In his "Winning of the West," Roosevelt dealt chiefly with the region beyond the Alleghanies, and with the period of the later eighteenth century, although he prefaced his account with an excellent chapter describing the backwoodsmen of the Alleghanies and their social conditions from 1769 to 1774. It is important to notice, however, that he is concerned with a backwoods society already formed; that he ignores the New England frontier and its part in the winning of the West, and does not recognize that there was a West to be won between New England and the Great Lakes. In short, he is interested in the winning of the West beyond the Alleghanies by the southern half of the frontier folk.
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There is, then, a western area intermediate between the coastal5 colonial settlements of the seventeenth century and the trans-Alleghany settlements of the latter portion of the eighteenth century. This section I propose to isolate6 and discuss under the name of the Old West, and in the period from about 1676 to 1763. It includes the back country of New England, the Mohawk Valley, the Great Valley of Pennsylvania, the Shenandoah Valley, and the Piedmont—that is, the interior or upland portion of the South, lying between the Alleghanies and the head of navigation of the Atlantic rivers marked by the "fall line."[68:1]
In this region, and in these years, are to be found the beginnings of much that is characteristic in Western society, for the Atlantic coast was in such close touch with Europe that its frontier experience was soon counteracted8, and it developed along other lines. It is unfortunate that the colonial back country appealed so long to historians solely9 in connection with the colonial wars, for the development of its society, its institutions and mental attitude all need study. Its history has been dealt with in separate fragments, by states, or towns, or in discussions of special phases, such as German and Scotch10-Irish immigration. The Old West as a whole can be [69]appreciated only by obliterating12 the state boundaries which conceal13 its unity14, by correlating the special and fragmentary studies, and by filling the gaps in the material for understanding the formation of its society. The present paper is rather a reconnaissance than a conquest of the field, a program for study of the Old West rather than an exposition of it.
The end of the period proposed may be placed about 1763, and the beginning between 1676 and 1700. The termination of the period is marked by the Peace of Paris in 1763, and the royal proclamation of that year forbidding settlement beyond the Alleghanies. By this time the settlement of the Old West was fairly accomplished16, and new advances were soon made into the "Western Waters" beyond the mountains and into the interior of Vermont and New Hampshire. The isolation17 of the transmontane settlements, and the special conditions and doctrines18 of the Revolutionary era during which they were formed, make a natural distinction between the period of which I am to speak and the later extension of the West.
The beginning of the period is necessarily an indeterminate date, owing to the different times of colonizing20 the coastal areas which served as bases of operations in the westward advance. The most active movements into the Old West occurred after 1730. But in 1676 New England, having closed the exhausting struggle with the Indians, known as King Philip's War, could regard her established settlements as secure, and go on to complete her possession of the interior. This she did in the midst of conflicts with the exterior21 Indian tribes which invaded her frontiers from New York and Canada during the French and Indian wars from 1690 to 1760, and under frontier conditions different from the conditions of the earlier Puritan colonization22. In 1676, Virginia was passing through Indian fighting—keenest along the fall line, where the frontier lay—and also experiencing a social revolt which resulted in the defeat of the [70]democratic forces that sought to stay the progress of aristocratic control in the colony.[70:1] The date marks the end of the period when the Virginia tidewater could itself be regarded as a frontier region, and consequently the beginning of a more special interest in the interior.
Let us first examine the northern part of the movement into the back country. The expansion of New England into the vacant spaces of its own section, in the period we have chosen for discussion, resulted in the formation of an interior society which contrasted in many ways with that of the coast, and which has a special significance in Western history, in that it was this interior New England people who settled the Greater New England in central and western New York, the Wyoming Valley, the Connecticut Reserve of Ohio, and much of the prairie areas of the Old Northwest. It is important to realize that the Old West included interior New England.
The situation in New England at the close of the seventeenth century is indicated by the Massachusetts act of 1694 enumerating23 eleven towns, then on the frontier and exposed to raids, none of which might be voluntarily deserted24 without leave of the governor and council, on penalty of loss of their freeholds by the landowners, or fine of other inhabitants.[70:2]
Thus these frontier settlers were made substantially garrisons25, or "mark colonies." Crowded into the palisades of the town, and obliged in spite of their poverty to bear the brunt of Indian attack, their hardships are illustrated26 in the manly27 but pathetic letters of Deerfield's minister, Mr. Williams,[70:3] in 1704. Parkman succinctly28 describes the general conditions in these words:[70:4]
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The exposed frontier of New England was between two and three hundred miles long, and consisted of farms and hamlets loosely scattered29 through an almost impervious30 forest. . . . Even in so-called villages the houses were far apart, because, except on the seashore, the people lived by farming. Such as were able to do so fenced their dwellings31 with palisades, or built them of solid timber, with loopholes, a projecting upper story like a block house, and sometimes a flanker at one or more of the corners. In the more considerable settlements the largest of these fortified33 houses was occupied in time of danger by armed men and served as a place of refuge for the neighbors.
