Up to and including 1880 the country had a frontier of settlement but at present the unsettled area has been so broken into by isolated3 bodies of settlement that there can hardly be said to be a frontier line. In the discussion of its extent, the westward4 movement, etc., it cannot therefore any longer have a place in the census reports.
Two centuries prior to this announcement, in 1690, a committee of the General Court of Massachusetts recommended the Court to order what shall be the frontier and to maintain a committee to settle garrisons7 on the frontier with forty soldiers to each frontier town as a main guard.[39:2] In the two hundred years between this official attempt to locate the Massachusetts frontier line, and the official announcement of the ending of the national frontier line, westward expansion was the most important single process in American history.
The designation "frontier town" was not, however, a new one. As early as 1645 inhabitants of Concord8, Sudbury, and [40]Dedham, "being inland townes & but thinly peopled," were forbidden to remove without authority;[40:1] in 1669, certain towns had been the subject of legislation as "frontier towns;"[40:2] and in the period of King Philip's War there were various enactments9 regarding frontier towns.[40:3] In the session of 1675-6 it had been proposed to build a fence of stockades10 or stone eight feet high from the Charles "where it is navigable" to the Concord at Billerica and thence to the Merrimac and down the river to the Bay, "by which meanes that whole tract11 will [be] environed, for the security & safty (vnder God) of the people, their houses, goods & cattel; from the rage & fury of the enimy."[40:4] This project, however, of a kind of Roman Wall did not appeal to the frontiersmen of the time. It was a part of the antiquated12 ideas of defense13 which had been illustrated14 by the impossible equipment of the heavily armored soldier of the early Puritan régime whose corslets and head pieces, pikes, matchlocks, fourquettes and bandoleers, went out of use about the period of King Philip's War. The fifty-seven postures16 provided in the approved manual of arms for loading and firing the matchlock proved too great a handicap in the chase of the nimble savage17. In this era the frontier fighter adapted himself to a more open order, and lighter18 equipment suggested by the Indian warrior's practice.[40:5]
The settler on the outskirts19 of Puritan civilization took up the task of bearing the brunt of attack and pushing forward the line of advance which year after year carried American settlements [41]into the wilderness20. In American thought and speech the term "frontier" has come to mean the edge of settlement, rather than, as in Europe, the political boundary. By 1690 it was already evident that the frontier of settlement and the frontier of military defense were coinciding. As population advanced into the wilderness and thus successively brought new exposed areas between the settlements on the one side and the Indians with their European backers on the other, the military frontier ceased to be thought of as the Atlantic coast, but rather as a moving line bounding the un-won wilderness. It could not be a fortified21 boundary along the charter limits, for those limits extended to the South Sea, and conflicted with the bounds of sister colonies. The thing to be defended was the outer edge of this expanding society, a changing frontier, one that needed designation and re-statement with the changing location of the "West."
It will help to illustrate15 the significance of this new frontier when we see that Virginia at about the same time as Massachusetts underwent a similar change and attempted to establish frontier towns, or "co-habitations," at the "heads," that is the first falls, the vicinity of Richmond, Petersburg, etc., of her rivers.[41:1]
The Virginia system of "particular plantations24" introduced along the James at the close of the London Company's activity had furnished a type for the New England town. In recompense, at this later day the New England town may have furnished a model for Virginia's efforts to create frontier settlements by legislation.
[42]
An act of March 12, 1694-5, by the General Court of Massachusetts enumerated25 the "Frontier Towns" which the inhabitants were forbidden to desert on pain of loss of their lands (if landholders) or of imprisonment26 (if not landholders), unless permission to remove were first obtained.[42:1] These eleven frontier towns included Wells, York, and Kittery on the eastern frontier, and Amesbury, Haverhill, Dunstable, Chelmsford, Groton, Lancaster, Marlborough,[42:2] and Deerfield. In March, 1699-1700, the law was re?nacted with the addition of Brookfield, Mendon, and Woodstock, together with seven others, Salisbury, Andover,[42:3] Billerica, Hatfield, Hadley, Westfield, and Northampton, which, "tho' they be not frontiers as those towns first named, yet lye more open than many others to an attack of an Enemy."[42:4]
In the spring of 1704 the General Court of Connecticut, following closely the act of Massachusetts, named as her frontier [43]towns, not to be deserted27, Symsbury, Waterbury, Danbury, Colchester, Windham, Mansfield, and Plainfield.
