjects of tariff155, land, and internal improvement, as subsidiary to the slavery question. But when American history comes to be rightly viewed it will be seen that the slavery question is an incident. In the period from the end of the first half of the present century to the close of the Civil War slavery rose to primary, but far from exclusive, importance. But this does not justify156 Dr. von Holst (to take an example) in treating our constitutional history in its formative period down to 1828 in a single volume, giving six volumes chiefly to the history of slavery from 1828 to 1861, under the title "Constitutional History of the United States." The growth of nationalism and the evolution of American political institutions were dependent on the advance of the frontier. Even so recent a writer as Rhodes, in his "History of the United States since the Compromise of 1850," has treated the legislation called out by the western advance as incidental to the slavery struggle.
This is a wrong perspective. The pioneer needed the goods of the coast, and so the grand series of internal improvement and railroad legislation began, with potent157 nationalizing effects. Over internal improvements occurred great debates, in which [25]grave constitutional questions were discussed. Sectional groupings appear in the votes, profoundly significant for the historian. Loose construction increased as the nation marched westward.[25:1] But the West was not content with bringing the farm to the factory. Under the lead of Clay—"Harry of the West"—protective tariffs158 were passed, with the cry of bringing the factory to the farm. The disposition of the public lands was a third important subject of national legislation influenced by the frontier.
The public domain has been a force of profound importance in the nationalization and development of the government. The effects of the struggle of the landed and the landless States, and of the Ordinance159 of 1787, need no discussion.[25:2] Administratively161 the frontier called out some of the highest and most vitalizing activities of the general government. The purchase of Louisiana was perhaps the constitutional turning point in the history of the Republic, inasmuch as it afforded both a new area for national legislation and the occasion of the downfall of the policy of strict construction. But the purchase of Louisiana was called out by frontier needs and demands. As frontier States accrued162 to the union the national power grew. In a speech on the dedication163 of the Calhoun monument Mr. Lamar explained: "In 1789 the States were the creators of the Federal Government; in 1861 the Federal Government was the creator of a large majority of the States."
When we consider the public domain from the point of view of the sale and disposal of the public lands we are again brought face to face with the frontier. The policy of the [26]United States in dealing164 with its lands is in sharp contrast with the European system of scientific administration. Efforts to make this domain a source of revenue, and to withhold165 it from emigrants in order that settlement might be compact, were in vain. The jealousy166 and the fears of the East were powerless in the face of the demands of the frontiersmen. John Quincy Adams was obliged to confess: "My own system of administration, which was to make the national domain the inexhaustible fund for progressive and unceasing internal improvement, has failed." The reason is obvious; a system of administration was not what the West demanded; it wanted land. Adams states the situation as follows: "The slaveholders of the South have bought the co?peration of the western country by the bribe167 of the western lands, abandoning to the new Western States their own proportion of the public property and aiding them in the design of grasping all the lands into their own hands." Thomas H. Benton was the author of this system, which he brought forward as a substitute for the American system of Mr. Clay, and to supplant168 him as the leading statesman of the West. Mr. Clay, by his tariff compromise with Mr. Calhoun, abandoned his own American system. At the same time he brought forward a plan for distributing among all the States of the union the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. His bill for that purpose passed both Houses of Congress, but was vetoed by President Jackson, who, in his annual message of December, 1832, formally recommended that all public lands should be gratuitously169 given away to individual adventurers and to the States in which the lands are situated.[26:1]
"No subject," said Henry Clay, "which has presented itself to the present, or perhaps any preceding, Congress, is of greater magnitude than that of the public lands." When we [27]consider the far-reaching effects of the government's land policy upon political, economic, and social aspects of American life, we are disposed to agree with him. But this legislation was framed under frontier influences, and under the lead of Western statesmen like Benton and Jackson. Said Senator Scott of Indiana in 1841: "I consider the pre?mption law merely declaratory of the custom or common law of the settlers."
It is safe to say that the legislation with regard to land, tariff, and internal improvements—the American system of the nationalizing Whig party—was conditioned on frontier ideas and needs. But it was not merely in legislative170 action that the frontier worked against the sectionalism of the coast. The economic and social characteristics of the frontier worked against sectionalism. The men of the frontier had closer resemblances to the Middle region than to either of the other sections. Pennsylvania had been the seed-plot of frontier emigration, and, although she passed on her settlers along the Great Valley into the west of Virginia and the Carolinas, yet the industrial society of these Southern frontiersmen was always more like that of the Middle region than like that of the tide-water portion of the South, which later came to spread its industrial type throughout the South.