Into these places, in days of alarm, were crowded the outlying settlers, just as was the case in later times in the Kentucky "stations."
In spite of such frontier conditions, the outlying towns continued to multiply. Between 1720 and the middle of the century, settlement crept up the Housatonic and its lateral34 valley into the Berkshires. About 1720 Litchfield was established; in 1725, Sheffield; in 1730, Great Barrington; and in 1735 a road was cut and towns soon established between Westfield and these Housatonic settlements, thus uniting them with the older extensions along the Connecticut and its tributaries35.
In this period, scattered and sometimes unwelcome Scotch-Irish settlements were established, such as that at Londonderry, New Hampshire, and in the Berkshires, as well as in the region [72]won in King Philip's War from the Nipmucks, whither there came also Huguenots.[72:1]
In King George's War, the Connecticut River settlers found their frontier protection in such rude stockades36 as those at the sites of Keene, of Charlestown, New Hampshire (Number Four), Fort Shirley at the head of Deerfield River (Heath), and Fort Pelham (Rowe); while Fort Massachusetts (Adams) guarded the Hoosac gateway37 to the Hoosatonic Valley. These frontier garrisons and the self-defense38 of the backwoodsmen of New England are well portrayed39 in the pages of Parkman.[72:2] At the close of the war, settlement again expanded into the Berkshires, where Lennox, West Hoosac (Williamstown), and Pittsfield were established in the middle of the century. Checked by the fighting in the last French and Indian War, the frontier went forward after the Peace of Paris (1763) at an exceptional rate, especially into Vermont and interior New Hampshire. An anonymous40 writer gives a contemporary view of the situation on the eve of the Revolution:[72:3]
The richest parts remaining to be granted are on the northern branches of the Connecticut river, towards Crown Point where are great districts of fertile soil still unsettled. The North part of New Hampshire, the province of Maine, and the territory of Sagadahock have but few settlements in them compared with the tracts43 yet unsettled. . . .
I should further observe that these tracts have since the peace [i. e., 1763], been settling pretty fast: farms on the river Connecticut are every day extending beyond the old fort Dummer, for near [73]thirty miles; and will in a few years reach to Kohasser which is nearly two hundred miles; not that such an extent will be one-tenth settled, but the new-comers do not fix near their neighbors, and go on regularly, but take spots that please them best, though twenty or thirty miles beyond any others. This to people of a sociable44 disposition45 in Europe would appear very strange, but the Americans do not regard the near neighborhood of other farmers; twenty or thirty miles by water they esteem46 no distance in matters of this sort; besides in a country that promises well the intermediate space is not long in filling up. Between Connecticut river and Lake Champlain upon Otter47 Creek48, and all along Lake Sacrament [George] and the rivers that fall into it, and the whole length of Wood Creek, are numerous settlements made since the peace.[73:1]
For nearly a hundred years, therefore, New England communities had been pushed out to new frontiers in the intervals49 between the almost continuous wars with the French and Indians. Probably the most distinctive50 feature in this frontier was the importance of the community type of settlement; in other words, of the towns, with their Puritan ideals in education, morals, and religion. This has always been a matter of pride to the statesmen and annalists of New England, as is illustrated by these words of Holland in his "Western Massachusetts," commenting on the settlement of the Connecticut Valley in villages, whereby in his judgment51 morality, education, and urbanity were preserved:
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The influence of this policy can only be fully52 appreciated when standing15 by the side of the solitary53 settler's hut in the West, where even an Eastern man has degenerated54 to a boor56 in manners, where his children have grown up uneducated, and where the Sabbath has become an unknown day, and religion and its obligations have ceased to exercise control upon the heart and life.
Whatever may be the real value of the community type of settlement, its establishment in New England was intimately connected both with the Congregational religious organization and with the land system of the colonies of that section, under which the colonial governments made grants—not in tracts to individuals, but in townships to groups of proprietors57 who in turn assigned lands to the inhabitants without cost. The typical form of establishing a town was as follows: On application of an approved body of men, desiring to establish a new settlement, the colonial General Court would appoint a committee to view the desired land and report on its fitness; an order for the grant would then issue, in varying areas, not far from the equivalent of six miles square. In the eighteenth century especially, it was common to reserve certain lots of the town for the support of schools and the ministry58. This was the origin of that very important feature of Western society, federal land grants for schools and colleges.[74:1] The General Courts also made regulations regarding the common lands, the terms for admitting inhabitants, etc., and thus kept a firm hand upon the social structure of the new settlements as they formed on the frontier.