Thus about the close of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century there was an officially designated frontier line for New England. The line passing through these enumerated towns represents: (1) the outskirts of settlement along the eastern coast and up the Merrimac and its tributaries28,—a region threatened from the Indian country by way of the Winnepesaukee Lake; (2) the end of the ribbon of settlement up the Connecticut Valley, menaced by the Canadian Indians by way of the Lake Champlain and Winooski River route to the Connecticut; (3) boundary towns which marked the edges of that inferior agricultural region, where the hard crystalline rocks furnished a later foundation for Shays' Rebellion, opposition29 to the adoption30 of the Federal Constitution, and the abandoned farm; and (4) the isolated intervale of Brookfield which lay intermediate between these frontiers.
Besides this New England frontier there was a belt of settlement in New York, ascending31 the Hudson to where Albany and Schenectady served as outposts against the Five Nations, who menaced the Mohawk, and against the French and the Canadian Indians, who threatened the Hudson by way of Lake Champlain and Lake George.[43:1] The sinister32 relations of leading citizens of Albany engaged in the fur trade with these Indians, even during time of war, tended to protect the Hudson River frontier at the expense of the frontier towns of New England.
The common sequence of frontier types (fur trader, [44]cattle-raising pioneer, small primitive33 farmer, and the farmer engaged in intensive varied34 agriculture to produce a surplus for export) had appeared, though confusedly, in New England. The traders and their posts had prepared the way for the frontier towns,[44:1] and the cattle industry was most important to the early farmers.[44:2] But the stages succeeded rapidly and intermingled. After King Philip's War, while Albany was still in the fur-trading stage, the New England frontier towns were rather like mark colonies, military-agricultural outposts against the Indian enemy.
The story of the border warfare35 between Canada and the frontier towns furnishes ample material for studying frontier life and institutions; but I shall not attempt to deal with the narrative36 of the wars. The palisaded meeting-house square, the fortified isolated garrison6 houses, the massacres37 and captivities are familiar features of New England's history. The Indian was a very real influence upon the mind and morals as well as upon the institutions of frontier New England. The occasional instances of Puritans returning from captivity38 to visit the frontier towns, Catholic in religion, painted and garbed39 as Indians and speaking the Indian tongue,[44:3] and the half-breed children of captive Puritan mothers, tell a sensational40 part of the story; but in the normal, as well as in such exceptional relations of the frontier townsmen to the Indians, [45]there are clear evidences of the transforming influence of the Indian frontier upon the Puritan type of English colonist41.
In 1703-4, for example, the General Court of Massachusetts ordered five hundred pairs of snowshoes and an equal number of moccasins for use in specified42 counties "lying Frontier next to the Wilderness."[45:1] Connecticut in 1704 after referring to her frontier towns and garrisons ordered that "said company of English and Indians shall, from time to time at the discretion43 of their chief co[=m]ander, range the woods to indevour the discovery of an approaching enemy, and in especiall manner from Westfield to Ousatunnuck.[45:2] . . . And for the incouragement of our forces gone or going against the enemy, this Court will allow out of the publick treasurie the su[=m]e of five pounds for every mans scalp of the enemy killed in this Colonie."[45:3] Massachusetts offered bounties45 for scalps, varying in amount according to whether the scalp was of men, or women and youths, and whether it was taken by regular forces under pay, volunteers in service, or volunteers without pay.[45:4] One of the most striking phases of frontier adjustment, was the proposal of the Rev46. Solomon Stoddard of Northampton in the fall of 1703, urging the use of dogs "to hunt Indians as they do Bears." The argument was that the dogs would catch many an Indian who would be too light of foot for the townsmen, nor was it to be thought of as inhuman47; for the Indians "act like wolves and are to be dealt with as wolves."[45:5] In fact Massachusetts passed an act in 1706 for the raising and increasing of dogs for the better security of the frontiers, and [46]both Massachusetts and Connecticut in 1708 paid money from their treasury48 for the trailing of dogs.[46:1]
Thus we come to familiar ground: the Massachusetts frontiersman like his western successor hated the Indians; the "tawney serpents," of Cotton Mather's phrase, were to be hunted down and scalped in accord with law and, in at least one instance by the chaplain himself, a Harvard graduate, the hero of the Ballad49 of Pigwacket, who
And some of them he scalp'd when bullets round him flew.[46:2]
Within the area bounded by the frontier line, were the broken fragments of Indians defeated in the era of King Philip's War, restrained within reservations, drunken and degenerate51 survivors52, among whom the missionaries53 worked with small results, a vexation to the border towns,[46:3] as they were in the case of later frontiers. Although, as has been said, the frontier towns had scattered54 garrison houses, and palisaded enclosures similar to the neighborhood forts, or stations, of Kentucky in the Revolution, and of Indiana and Illinois in the War of 1812, one difference is particularly noteworthy. In the case of frontiersmen who came down from Pennsylvania into the Upland South along the eastern edge of the Alleghanies, as well as in the more obvious case of the backwoodsmen of Kentucky and Tennessee, the frontier towns were too isolated from the main settled regions to allow much military protection [47]by the older areas. On the New England frontier, because it was adjacent to the coast towns, this was not the case, and here, as in seventeenth century Virginia, great activity in protecting the frontier was evinced by the colonial authorities, and the frontier towns themselves called loudly for assistance. This phase of frontier defense needs a special study, but at present it is sufficient to recall that the colony sent garrisons to the frontier besides using the militia55 of the frontier towns; and that it employed rangers56 to patrol from garrison to garrison.[47:1]
These were prototypes of the regular army post, and of rangers, dragoons, cavalry57 and mounted police who have carried the remoter military frontier forward. It is possible to trace this military cordon58 from New England to the Carolinas early in the eighteenth century, still neighboring the coast; by 1840 it ran from Fort Snelling on the upper Mississippi through various posts to the Sabine boundary of Texas, and so it passed forward until to-day it lies at the edge of Mexico and the Pacific Ocean.