The Middle region, entered by New York harbor, was an open door to all Europe. The tide-water part of the South represented typical Englishmen, modified by a warm climate and servile labor, and living in baronial fashion on great plantations171; New England stood for a special English movement—Puritanism. The Middle region was less English than the other sections. It had a wide mixture of nationalities, a varied society, the mixed town and county system of local government, a varied economic life, many religious sects172. In short, it was a region mediating173 between New England and the South, [28]and the East and the West. It represented that composite nationality which the contemporary United States exhibits, that juxtaposition174 of non-English groups, occupying a valley or a little settlement, and presenting reflections of the map of Europe in their variety. It was democratic and nonsectional, if not national; "easy, tolerant, and contented175;" rooted strongly in material prosperity. It was typical of the modern United States. It was least sectional, not only because it lay between North and South, but also because with no barriers to shut out its frontiers from its settled region, and with a system of connecting waterways, the Middle region mediated176 between East and West as well as between North and South. Thus it became the typically American region. Even the New Englander, who was shut out from the frontier by the Middle region, tarrying in New York or Pennsylvania on his westward march, lost the acuteness of his sectionalism on the way.[28:1]
The spread of cotton culture into the interior of the South finally broke down the contrast between the "tide-water" region and the rest of the State, and based Southern interests on slavery. Before this process revealed its results the western portion of the South, which was akin88 to Pennsylvania in stock, society, and industry, showed tendencies to fall away from the faith of the fathers into internal improvement legislation and nationalism. In the Virginia convention of 1829-30, called to revise the constitution, Mr. Leigh, of Chesterfield, one of the tide-water counties, declared:
One of the main causes of discontent which led to this convention, that which had the strongest influence in overcoming our veneration177 for the work of our fathers, which taught us to contemn178 the sentiments [29]of Henry and Mason and Pendleton, which weaned us from our reverence179 for the constituted authorities of the State, was an overweening passion for internal improvement. I say this with perfect knowledge, for it has been avowed180 to me by gentlemen from the West over and over again. And let me tell the gentleman from Albemarle (Mr. Gordon) that it has been another principal object of those who set this ball of revolution in motion, to overturn the doctrine181 of State rights, of which Virginia has been the very pillar, and to remove the barrier she has interposed to the interference of the Federal Government in that same work of internal improvement, by so reorganizing the legislature that Virginia, too, may be hitched182 to the Federal car.
It was this nationalizing tendency of the West that transformed the democracy of Jefferson into the national republicanism of Monroe and the democracy of Andrew Jackson. The West of the War of 1812, the West of Clay, and Benton and Harrison, and Andrew Jackson, shut off by the Middle States and the mountains from the coast sections, had a solidarity of its own with national tendencies.[29:1] On the tide of the Father of Waters, North and South met and mingled183 into a nation. Interstate migration went steadily on—a process of cross-fertilization of ideas and institutions. The fierce struggle of the sections over slavery on the western frontier does not diminish the truth of this statement; it proves the truth of it. Slavery was a sectional trait that would not down, but in the West it could not remain sectional. It was the greatest of frontiersmen who declared: "I believe this Government can not [30]endure permanently184 half slave and half free. It will become all of one thing or all of the other." Nothing works for nationalism like intercourse within the nation. Mobility185 of population is death to localism, and the western frontier worked irresistibly186 in unsettling population. The effect reached back from the frontier and affected profoundly the Atlantic coast and even the Old World.
But the most important effect of the frontier has been in the promotion187 of democracy here and in Europe. As has been indicated, the frontier is productive of individualism. Complex society is precipitated by the wilderness into a kind of primitive organization based on the family. The tendency is anti-social. It produces antipathy188 to control, and particularly to any direct control. The tax-gatherer is viewed as a representative of oppression. Prof. Osgood, in an able article,[30:1] has pointed out that the frontier conditions prevalent in the colonies are important factors in the explanation of the American Revolution, where individual liberty was sometimes confused with absence of all effective government. The same conditions aid in explaining the difficulty of instituting a strong government in the period of the confederacy. The frontier individualism has from the beginning promoted democracy.