This practice, seen in its purity in the seventeenth century [75]especially, was markedly different from the practices of other colonies in the settlement of their back lands. For during most of the period New England did not use her wild lands, or public domain59, as a source of revenue by sale to individuals or to companies, with the reservation of quit-rents; nor attract individual settlers by "head rights," or fifty-acre grants, after the Virginia type; nor did the colonies of the New England group often make extensive grants to individuals, on the ground of special services, or because of influence with the government, or on the theory that the grantee would introduce settlers on his grant. They donated their lands to groups of men who became town proprietors for the purpose of establishing communities. These proprietors were supposed to hold the lands in trust, to be assigned to inhabitants under restraints to ensure the persistence60 of Puritan ideals.
During most of the seventeenth century the proprietors awarded lands to the new-comers in accordance with this theory. But as density61 of settlement increased, and lands grew scarce in the older towns, the proprietors began to assert their legal right to the unoccupied lands and to refuse to share them with inhabitants who were not of the body of proprietors. The distinction resulted in class conflicts in the towns, especially in the eighteenth century,[75:1] over the ownership and disposal of the common lands.
The new settlements, by a process of natural selection, would afford opportunity to the least contented62, whether [76]because of grievances63, or ambitions, to establish themselves. This tended to produce a Western flavor in the towns on the frontier. But it was not until the original ideals of the land system began to change, that the opportunity to make new settlements for such reasons became common. As the economic and political ideal replaced the religious and social ideal, in the conditions under which new towns could be established, this became more possible.
Such a change was in progress in the latter part of the seventeenth century and during the eighteenth. In 1713, 1715, and 1727, Massachusetts determined65 upon a policy of locating towns in advance of settlement, to protect her boundary claims. In 1736 she laid out five towns near the New Hampshire border, and a year earlier opened four contiguous towns to connect her Housatonic and Connecticut Valley settlements.[76:1] Grants in non-adjacent regions were sometimes made to old towns, the proprietors of which sold them to those who wished to move.
The history of the town of Litchfield illustrates66 the increasing importance of the economic factor. At a time when Connecticut feared that Andros might dispose of the public lands to the disadvantage of the colony, the legislature granted a large part of Western Connecticut to the towns of Hartford and Windsor, pro4 forma, as a means of withdrawing the lands from his hands. But these towns refused to give up the lands after the danger had passed, and proceeded to sell part of them.[76:2] Riots occurred when the colonial authorities attempted to assert possession, and the matter was at length compromised [77]in 1719 by allowing Litchfield to be settled in accordance with the town grants, while the colony reserved the larger part of northwestern Connecticut. In 1737 the colony disposed of its last unlocated lands by sale in lots. In 1762 Massachusetts sold a group of entire townships in the Berkshires to the highest bidders67.[77:1]
But the most striking illustration of the tendency, is afforded by the "New Hampshire grants" of Governor Wentworth, who, chiefly in the years about 1760, made grants of a hundred and thirty towns west of the Connecticut, in what is now the State of Vermont, but which was then in dispute between New Hampshire and New York. These grants, while in form much like other town grants, were disposed of for cash, chiefly to speculators who hastened to sell their rights to the throngs68 of land-seekers who, after the peace, began to pour into the Green Mountain region.
It is needless to point out how this would affect the movement of Western settlement in respect to individualistic speculation69 in public lands; how it would open a career to the land jobbers70, as well as to the natural leaders in the competitive movement for acquiring the best lands, for laying out town sites and building up new communities under "boom" conditions. The migratory71 tendency of New Englanders was increased by this gradual change in its land policy; the attachment72 to a [78]locality was diminished. The later years showed increasing emphasis by New England upon individual success, greater respect for the self-made man who, in the midst of opportunities under competitive conditions, achieved superiority. The old dominance of town settlement, village moral police, and traditional class control gave way slowly. Settlement in communities and rooted Puritan habits and ideals had enduring influences in the regions settled by New Englanders; but it was in this Old West, in the years just before the Revolution, that individualism began to play an important r?le, along with the traditional habit of expanding in organized communities.
The opening of the Vermont towns revealed more fully than before, the capability73 of New Englanders to become democratic pioneers, under characteristic frontier conditions. Their economic life was simple and self-sufficing. They readily adopted lynch law (the use of the "birch seal" is familiar to readers of Vermont history) to protect their land titles in the troubled times when these "Green Mountain Boys" resisted New York's assertion of authority. They later became an independent Revolutionary state with frontier directness, and in very many respects their history in the Revolutionary epoch74 is similar to that of settlers in Kentucky and Tennessee, both in assertion of the right to independent self government and in a frontier separatism.[78:1] Vermont may be regarded as the culmination75 of the frontier movement which I have been describing in New England.