A few examples of frontier appeals for garrison aid will help to an understanding of the early form of the military frontier. Wells asks, June 30, 1689:
1 That yor Honrs will please to send us speedily twenty Eight good brisk men that may be serviceable as a guard to us whilest we get in our Harvest of Hay & Corn, (we being unable to Defend ourselves & to Do our work), & also to Persue & destroy the Enemy as occasion may require
2 That these men may be compleatly furnished with [48]Arms, Amunition & Provision, and that upon the Countrys account, it being a Generall War.[48:1]
Dunstable, "still weak and unable both to keep our Garrisons and to send out men to get hay for our Cattle; without doeing which wee cannot subsist59," petitioned July 23, 1689, for twenty footmen for a month "to scout60 about the towne while wee get our hay." Otherwise, they say, they must be forced to leave.[48:2] Still more indicative of this temper is the petition of Lancaster, March 11, 1675-6, to the Governor and Council: "As God has made you father over us so you will have a father's pity to us." They asked a guard of men and aid, without which they must leave.[48:3] Deerfield pled in 1678 to the General Court, "unlest you will be pleased to take us (out of your fatherlike pitty) and Cherish us in yor Bosomes we are like Suddainly to breathe out or Last Breath."[48:4]
The perils61 of the time, the hardships of the frontier towns and readiness of this particular frontier to ask appropriations63 for losses and wounds,[48:5] are abundantly illustrated in similar petitions from other towns. One is tempted22 at times to attribute the very frank self-pity and dependent attitude to a minister's phrasing, and to the desire to secure remission of taxes, the latter a frontier trait more often associated with riot than with religion in other regions.
As an example of various petitions the following from Groton in 1704 is suggestive. Here the minister's hand is probably absent:
1 That wharas by the all dessposing hand of god who orders all things in infinit wisdom it is our [49]portion to liue In such a part of the land which by reson of the enemy Is becom vary dangras as by wofull experiants we haue falt both formarly and of late to our grat damidg & discoridgment and espashaly this last yere hauing lost so many parsons som killed som captauated and som remoued and allso much corn & cattell and horses & hay wharby wee ar gratly Impouerrished and brought uary low & in a uary pore capasity to subsist any longer As the barers her of can inform your honors
2 And more then all this our paster mr hobard is & hath been for aboue a yere uncapable of desspansing the ordinances64 of god amongst us & we haue advised with th Raurant Elders of our nayboring churches and they aduise to hyare another minister and to saport mr hobard and to make our adras to your honours we haue but litel laft to pay our deus with being so pore and few In numbr ather to town or cuntrey & we being a frantere town & lyable to dangor there being no safty in going out nor coming in but for a long time we haue got our brad with the parel of our liues & allso broght uery low by so grat a charg of bilding garisons & fortefycations by ordur of athorety & thar is saural of our Inhabitants ramoued out of town & others are prouiding to remoue, axcapt somthing be don for our Incoridgment for we are so few & so por that we canot pay two ministors nathar ar we wiling65 to liue without any we spand so much time in waching and warding66 that we can doe but litel els & truly we haue liued allmost 2 yers more like soulders then other wise & accapt [50]your honars can find out some bater way for our safty and support we cannot uphold as a town ather by remitting67 our tax or tow alow pay for building the sauarall forts alowed and ordred by athority or alls to alow the one half of our own Inhabitants to be under pay or to grant liberty for our remufe Into our naiburing towns to tak cer for oursalfs all which if your honors shall se meet to grant you will hereby gratly incoridg your humble68 pateceners to conflect with th many trubls we are ensadant unto.[50:1]
Forced together into houses for protection, getting in their crops at the peril62 of their lives, the frontier townsmen felt it a hardship to contribute also to the taxes of the province [51]while they helped to protect the exposed frontier. In addition there were grievances69 of absentee proprietors70 who paid no town taxes and yet profited by the exertions71 of the frontiersmen; of that I shall speak later.