The frontier States that came into the union in the first quarter of a century of its existence came in with democratic suffrage189 provisions, and had reactive effects of the highest importance upon the older States whose peoples were being attracted there. An extension of the franchise190 became essential. It was western New York that forced an extension of suffrage in the constitutional convention of that State in 1821; and it was western Virginia that compelled the tide-water [31]region to put a more liberal suffrage provision in the constitution framed in 1830, and to give to the frontier region a more nearly proportionate representation with the tide-water aristocracy. The rise of democracy as an effective force in the nation came in with western preponderance under Jackson and William Henry Harrison, and it meant the triumph of the frontier—with all of its good and with all of its evil elements.[31:1] An interesting illustration of the tone of frontier democracy in 1830 comes from the same debates in the Virginia convention already referred to. A representative from western Virginia declared:
But, sir, it is not the increase of population in the West which this gentleman ought to fear. It is the energy which the mountain breeze and western habits impart to those emigrants. They are regenerated191, politically I mean, sir. They soon become working politicians; and the difference, sir, between a talking and a working politician is immense. The Old Dominion has long been celebrated for producing great orators192; the ablest metaphysicians in policy; men that can split hairs in all abstruse193 questions of political economy. But at home, or when they return from Congress, they have negroes to fan them asleep. But a Pennsylvania, a New York, an Ohio, or a western Virginia statesman, though far inferior in logic194, metaphysics, and rhetoric195 to an old Virginia statesman, has this advantage, that when he returns home he takes off his coat and takes hold of the plow30. This gives him bone and muscle, sir, and preserves his republican principles pure and uncontaminated.
[32]
So long as free land exists, the opportunity for a competency exists, and economic power secures political power. But the democracy born of free land, strong in selfishness and individualism, intolerant of administrative160 experience and education, and pressing individual liberty beyond its proper bounds, has its dangers as well as its benefits. Individualism in America has allowed a laxity in regard to governmental affairs which has rendered possible the spoils system and all the manifest evils that follow from the lack of a highly developed civic196 spirit. In this connection may be noted also the influence of frontier conditions in permitting lax business honor, inflated197 paper currency and wild-cat banking198. The colonial and revolutionary frontier was the region whence emanated199 many of the worst forms of an evil currency.[32:1] The West in the War of 1812 repeated the phenomenon on the frontier of that day, while the speculation200 and wild-cat banking of the period of the crisis of 1837 occurred on the new frontier belt of the next tier of States. Thus each one of the periods of lax financial integrity coincides with periods when a new set of frontier communities had arisen, and coincides in area with these successive frontiers, for the most part. The recent Populist agitation201 is a case in point. Many a State that now declines any connection with the tenets of the Populists, itself adhered to such ideas in an earlier stage of the development of the State. A primitive society can hardly be expected to show the intelligent appreciation202 of the complexity of business interests in a developed society. The continual recurrence of these areas of paper-money agitation is another evidence that the frontier can be isolated and studied as a factor in American history of the highest importance.[32:2]
[33]
The East has always feared the result of an unregulated advance of the frontier, and has tried to check and guide it. The English authorities would have checked settlement at the headwaters of the Atlantic tributaries203 and allowed the "savages to enjoy their deserts in quiet lest the peltry trade should decrease." This called out Burke's splendid protest:
If you stopped your grants, what would be the consequence? The people would occupy without grants. They have already so occupied in many places. You can not station garrisons204 in every part of these deserts. If you drive the people from one place, they will carry on their annual tillage and remove with their flocks and herds205 to another. Many of the people in the back settlements are already little attached to particular situations. Already they have topped the Appalachian Mountains. From thence they behold206 before them an immense plain, one vast, rich, level meadow; a square of five hundred miles. Over this they would wander without a possibility of restraint; they would change their manners with their habits of life; would soon forget a government by which they were disowned; would become hordes207 of English Tartars; and, pouring down upon your unfortified frontiers a fierce and irresistible [34]cavalry, become masters of your governors and your counselers, your collectors and comptrollers, and of all the slaves that adhered to them. Such would, and in no long time must, be the effect of attempting to forbid as a crime and to suppress as an evil the command and blessing208 of Providence209, "Increase and multiply." Such would be the happy result of an endeavor to keep as a lair210 of wild beasts that earth which God, by an express charter, has given to the children of men.