By this time two distinct New Englands existed—the one coastal, and dominated by commercial interests and the established congregational churches; the other a primitive76 [79]agricultural area, democratic in principle, and with various sects77 increasingly indifferent to the fear of "innovation" which the dominant78 classes of the old communities felt. Already speculative79 land companies had begun New England settlements in the Wyoming Valley of Pennsylvania, as well as on the lower Mississippi; and New England missions among the Indians, such as that at Stockbridge, were beginning the noteworthy religious and educational expansion of the section to the west.
That this movement of expansion had been chiefly from south to north, along the river valleys, should not conceal from us the fact that it was in essential characteristics a Western movement, especially in the social traits that were developing. Even the men who lived in the long line of settlements on the Maine coast, under frontier conditions, and remote from the older centers of New England, developed traits and a democratic spirit that relate them closely to the Westerners, in spite of the fact that Maine is "down east" by pre?minence.[79:1]
The frontier of the Middle region in this period of the formation of the Old West, was divided into two parts, which happen to coincide with the colonies of New York and Pennsylvania. In the latter colony the trend of settlement was into the Great Valley, and so on to the Southern uplands; while the advance of settlement in New York was like that of New England, chiefly northward81, following the line of Hudson River.
The Hudson and the Mohawk constituted the area of the Old West in this part of the eighteenth century. With them were associated the Wallkill, tributary82 to the Hudson, and Cherry Valley near the Mohawk, along the sources of the Susquehanna. The Berkshires walled the Hudson in to the east; the Adirondacks and the Catskills to the west. Where the Mohawk Valley [80]penetrated between the mountainous areas, the Iroquois Indians were too formidable for advance on such a slender line. Nothing but dense83 settlement along the narrow strip of the Hudson, if even that, could have furnished the necessary momentum84 for overcoming the Indian barrier; and this pressure was lacking, for the population was comparatively sparse85 in contrast with the task to be performed. What most needs discussion in the case of New York, therefore, is not the history of expansion as in other sections, but the absence of expansive power.
The fur-trade had led the way up the Hudson, and made beginnings of settlements at strategic points near the confluence86 of the Mohawk. But the fur-trader was not followed by a tide of pioneers. One of the most important factors in restraining density of population in New York, in retarding87 the settlement of its frontier, and in determining the conditions there, was the land system of that colony.
From the time of the patroon grants along the lower Hudson, great estates had been the common form of land tenure88. Rensselaerswyck reached at one time over seven hundred thousand acres. These great patroon estates were confirmed by the English governors, who in their turn followed a similar policy. By 1732 two and one-half million acres were engrossed89 in manorial91 grants.[80:1] In 1764, Governor Colden wrote[80:2] that three of the extravagant93 grants contain,
as the proprietors claim, above a million acres each, several others above 200,000. * * * Although these grants contain a great part of the province, they are made in trifling94 acknowledgements. The far greater part of them still remain [81]uncultivated, without any benefit to the community, and are likewise a discouragement to the settling and improving the lands in the neighborhood of them, for from the uncertainty95 of their boundaries, the patentees of these great tracts are daily enlarging their pretensions96, and by tedious and most expensive law suits, distress97 and ruin poor families who have taken out grants near them.
He adds that "the proprietors of the great tracts are not only freed from the quit-rents, which the other landholders in the province pay, but by their influence in the assembly are freed from every other public tax on their lands."
In 1769 it was estimated that at least five-sixths of the inhabitants of Westchester County lived within the bounds of the great manors100 there.[81:1] In Albany County the Livingston manor92 spread over seven modern townships, and the great Van Rensselaer manor stretched twenty-four by twenty-eight miles along the Hudson; while still farther, on the Mohawk, were the vast possessions of Sir William Johnson.[81:2]
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It was not simply that the grants were extensive, but that the policy of the proprietors favored the leasing rather than the sale of the lands—frequently also of the stock, and taking payment in shares. It followed that settlers preferred to go to frontiers where a more liberal land policy prevailed. At one time it seemed possible that the tide of German settlement, which finally sought Pennsylvania and the up-country of the South, might flow into New York. In 1710, Governor Hunter purchased a tract42 in Livingston's manor and located nearly fifteen hundred Palatines on it to produce naval101 stores.[82:1] But the attempt soon failed; the Germans applied102 to the Indians on Schoharie Creek, a branch of the Mohawk, for a grant of land and migrated there, only to find that the governor had already granted the land. Again were the villages broken up, some remaining and some moving farther up the Mohawk, where they and accessions to their number established the frontier settlements about Palatine Bridge, in the region where, in the Revolution, Herkimer led these German frontiersmen to stem the British attack in the battle of Oriskany. They constituted the most effective military defense of Mohawk Valley. Still another portion took their way across to the waters of the Susquehanna, and at Tulpehockon Creek began an important center of German settlement in the Great Valley of Pennsylvania.[82:2]
The most important aspect of the history of the movement into the frontier of New York at this period, therefore, was the evidence which it afforded that in the competition for [83]settlement between colonies possessing a vast area of vacant land, those which imposed feudal103 tenures and undemocratic restraints, and which exploited settlers, were certain to lose.