If we were to trust to these petitions asking favors from the government of the colony, we might impute72 to these early frontiersmen a degree of submission73 to authority unlike that of other frontiersmen,[51:1] and indeed not wholly warranted by the facts. Reading carefully, we find that, however prudently74 phrased, the petitions are in fact complaints against taxation75; demands for expenditures77 by the colony in their behalf; criticisms of absentee proprietors; intimations that they may be forced to abandon the frontier position so essential to the defense of the settled eastern country.
The spirit of military insubordination characteristic of the frontier is evident in the accounts of these towns, such as Pynchon's in 1694, complaining of the decay of the fortifications at Hatfield, Hadley, and Springfield: "the people a little wilful78. Inclined to doe when and how they please or not at all."[51:2] Saltonstall writes from Haverhill about the same time regarding his ill success in recruiting: "I will never plead for an Haverhill man more," and he begs that some meet person be sent "to tell us what we should, may or must do. I have laboured in vain: some go this, and that, and the other way at pleasure, and do what they list."[51:3] This has a familiar ring to the student of the frontier.
As in the case of the later frontier also, the existence of a [52]common danger on the borders of settlement tended to consolidate79 not only the towns of Massachusetts into united action for defense, but also the various colonies. The frontier was an incentive80 to sectional combination then as it was to nationalism afterward81. When in 1692 Connecticut sent soldiers from her own colony to aid the Massachusetts towns on the Connecticut River,[52:1] she showed a realization82 that the Deerfield people, who were "in a sense in the enemy's Mouth almost," as Pynchon wrote, constituted her own frontier[52:2] and that the facts of geography were more compelling than arbitrary colonial boundaries. Thereby83 she also took a step that helped to break down provincial84 antagonisms85. When in 1689 Massachusetts and Connecticut sent agents to Albany to join with New York in making presents to the Indians of that colony in order to engage their aid against the French,[52:3] they recognized (as their leaders put it) that Albany was "the hinge" of the frontier in this exposed quarter. In thanking Connecticut for the assistance furnished in 1690 Livingston said: "I hope your honors do not look upon Albany as Albany, but as the frontier of your honor's Colony and of all their Majesties87 countries."[52:4]
The very essence of the American frontier is that it is the graphic88 line which records the expansive energies of the people behind it, and which by the law of its own being continually draws that advance after it to new conquests. This is one of the most significant things about New England's frontier in these years. That long blood-stained line of the eastern frontier which skirted the Maine coast was of great [53]importance, for it imparted a western tone to the life and characteristics of the Maine people which endures to this day, and it was one line of advance for New England toward the mouth of the St. Lawrence, leading again and again to diplomatic negotiations89 with the powers that held that river. The line of the towns that occupied the waters of the Merrimac, tempted the province continually into the wilderness of New Hampshire. The Connecticut river towns pressed steadily90 up that stream, along its tributaries into the Hoosatonic valleys, and into the valleys between the Green Mountains of Vermont. By the end of 1723, the General Court of Massachusetts enacted,—
That It will be of Great Service to all the Western Frontiers, both in this and the Neighboring Government of Conn., to Build a Block House above Northfield, in the most convenient Place on the Lands called the Equivilant Lands, & to post in it forty Able Men, English & Western Indians, to be employed in Scouting91 at a Good Distance up Conn. River, West River, Otter92 Creek93, and sometimes Eastwardly94 above the Great Manadnuck, for the Discovery of the Enemy Coming towards anny of the frontier Towns.[53:1]
The "frontier Towns" were preparing to swarm95. It was not long before Fort Dummer replaced "the Block House," and the Berkshires and Vermont became new frontiers.