But the English Government was not alone in its desire to limit the advance of the frontier and guide its destinies. Tidewater Virginia[34:1] and South Carolina[34:2] gerrymandered those colonies to insure the dominance of the coast in their legislatures. Washington desired to settle a State at a time in the Northwest; Jefferson would reserve from settlement the territory of his Louisiana Purchase north of the thirty-second parallel, in order to offer it to the Indians in exchange for their settlements east of the Mississippi. "When we shall be full on this side," he writes, "we may lay off a range of States on the western bank from the head to the mouth, and so range after range, advancing compactly as we multiply." Madison went so far as to argue to the French minister that the United States had no interest in seeing population extend itself on the right bank of the Mississippi, but should rather fear it. When the Oregon question was under debate, in 1824, Smyth, of Virginia, would draw an unchangeable line for the limits of the United States at the outer limit of two tiers of States beyond the Mississippi, complaining that the seaboard States were being drained of the flower of their population by the [35]bringing of too much land into market. Even Thomas Benton, the man of widest views of the destiny of the West, at this stage of his career declared that along the ridge of the Rocky mountains "the western limits of the Republic should be drawn, and the statue of the fabled211 god Terminus should be raised upon its highest peak, never to be thrown down."[35:1] But the attempts to limit the boundaries, to restrict land sales and settlement, and to deprive the West of its share of political power were all in vain. Steadily the frontier of settlement advanced and carried with it individualism, democracy, and nationalism, and powerfully affected the East and the Old World.
The most effective efforts of the East to regulate the frontier came through its educational and religious activity, exerted by interstate migration and by organized societies. Speaking in 1835, Dr. Lyman Beecher declared: "It is equally plain that the religious and political destiny of our nation is to be decided212 in the West," and he pointed out that the population of the West "is assembled from all the States of the union and from all the nations of Europe, and is rushing in like the waters of the flood, demanding for its moral preservation213 the immediate214 and universal action of those institutions which discipline the mind and arm the conscience and the heart. And so various are the opinions and habits, and so recent and imperfect is the acquaintance, and so sparse68 are the settlements of the West, that no homogeneous public sentiment can be formed to legislate215 immediately into being the requisite216 institutions. And yet they are all needed immediately in their utmost perfection and power. A nation is being 'born in a day.' . . . But what will become of the West if her prosperity rushes up to such a majesty217 of power, while those great institutions linger which are necessary to form the mind and the conscience [36]and the heart of that vast world. It must not be permitted. . . . Let no man at the East quiet himself and dream of liberty, whatever may become of the West. . . . Her destiny is our destiny."[36:1]
With the appeal to the conscience of New England, he adds appeals to her fears lest other religious sects anticipate her own. The New England preacher and school-teacher left their mark on the West. The dread218 of Western emancipation219 from New England's political and economic control was paralleled by her fears lest the West cut loose from her religion. Commenting in 1850 on reports that settlement was rapidly extending northward220 in Wisconsin, the editor of the Home Missionary221 writes: "We scarcely know whether to rejoice or mourn over this extension of our settlements. While we sympathize in whatever tends to increase the physical resources and prosperity of our country, we can not forget that with all these dispersions into remote and still remoter corners of the land the supply of the means of grace is becoming relatively222 less and less." Acting223 in accordance with such ideas, home missions were established and Western colleges were erected224. As seaboard cities like Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore strove for the mastery of Western trade, so the various denominations225 strove for the possession of the West. Thus an intellectual stream from New England sources fertilized226 the West. Other sections sent their missionaries227; but the real struggle was between sects. The contest for power and the expansive tendency furnished to the various sects by the existence of a moving frontier must have had important results on the character of religious organization in the United States. The multiplication228 of rival churches in the little frontier towns had deep and lasting229 social effects. The religious aspects of the frontier make a chapter in our history which needs study.