The manorial practice gave a bad name to New York as a region for settlement, which not even the actual opportunities in certain parts of the colony could counteract7. The diplomacy104 of New York governors during this period of the Old West, in securing a protectorate over the Six Nations and a consequent claim to their territory, and in holding them aloof105 from France, constituted the most effective contribution of that colony to the movement of American expansion. When lands of these tribes were obtained after Sullivan's expedition in the Revolution (in which New England soldiers played a prominent part), it was by the New England inundation106 into this interior that they were colonized107. And it was under conditions like those prevailing108 in the later years of the expansion of settlements in New England itself, that this settlement of interior and western New York was effected.
The result was, that New York became divided into two distinct peoples: the dwellers109 along Hudson Valley, and the Yankee pioneers of the interior. But the settlement of central and western New York, like the settlement of Vermont, is a story that belongs to the era in which the trans-Alleghany West was occupied.
We can best consider the settlement of the share of the Old West which is located in Pennsylvania as a part of the migration11 which occupied the Southern Uplands, and before entering upon this it will be advantageous110 to survey that part of the movement toward the interior which proceeded westward from the coast. First let us observe the conditions at the eastern edge of these uplands, along the fall line in Virginia, in the latter part of the seventeenth century, in order that the process and the significance of the movement may be better understood.
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About the time of Bacon's Rebellion, in Virginia, strenuous111 efforts were made to protect the frontier line which ran along the falls of the river, against the attacks of Indians. This "fall line," as the geographers112 call it, marking the head of navigation, and thus the boundary of the maritime or lowland South, runs from the site of Washington, through Richmond, and on to Raleigh, North Carolina, and Columbia, South Carolina. Virginia having earliest advanced thus far to the interior, found it necessary in the closing years of the seventeenth century to draw a military frontier along this line. As early as 1675 a statute113 was enacted,[84:1] providing that paid troops of five hundred men should be drawn114 from the midland and most secure parts of the country and placed on the "heads of the rivers" and other places fronting upon the Indians. What was meant by the "heads of the rivers," is shown by the fact that several of these forts were located either at the falls of the rivers or just above tidewater, as follows: one on the lower Potomac in Stafford County; one near the falls of the Rappahannock; one on the Mattapony; one on the Pamunky; one at the falls of the James (near the site of Richmond); one near the falls of the Appomattox, and others on the Blackwater, the Nansemond, and the Accomac peninsula, all in the eastern part of Virginia.
Again, in 1679, similar provision was made,[84:2] and an especially interesting act was passed, making quasi manorial grants to Major Lawrence Smith and Captain William Byrd, "to seate certain lands at the head [falls] of Rappahannock and James river" respectively. This scheme failed for lack of approval by the authorities in England.[84:3] But Byrd at the falls of the [85]James near the present site of Richmond, Robert Beverley on the Rappahannock, and other frontier commanders on the York and Potomac, continued to undertake colonial defense. The system of mounted rangers115 was established in 1691, by which a lieutenant116, eleven soldiers, and two Indians at the "heads" or falls of each great river were to scout117 for enemy,[85:1] and the Indian boundary line was strictly118 defined.
By the opening years of the eighteenth century (1701), the assembly of Virginia had reached the conclusion that settlement would be the best means of protecting the frontiers, and that the best way of "settling in co-habitations upon the said land frontiers within this government will be by encouragements to induce societies of men to undertake the same."[85:2] It was declared to be inexpedient to have less than twenty fighting men in each "society," and provision was made for a land grant to be given to these societies (or towns) not less than 10,000 nor more than 30,000 acres upon any of the frontiers, to be held in common by the society. The power of ordering and managing these lands, and the settling and planting of them, was to remain in the society. Virginia was to pay the cost of survey, also quit-rents for the first twenty years for the two-hundred-acre tract as the site of the "co-habitation." Within this two hundred acres each member was to have a half-acre lot for living upon, and a right to two hundred acres next adjacent, until the thirty thousand acres were taken up. The members of the [86]society were exempt119 from taxes for twenty years, and from the requirements of military duty except such as they imposed upon themselves. The resemblance to the New England town is obvious.