The Hudson River likewise was recognized as another line of advance pointing the way to Lake Champlain and Montreal, calling out demands that protection should be secured by means of an aggressive advance of the frontier. Canada [54]delenda est became the rallying cry in New England as well as in New York, and combined diplomatic pressure and military expeditions followed in the French and Indian wars and in the Revolution, in which the children of the Connecticut and Massachusetts frontier towns, acclimated96 to Indian fighting, followed Ethan Allen and his fellows to the north.[54:1]
Having touched upon some of the military and expansive tendencies of this first official frontier, let us next turn to its social, economic, and political aspects. How far was this first frontier a field for the investment of eastern capital and for political control by it? Were there evidences of antagonism86 between the frontier and the settled, property-holding classes of the coast? Restless democracy, resentfulness over taxation and control, and recriminations between the Western pioneer and the Eastern capitalist, have been characteristic features of other frontiers: were similar phenomena97 in evidence here? Did "Populistic" tendencies appear in this frontier, and were there grievances which explained these tendencies?[54:2]
In such colonies as New York and Virginia the land grants were often made to members of the Council and their influential98 friends, even when there were actual settlers already on the grants. In the case of New England the land system is usually so described as to give the impression that it was based on a [55]non-commercial policy, creating new Puritan towns by free grants of land made in advance to approved settlers. This description does not completely fit the case. That there was an economic interest on the part of absentee proprietors, and that men of political influence with the government were often among the grantees seems also to be true. Melville Egleston states the case thus: "The court was careful not to authorize99 new plantations unless they were to be in a measure under the influence of men in whom confidence could be placed, and commonly acted upon their application."[55:1] The frontier, as we shall observe later, was not always disposed to see the practice in so favorable a light.
New towns seem to have been the result in some cases of the aggregation100 of settlers upon and about a large private grant; more often they resulted from settlers in older towns, where the town limits were extensive, spreading out to the good lands of the outskirts, beyond easy access to the meeting-house, and then asking recognition as a separate town. In some cases they may have been due to squatting101 on unassigned lands, or purchasing the Indian title and then asking confirmation102. In others grants were made in advance of settlement.
As early as 1636 the General Court had ordered that none go to new plantations without leave of a majority of the magistrates103.[55:2] This made the legal situation clear, but it would be dangerous to conclude that it represented the actual situation. In any case there would be a necessity for the settlers finally to secure the assent104 of the Court. This could be facilitated by a grant to leading men having political influence with the magistrates. The complaints of absentee proprietors which find expression in the frontier petitions of the seventeenth and early eighteenth century seems to indicate that [56]this happened. In the succeeding years of the eighteenth century the grants to leading men and the economic and political motives105 in the grants are increasingly evident. This whole topic should be made the subject of special study. What is here offered is merely suggestive of a problem.[56:1]
The frontier settlers criticized the absentee proprietors, who profited by the pioneers' expenditure76 of labor106 and blood upon their farms, while they themselves enjoyed security in an eastern town. A few examples from town historians will illustrate this. Among the towns of the Merrimac Valley, Salisbury was planted on the basis of a grant to a dozen proprietors including such men as Mr. Bradstreet and the younger Dudley, only two of whom actually lived and died in Salisbury.[56:2] Amesbury was set off from Salisbury by division, one half of the signers of the agreement signing by mark. Haverhill was first seated in 1641, following petitions from Mr. Ward5, the Ipswich minister, his son-in-law, Giles Firmin, and others. Firmin's letter to Governor Winthrop, in 1640, complains that Ipswich had given him his ground in that town on condition that he should stay in the town three years or else he could not sell it, "whenas others have no business but range from place to place on purpose to live upon the countrey."[56:3]
Dunstable's large grant was brought about by a combination of leading men who had received grants after the survey of 1652; among such grants was one to the Ancient and Honorable Artillery107 Company and another to Thomas Brattle of Boston. Apparently108 it was settled chiefly by others than the [57]original grantees.[57:1] Groton voted in 1685 to sue the "non-Residenc" to assist in paying the rate, and in 1679 the General Court had ordered non-residents having land at Groton to pay rates for their lands as residents did.[57:2] Lancaster (Nashaway) was granted to proprietors including various craftsmen109 in iron, indicating, perhaps, an expectation of iron works, and few of the original proprietors actually settled in the town.[57:3] The grant of 1653-4 was made by the Court after reciting: (1) that it had ordered in 1647 that the "ordering and disposeing of the Plantation23 at Nashaway is wholly in the Courts power"; (2) "Considering that there is allredy at Nashaway about nine Families and that severall both freemen and others intend to goe and setle there, some whereof are named in this Petition," etc.
Mendon, begun in 1660 by Braintree people, is a particularly significant example. In 1681 the inhabitants petitioned that while they are not "of the number of those who dwell in their ceiled houses & yet say the time is not come that the Lord's house should be built," yet they have gone outside of their strength "unless others who are proprietors as well as ourselves, (the price of whose lands is much raysed by our carrying on public work & will be nothing worth if we are forced to quit the place) doo beare an equal share in Town charges with us. Those who are not yet come up to us are a great and far yet abler part of our Proprietors . . ."[57:4] In 1684 the selectmen inform the General Court that one half of the proprietors, two only excepted, are dwelling110 in other places, "Our proprietors, abroad," say they, "object that they see no reason why they should pay as much for thayer lands as we do for [58]our Land and stock, which we answer that if their be not a noff of reason for it, we are sure there is more than enough of necessity to supply that is wanting in reason."[58:1] This is the authentic111 voice of the frontier.