[37]
From the conditions of frontier life came intellectual traits of profound importance. The works of travelers along each frontier from colonial days onward describe certain common traits, and these traits have, while softening230 down, still persisted as survivals in the place of their origin, even when a higher social organization succeeded. The result is that to the frontier the American intellect owes its striking characteristics. That coarseness and strength combined with acuteness and inquisitiveness231; that practical, inventive turn of mind, quick to find expedients232; that masterful grasp of material things, lacking in the artistic233 but powerful to effect great ends; that restless, nervous energy;[37:1] that dominant individualism, working for good and for evil, and withal that buoyancy and exuberance234 which comes with freedom—these are traits of the frontier, or traits called out elsewhere because of the existence of the frontier. Since the days when the fleet of Columbus sailed into the waters of the New World, America has been another name for opportunity, and the people of the United States have taken their tone from the incessant235 expansion which has not only been open but has even been forced upon them. He would be a rash prophet who should assert that the expansive character of American life has now entirely236 ceased. Movement has been its dominant fact, and, unless this training has no effect upon a people, the American energy will continually demand a wider field for its exercise. But never again will such gifts of free land offer themselves. For a moment, at the [38]frontier, the bonds of custom are broken and unrestraint is triumphant237. There is not tabula rasa. The stubborn American environment is there with its imperious summons to accept its conditions; the inherited ways of doing things are also there; and yet, in spite of environment, and in spite of custom, each frontier did indeed furnish a new field of opportunity, a gate of escape from the bondage238 of the past; and freshness, and confidence, and scorn of older society, impatience239 of its restraints and its ideas, and indifference240 to its lessons, have accompanied the frontier. What the Mediterranean241 Sea was to the Greeks, breaking the bond of custom, offering new experiences, calling out new institutions and activities, that, and more, the ever retreating frontier has been to the United States directly, and to the nations of Europe more remotely. And now, four centuries from the discovery of America, at the end of a hundred years of life under the Constitution, the frontier has gone, and with its going has closed the first period of American history.
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1
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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6
modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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7
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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prim
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| adj.拘泥形式的，一本正经的；n.循规蹈矩，整洁；adv.循规蹈矩地，整洁地 | |
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10
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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complexity
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| n.复杂(性)，复杂的事物 | |
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12
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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13
differentiation
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| n.区别，区分 | |
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14
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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recurrence
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| n.复发，反复，重现 | |
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perennial
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| adj.终年的；长久的 | |
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17
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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density
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| n.密集，密度，浓度 | |
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elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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29
colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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30
plow
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| n.犁，耕地，犁过的地；v.犁，费力地前进[英]plough | |
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plowing
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| v.耕( plow的现在分词 )；犁耕；费力穿过 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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34
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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agitating
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| 搅动( agitate的现在分词 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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42
obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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44
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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45
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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46
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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ranch
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| n.大牧场，大农场 | |
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48
ranches
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| 大农场， （兼种果树，养鸡等的）大牧场( ranch的名词复数 ) | |
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49
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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50
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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51
arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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52
meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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53
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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54
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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55
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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56
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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57
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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58
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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59
experimentations
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| 实验，实验的方法( experimentation的名词复数 ) | |
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60
geologist
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| n.地质学家 | |
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61
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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62
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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63
enigma
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| n.谜，谜一样的人或事 | |
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64
luminously
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| 发光的； 明亮的； 清楚的； 辉赫 | |
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65
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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66
disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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67
sparsely
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| adv.稀疏地；稀少地；不足地；贫乏地 | |
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68
sparse
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| adj.稀疏的，稀稀落落的，薄的 | |
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69
denser
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| adj. 不易看透的, 密集的, 浓厚的, 愚钝的 | |
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70
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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71
transformations
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| n.变化( transformation的名词复数 )；转换；转换；变换 | |
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72
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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74
buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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75
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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76
tinkling
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| n.丁当作响声 | |
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77
fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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78
coeval
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| adj.同时代的；n.同时代的人或事物 | |
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79
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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80
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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81
lumber
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|
| n.木材，木料；v.以破旧东西堆满；伐木；笨重移动 | |
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82
steadily
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|
| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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83
utilizing
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| v.利用，使用( utilize的现在分词 ) | |
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84
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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86
disintegrating
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|
| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的现在分词 ) | |
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87
fissure
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|
| n.裂缝；裂伤 | |
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88
akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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89
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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90
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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91
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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92
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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93
bluffs
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| 恐吓( bluff的名词复数 )； 悬崖； 峭壁 | |
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94
arteries
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|
| n.动脉( artery的名词复数 )；干线，要道 | |
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95
aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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96
mazes
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| 迷宫( maze的名词复数 )； 纷繁复杂的规则； 复杂难懂的细节； 迷宫图 | |
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97
inert
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|
| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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98
consolidation
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| n.合并,巩固 | |
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99
consolidating
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|
| v.（使）巩固， （使）加强( consolidate的现在分词 )；（使）合并 | |
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100
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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101
celebrated
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|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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102
cursory
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| adj.粗略的；草率的；匆促的 | |
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103
unifying
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| 使联合( unify的现在分词 )； 使相同； 使一致； 统一 | |
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104
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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105
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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106
fatten
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| v.使肥，变肥 | |
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107
nomadic
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|
| adj.流浪的；游牧的 | |
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108
agrarian
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|
| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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109
uneven
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|
| adj.不平坦的，不规则的，不均匀的 | |
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110
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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111
inevitable
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|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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112
epitome
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| n.典型，梗概 | |
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113
monograph
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| n.专题文章，专题著作 | |
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114
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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115
affected
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|
| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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116
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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117
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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118
solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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119