"Provided alwayes," ran the quaint120 statute, "and it is the true intent and meaning of this act that for every five hundred acres of land to be granted in pursuance of this act there shall be and shall be continually kept upon the said land one christian121 man between sixteen and sixty years of age perfect of limb, able and fitt for service who shall alsoe be continually provided with a well fixed122 musquett or fuzee, a good pistoll, sharp simeter, tomahawk and five pounds of good clean pistoll powder and twenty pounds of sizable leaden bulletts or swan or goose shott to be kept within the fort directed by this act besides the powder and shott for his necessary or useful shooting at game. Provided also that the said warlike christian man shall have his dwelling32 and continual abode123 within the space of two hundred acres of land to be laid out in a geometricall square or as near that figure as conveniency will admit," etc. Within two years the society was required to cause a half acre in the middle of the "co-habitation" to be palisaded "with good sound pallisadoes at least thirteen foot long and six inches diameter in the middle of the length thereof, and set double and at least three foot within the ground."
Such in 1701 was the idea of the Virginia tidewater assembly of a frontiersman, and of the frontier towns by which the Old Dominion124 should spread her population into the upland South. But the "warlike Christian man" who actually came to furnish the firing line for Virginia, was destined125 to be the Scotch-Irishman and the German with long rifle in place of "fuzee" and "simeter," and altogether too restless to have his continual abode within the space of two hundred acres. Nevertheless there are points of resemblance between this idea of societies [87]settled about a fortified town and the later "stations" of Kentucky.[87:1]
By the beginning of the eighteenth century the engrossing126 of the lands of lowland Virginia had progressed so far, the practice of holding large tracts of wasteland for reserves in the great plantations127 had become so common, that the authorities of Virginia reported to the home government that the best lands were all taken up,[87:2] and settlers were passing into North Carolina seeking cheap lands near navigable rivers. Attention was directed also to the Piedmont portions of Virginia, for by this time the Indians were conquered in this region. It was now possible to acquire land by purchase[87:3] at five shillings sterling128 for fifty acres, as well as by head-rights for importation or settlement, and land speculation soon turned to the new area.
Already the Piedmont had been somewhat explored.[87:4] Even by the middle of the seventeenth century, fur-traders had followed the trail southwest from the James more than four hundred miles to the Catawbas and later to the Cherokees. Col. William Byrd had, as we have seen, not only been absorbing good lands in the lowlands, and defending his post at the falls of the James, like a Count of the Border, but he also engaged in this fur-trade and sent his pack trains along this trail through the Piedmont of the Carolinas,[87:5] and took note of the rich [88]savannas129 of that region. Charleston traders engaged in rivalry130 for this trade.
It was not long before cattle raisers from the older settlements, learning from the traders of the fertile plains and peavine pastures of this land, followed the fur-traders and erected131 scattered "cow-pens" or ranches41 beyond the line of plantations in the Piedmont. Even at the close of the seventeenth century, herds132 of wild horses and cattle ranged at the outskirts133 of the Virginia settlements, and were hunted by the planters, driven into pens, and branded somewhat after the manner of the later ranching134 on the Great Plains.[88:1] Now the cow-drovers and the cow-pens[88:2] began to enter the uplands. The Indians had by this time been reduced to submission135 in most of the Virginia Piedmont—as Governor Spotswood[88:3] reported in 1712, living "quietly on our frontiers, trafficking with the Inhabitants."
After the defeat of the Tuscaroras and Yemassees about this time in the Carolinas, similar opportunities for expansion existed there. The cattle drovers sometimes took their herds from range to range; sometimes they were gathered permanently136 near the pens, finding the range sufficient throughout the year. They were driven to Charleston, or later [89]sometimes even to Philadelphia and Baltimore markets. By the middle of the century, disease worked havoc137 with them in South Carolina[89:1] and destroyed seven-eighths of those in North Carolina; Virginia made regulations governing the driving of cattle through her frontier counties to avoid the disease, just as in our own time the northern cattlemen attempted to protect their herds against the Texas fever.
Thus cattle raisers from the coast followed the fur-traders toward the uplands, and already pioneer farmers were straggling into the same region, soon to be outnumbered by the tide of settlement that flowed into the region from Pennsylvania.