Deerfield furnishes another type, inasmuch as a considerable part of its land was first held by Dedham, to which the grant was made as a recompense for the location of the Natick Indian reservation. Dedham shares in the town often fell into the hands of speculators, and Sheldon, the careful historian of Deerfield, declares that not a single Dedham man became a permanent resident of the grant. In 1678 Deerfield petitioned the General Court as follows:
You may be pleased to know that the very principle & best of the land; the best for soile; the best for situation; as lying in ye centre & midle of the town: & as to quantity, nere half, belongs unto eight or 9 proprietors each and every of which, are never like to come to a settlement amongst us, which we have formerly112 found grievous & doe Judge for the future will be found intollerable if not altered. Or minister, Mr. Mather . . . & we ourselves are much discouraged as judging the Plantation will be spoiled if thes proprietors may not be begged, or will not be bought up on very easy terms outt of their Right . . . Butt113 as long as the maine of the plantation Lies in men's hands that can't improve it themselves, neither are ever like to [59]putt such tenants114 on to it as shall be likely to advance the good of ye place in Civill or sacred Respects; he, ourselves, and all others that think of going to it, are much discouraged.[59:1]
Woodstock, later a Connecticut town, was settled under a grant in the Nipmuc country made to the town of Roxbury. The settlers, who located their farms near the trading post about which the Indians still collected, were called the "go-ers," while the "stayers" were those who remained in Roxbury, and retained half of the new grant; but it should be added that they paid the go-ers a sum of money to facilitate the settlement.
This absentee proprietorship115 and the commercial attitude toward the lands of new towns became more evident in succeeding years of the eighteenth century. Leicester, for example, was confirmed by the General Court in 1713. The twenty shares were divided among twenty-two proprietors, including Jeremiah Dummer, Paul Dudley (Attorney-General), William Dudley (like Paul a son of the Governor, Joseph Dudley), Thomas Hutchinson (father of the later Governor), John Clark (the political leader), and Samuel Sewall (son of the Chief Justice). These were all men of influence, and none of the proprietors became inhabitants of Leicester. The proprietors tried to induce the fifty families, whose settlement was one of the conditions on which the grant was made, to occupy the eastern half of the township reserving the rest as their absolute property.[59:2]
The author of a currency tract, in 1716, entitled "Some [60]Considerations upon the Several Sorts of Banks," remarks that formerly, when land was easy to be obtained, good men came over as indentured116 servants; but now, he says, they are runaways118, thieves, and disorderly persons. The remedy for this, in his opinion, would be to induce servants to come over by offering them homes when the terms of indenture117 should expire.[60:1] He therefore advocates that townships should be laid out four or five miles square in which grants of fifty or sixty acres could be made to servants.[60:2] Concern over the increase of negro slaves in Massachusetts seems to have been the reason for this proposal. It indicates that the current practice in disposing of the lands did not provide for the poorer people.
But Massachusetts did not follow this suggestion of a homestead policy. On the contrary, the desire to locate towns to create continuous lines of settlement along the roads between the disconnected frontiers and to protect boundary claims by granting tiers of towns in the disputed tract, as well, no doubt, as pressure from financial interests, led the General Court between 1715 and 1762 to dispose of the remaining public domain119 of Massachusetts under conditions that made speculation120 and colonization121 by capitalists important factors.[60:3] When in 1762 Massachusetts sold a group of townships in the Berkshires to the highest bidders122 (by whole townships),[60:4] the transfer from the social-religious to the economic conception [61]was complete, and the frontier was deeply influenced by the change to "land mongering."
In one respect, however, there was an increasing recognition of the religious and social element in settling the frontier, due in part, no doubt, to a desire to provide for the preservation123 of eastern ideals and influences in the West. Provisions for reserving lands within the granted townships for the support of an approved minister, and for schools, appear in the seventeenth century and become a common feature of the grants for frontier towns in the eighteenth.[61:1] This practice with respect to the New England frontier became the foundation for the system of grants of land from the public domain for the support of common schools and state universities by the federal government from its beginning, and has been profoundly influential in later Western States.