wont
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|
| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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120
landmark
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| n.陆标，划时代的事，地界标 | |
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121
kit
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| n.用具包，成套工具；随身携带物 | |
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122
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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123
manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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124
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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125
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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126
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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127
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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128
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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129
frugal
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|
| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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130
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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131
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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132
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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133
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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134
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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135
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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136
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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137
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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138
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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139
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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140
enumeration
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| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
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141
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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142
indented
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| adj.锯齿状的，高低不平的；缩进排版 | |
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143
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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144
crucible
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| n.坩锅，严酷的考验 | |
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145
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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146
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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147
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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148
diversified
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| adj.多样化的，多种经营的v.使多样化，多样化( diversify的过去式和过去分词 )；进入新的商业领域 | |
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149
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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150
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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151
detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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152
wharfs
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| 码头，停泊处 | |
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153
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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154
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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155
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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156
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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157
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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158
tariffs
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| 关税制度； 关税( tariff的名词复数 )； 关税表； （旅馆或饭店等的）收费表； 量刑标准 | |
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159
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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160
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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161
administratively
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| [医]adv.行政上 | |
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162
accrued
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| adj.权责已发生的v.增加( accrue的过去式和过去分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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163
dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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164
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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165
withhold
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| v.拒绝，不给；使停止，阻挡 | |
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166
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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167
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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168
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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169
gratuitously
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| 平白 | |
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170
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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171
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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172
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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173
mediating
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| 调停，调解，斡旋( mediate的现在分词 )； 居间促成； 影响…的发生； 使…可能发生 | |
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174
juxtaposition
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| n.毗邻，并置，并列 | |
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175
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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176
mediated
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| 调停，调解，斡旋( mediate的过去式和过去分词 )； 居间促成； 影响…的发生； 使…可能发生 | |
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177
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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178
contemn
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| v.蔑视 | |
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179
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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180
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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181
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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182
hitched
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| （免费）搭乘他人之车( hitch的过去式和过去分词 )； 搭便车； 攀上； 跃上 | |
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183
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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184
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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185
mobility
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| n.可动性，变动性，情感不定 | |
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186
irresistibly
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| adv.无法抵抗地，不能自持地；极为诱惑人地 | |
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187
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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188
antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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189
suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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190
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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191
regenerated
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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192
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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193
abstruse
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| adj.深奥的，难解的 | |
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194
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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195
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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196
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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197
inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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198
banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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199
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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200
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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201
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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202
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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203
tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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204
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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205
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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206
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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207
hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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208
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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209
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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210
lair
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| n.野兽的巢穴；躲藏处 | |
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211
fabled
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| adj.寓言中的，虚构的 | |
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212
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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213
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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214
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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215
legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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216
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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217
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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218
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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219
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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220
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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221
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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222
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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223
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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224
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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225
denominations
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| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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226
Fertilized
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| v.施肥( fertilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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228
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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229
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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230
softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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231
inquisitiveness
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| 好奇，求知欲 | |
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232
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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233
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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234
exuberance
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| n.丰富；繁荣 | |
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235
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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236
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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237
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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238
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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239
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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240
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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241
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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