The descriptions of the uplands by contemporaneous writers are in glowing terms. Makemie, in his "Plain and Friendly Persuasion138" (1705), declared "The best, richest, and most healthy part of your Country is yet to be inhabited, above the falls of every River, to the Mountains." Jones, in his "Present State of Virginia" (1724), comments on the convenience of tidewater transportation, etc., but declares that section "not nearly so healthy as the uplands and Barrens which serve for Ranges for Stock," although he speaks less enthusiastically of the savannas and marshes139 which lay in the midst of the forest areas. In fact, the Piedmont was by no means the unbroken forest that might have been imagined, for in addition to natural meadows, the Indians had burned over large tracts.[89:2] It was a rare combination of woodland and pasture, with clear running streams and mild climate.[89:3]
[90]
The occupation of the Virginia Piedmont received a special impetus140 from the interest which Governor Spotswood took in the frontier. In 1710 he proposed a plan for intercepting141 the French in their occupation of the interior, by inducing Virginia settlement to proceed along one side of James River only, until this column of advancing pioneers should strike the attenuated142 line of French posts in the center. In the same year he sent a body of horsemen to the top of the Blue Ridge80, where they could overlook the Valley of Virginia.[90:1] By 1714 he became active as a colonizer143 himself. Thirty miles above the falls of the Rappahannock, on the Rapidan at Germanna,[90:2] he settled a little village of German redemptioners (who in return for having the passage paid agreed to serve without wages for a term of years), to engage in his iron works, also to act as rangers on the frontier. From here, in 1716, with two companies of rangers and four Indians, Governor Spotswood and a band of Virginia gentlemen made a summer picnic excursion of two weeks across the Blue Ridge into the Shenandoah Valley. Sic juvat transcendere montes was the motto of these Knights144 of the Golden Horse Shoe, as the governor dubbed145 them. But they were not the "warlike christian men" destined to occupy the frontier.
Spotswood's interest in the advance along the Rappahannock, probably accounts for the fact that in 1720 Spotsylvania and [91]Brunswick were organized as frontier counties of Virginia.[91:1] Five hundred dollars were contributed by the colony to the church, and a thousand dollars for arms and ammunition146 for the settlers in these counties. The fears of the French and Indians beyond the high mountains, were alleged147 as reasons for this advance. To attract settlers to these new counties, they were (1723) exempt from purchasing the lands under the system of head rights, and from payment of quit-rents for seven years after 1721. The free grants so obtained were not to exceed a thousand acres. This was soon extended to six thousand acres, but with provision requiring the settlement of a certain number of families upon the grant within a certain time. In 1729 Spotswood was ordered by the Council to produce "rights" and pay the quit-rents for the 59,786 acres which he claimed in this county.
Other similar actions by the Council show that large holdings were developing there, also that the difficulty of establishing a frontier democracy in contact with the area of expanding plantations, was very real.[91:2] By the time of the occupation of the Shenandoah Valley, therefore, the custom was established in this part of Virginia,[91:3] of making grants of a thousand acres for each family settled. Speculative planters, influential148 with the Governor and Council secured grants of many thousand acres, conditioned upon seating a certain number of families, and satisfying the requirements of planting. Thus what had originally been intended as direct grants to the actual settler, frequently became grants to great planters like Beverley, who promoted the coming of Scotch-Irish and German [92]settlers, or took advantage of the natural drift into the Valley, to sell lands in their grants, as a rule, reserving quit-rents. The liberal grants per family enabled these speculative planters, while satisfying the terms of settlement, to hold large portions of the grant for themselves. Under the lax requirements, and probably still more lax enforcement, of the provisions for actual cultivation149 or cattle-raising,[92:1] it was not difficult to hold such wild land. These conditions rendered possible the extension of a measure of aristocratic planter life in the course of time to the Piedmont and Valley lands of Virginia. It must be added, however, that some of the newcomers, both Germans and Scotch-Irish, like the Van Meters, Stover, and Lewis, also showed an ability to act as promoters in locating settlers and securing grants to themselves.
In the northern part of the Shenandoah Valley, lay part of the estate of Lord Fairfax, some six million acres in extent, which came to the family by dower from the old Culpeper and Arlington grant of Northern Neck. In 1748, the youthful Washington was surveying this estate along the upper waters of the Potomac, finding a bed under the stars and learning the life of the frontier.
Lord Fairfax established his own Greenway manor,[92:2] and divided his domain into other manors, giving ninety-nine-year leases to settlers already on the ground at twenty shillings annually150 per hundred acres; while of the new-comers he exacted two shillings annual quit-rent for this amount of land in fee simple. Litigation kept land titles uncertain here, for many years. Similarly, Beverley's manor, about Staunton, represented a grant of 118,000 acres to Beverley and his [93]associates on condition of placing the proper number of families on the tract.[93:1] Thus speculative planters on this frontier shared in the movement of occupation and made an aristocratic element in the up-country; but the increasing proportion of Scotch-Irish immigrants, as well as German settlers, together with the contrast in natural conditions, made the interior a different Virginia from that of the tidewater.