Another ground for discontent over land questions was furnished by the system of granting lands within the town by the commoners. The principle which in many, if not all, cases guided the proprietors in distributing the town lots is familiar and is well stated in the Lancaster town records (1653):
And, whereas Lotts are Now Laid out for the most part Equally to Rich and poore, Partly to keepe the Towne from Scatering to farr, and partly out of Charitie and Respect to men of meaner estate, yet that Equallitie (which is the rule of God) may be observed, we Covenant124 and Agree, That in a second Devition and so through all other Devitions of Land the mater shall be drawne as neere to equallitie according to mens estates as wee [62]are able to doe, That he which hath now more then his estate Deserveth in home Lotts and entervale Lotts shall haue so much Less: and he that hath Less then his estate Deserveth shall haue so much more.[62:1]
This peculiar125 doctrine126 of "equality" had early in the history of the colony created discontents. Winthrop explained the principle which governed himself and his colleagues in the case of the Boston committee of 1634 by saying that their divisions were arranged "partly to prevent the neglect of trades." This is a pregnant idea; it underlay127 much of the later opposition of New England as a manufacturing section to the free homestead or cheap land policy, demanded by the West and by the labor party, in the national public domain. The migration128 of labor to free lands meant that higher wages must be paid to those who remained. The use of the town lands by the established classes to promote an approved form of society naturally must have had some effect on migration.
But a more effective source of disputes was with respect to the relation of the town proprietors to the public domain of the town in contrast with the non-proprietors as a class. The need of keeping the town meeting and the proprietors' meeting separate in the old towns in earlier years was not so great as it was when the new-comers became numerous. In an increasing degree these new-comers were either not granted lands at all, or were not admitted to the body of proprietors with rights in the possession of the undivided town lands. Contentions129 on the part of the town meeting that it had the right of dealing130 with the town lands occasionally appear, significantly, in the frontier towns of Haverhill, Massachusetts, [63]Simsbury, Connecticut, and in the towns of the Connecticut Valley.[63:1] Jonathan Edwards, in 1751, declared that there had been in Northampton for forty or fifty years "two parties somewhat like the court and country parties of England. . . . The first party embraced the great proprietors of land, and the parties concerned about land and other matters."[63:2] The tendency to divide up the common lands among the proprietors in individual possession did not become marked until the eighteenth century; but the exclusion131 of some from possession of the town lands and the "equality" in allotment favoring men with already large estates must have attracted ambitious men who were not of the favored class to join in the movement to new towns. Religious dissensions would combine to make frontier society as it formed early in the eighteenth century more and more democratic, dissatisfied with the existing order, and less respectful of authority. We shall not understand the relative radicalism132 of parts of the Berkshires, Vermont and interior New Hampshire without enquiry into the degree in which the control over the lands by a proprietary133 monopoly affected134 the men who settled on the frontier.
The final aspect of this frontier to be examined, is the attitude of the conservatives of the older sections towards this movement of westward advance. President Dwight in the era of the War of 1812 was very critical of the "foresters," but saw in such a movement a safety valve to the institutions of New England by allowing the escape of the explosive advocates of "Innovation."[63:3]
Cotton Mather is perhaps not a typical representative of the conservative sentiment at the close of the seventeenth century, but his writings may partly reflect the attitude of Boston Bay [64]toward New England's first Western frontier. Writing in 1694 of "Wonderful Passages which have Occurred, First in the Protections and then in the Afflictions of New England," he says:
One while the Enclosing of Commons hath made Neighbours, that should have been like Sheep, to Bite and devour44 one another. . . . Again, Do our Old People, any of them Go Out from the Institutions of God, Swarming135 into New Settlements, where they and their Untaught Families are like to Perish for Lack of Vision? They that have done so, heretofore, have to their Cost found, that they were got unto the Wrong side of the Hedge, in their doing so. Think, here Should this be done any more? We read of Balaam, in Num. 22, 23. He was to his Damage, driven to the Wall, when he would needs make an unlawful Salley forth136 after the Gain of this World. . . . Why, when men, for the Sake of Earthly Gain, would be going out into the Warm Sun, they drive Through the Wall, and the Angel of the Lord becomes their Enemy.
In his essay on "Frontiers Well-Defended" (1707) Mather assures the pioneers that they "dwell in a Hatsarmaneth," a place of "tawney serpents," are "inhabitants of the Valley of Achor," and are "the Poor of this World." There may be significance in his assertion: "It is remarkable137 to see that when the Unchurched Villages, have been so many of them, utterly138 broken up, in the War, that has been upon us, those that have had Churches regularly formed in them, have generally been under a more sensible Protection of Heaven." "Sirs," he says, "a Church-State well form'd may fortify139 you wonderfully!" He recommends abstention from profane140 swearing, furious [65]cursing, Sabbath breaking, unchastity, dishonesty, robbing of God by defrauding141 the ministers of their dues, drunkenness, and revels142 and he reminds them that even the Indians have family prayers! Like his successors who solicited143 missionary144 contributions for the salvation145 of the frontier in the Mississippi Valley during the forties of the nineteenth century, this early spokesman for New England laid stress upon teaching anti-popery, particularly in view of the captivity that might await them.
In summing up, we find many of the traits of later frontiers in this early prototype, the Massachusetts frontier. It lies at the edge of the Indian country and tends to advance. It calls out militant146 qualities and reveals the imprint147 of wilderness conditions upon the psychology148 and morals as well as upon the institutions of the people. It demands common defense and thus becomes a factor for consolidation149. It is built on the basis of a preliminary fur trade, and is settled by the combined and sometimes antagonistic150 forces of eastern men of property (the absentee proprietors) and the democratic pioneers. The East attempted to regulate and control it. Individualistic and democratic tendencies were emphasized both by the wilderness conditions and, probably, by the prior contentions between the proprietors and non-proprietors of the towns from which settlers moved to the frontier. Removal away from the control of the customary usages of the older communities and from the conservative influence of the body of the clergy151, increased the innovating152 tendency. Finally the towns were regarded by at least one prominent representative of the established order in the East, as an undesirable153 place for the re-location of the pillars of society. The temptation to look upon the frontier as a field for investment was viewed by the clergy as a danger to the "institutions of God." The frontier was "the Wrong side of the Hedge."
[66]
But to this "wrong side of the hedge" New England men continued to migrate. The frontier towns of 1695 were hardly more than suburbs of Boston. The frontier of a century later included New England's colonies in Vermont, Western New York, the Wyoming Valley, the Connecticut Reserve, and the Ohio Company's settlement in the Old Northwest Territory. By the time of the Civil War the frontier towns of New England had occupied the great prairie zone of the Middle West and were even planted in Mormon Utah and in parts of the Pacific Coast. New England's sons had become the organizers of a Greater New England in the West, captains of industry, political leaders, founders154 of educational systems, and prophets of religion, in a section that was to influence the ideals and shape the destiny of the nation in ways to which the eyes of men like Cotton Mather were sealed.
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1
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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stockades
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| n.（防御用的）栅栏，围桩( stockade的名词复数 ) | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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antiquated
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| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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postures
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| 姿势( posture的名词复数 )； 看法； 态度； 立场 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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garbed
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| v.（尤指某类人穿的特定）服装，衣服，制服( garb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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50
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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53
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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54
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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58
cordon
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| n.警戒线，哨兵线 | |
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59
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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appropriations
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| n.挪用（appropriation的复数形式） | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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wiling
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| v.引诱( wile的现在分词 )；诱惑；消遣；消磨 | |
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warding
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| 监护，守护（ward的现在分词形式） | |
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67
remitting
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的现在分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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73
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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74
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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75
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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76
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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expenditures
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| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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consolidate
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| v.使加固，使加强；(把...)联为一体，合并 | |
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incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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82
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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84
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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antagonisms
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| 对抗，敌对( antagonism的名词复数 ) | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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graphic
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| adj.生动的，形象的，绘画的，文字的，图表的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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91
scouting
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| 守候活动，童子军的活动 | |
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92
otter
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| n.水獭 | |
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93
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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eastwardly
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| 向东，从东方 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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acclimated
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| v.使适应新环境，使服水土服水土，适应( acclimate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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aggregation
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| n.聚合，组合；凝聚 | |
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101
squatting
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的现在分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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103
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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104
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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107
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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108
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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109
craftsmen
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| n. 技工 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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proprietorship
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| n.所有（权）；所有权 | |
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indentured
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| v.以契约束缚（学徒）( indenture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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indenture
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| n.契约；合同 | |
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118
runaways
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| （轻而易举的）胜利( runaway的名词复数 ) | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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bidders
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| n.出价者，投标人( bidder的名词复数 ) | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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underlay
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的过去式 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起n.衬垫物 | |
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migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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radicalism
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| n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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defrauding
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| v.诈取，骗取( defraud的现在分词 ) | |
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revels
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| n.作乐( revel的名词复数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉v.作乐( revel的第三人称单数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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imprint
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| n.印痕，痕迹；深刻的印象；vt.压印，牢记 | |
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148
psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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consolidation
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| n.合并,巩固 | |
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150
antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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151
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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152
innovating
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| v.改革，创新( innovate的现在分词 )；引入（新事物、思想或方法）， | |
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153
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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154
founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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