As settlement ascended151 the Rappahannock, and emigrants152 began to enter the Valley from the north, so, contemporaneously, settlement ascended the James above the falls, succeeding to the posts of the fur-traders.[93:2] Goochland County was set off in 1728, and the growth of population led, as early as 1729, to proposals for establishing a city (Richmond) at the falls. Along the upper James, as on the Rappahannock, speculative planters bought headrights and located settlers and tenants153 to hold their grants.[93:3] Into this region came natives of Virginia, emigrants from the British isles154, and scattered representatives of other lands, some of them coming up the James, others up the York, and still others arriving with the southward-moving current along both sides of the Blue Ridge.
Before 1730 few settlers lived above the mouth of the Rivanna. In 1732 Peter Jefferson patented a thousand acres at the eastern opening of its mountain gap, and here, under frontier conditions, Thomas Jefferson was born in 1743 near his later estate of Monticello. About him were pioneer farmers, as well as foresighted engrossers of the land. In the main his country was that of a democratic frontier people—Scotch-Irish [94]Presbyterians, Quakers, Baptists, and other sects,[94:1] out of sympathy with the established church and the landed gentry155 of the lowlands. This society in which he was born, was to find in Jefferson a powerful exponent156 of its ideals.[94:2] Patrick Henry was born in 1736 above the falls, not far from Richmond, and he also was a mouthpiece of interior Virginia in the Revolutionary era. In short, a society was already forming in the Virginia Piedmont which was composed of many sects, of independent yeomen as well as their great planter leaders—a society naturally expansive, seeing its opportunity to deal in unoccupied lands along the frontier which continually moved toward the West, and in this era of the eighteenth century dominated by the democratic ideals of pioneers rather than by the aristocratic tendencies of slaveholding planters. As there were two New Englands, so there were by this time two Virginias, and the uplands belonged with the Old West.
The advance across the fall line from the coast was, in North Carolina, much slower than in Virginia. After the Tuscarora War (1712-13) an extensive region west from Pamlico Sound was opened (1724). The region to the north, about the Roanoke, had before this begun to receive frontier settlers, largely from Virginia. Their traits are interestingly portrayed in Byrd's "Dividing Line." By 1728 the farthest inhabitants along the Virginia boundary were frontiersmen about Great Creek, a branch of the Roanoke.[94:3] The North Carolina commissioners157 desired to stop running the line after going a hundred and seventy miles, on the plea that they were already fifty miles beyond the outermost158 inhabitant, and there would be no need for an age or two to carry the line farther; but the [95]Virginia surveyors pointed159 out that already speculators were taking up the land. A line from Weldon to Fayetteville would roughly mark the western boundary of North Carolina's sparse population of forty thousand souls.[95:1]
The slower advance is explained, partly because of the later settlement of the Carolinas, partly because the Indians continued to be troublesome on the flanks of the advancing population, as seen in the Tuscarora and Yemassee wars, and partly because the pine barrens running parallel with the fall line made a zone of infertile160 land not attractive to settlers. The North Carolina low country, indeed, had from the end of the seventeenth century been a kind of southern frontier for overflow161 from Virginia; and in many ways was assimilated to the type of the up-country in its turbulent democracy, its variety of sects and peoples, and its primitive conditions. But under the lax management of the public lands, the use of "blank patents" and other evasions162 made possible the development of large landholding, side by side with headrights to settlers. Here, as in Virginia, a great proprietary163 grant extended across the colony—Lord Granville's proprietary was a zone embracing the northern half of North Carolina. Within the area, sales and quit-rents were administered by the agents of the owner, with the result that uncertainty and disorder164 of an agrarian165 nature extended down to the Revolution. There were likewise great speculative holdings, conditioned on seating a certain proportion of settlers, into which the frontiersmen were drifting.[95:2] But this system also made it possible for agents of later migrating congregations to establish colonies like that of the Moravians at Wachovia.[95:3] Thus, by the time settlers [96]came into the uplands from the north, a land system existed similar to that of Virginia. A common holding was a square mile (640 acres), but in practice this did not prevent the accumulation of great estates.[96:1] Whereas Virginia's Piedmont area was to a large extent entered by extensions from the coast, that of North Carolina remained almost untouched by 1730.[96:2]
The same is true of South Carolina. By 1730, settlement had progressed hardly eighty miles from the coast, even in the settled area of the lowlands. The tendency to engross90 the lowlands for large plantations was clear, here as elsewhere.[96:3] The surveyor-general reports in 1732 that not as many as a thousand acres within a hundred miles of Charleston, or within twenty miles of a river or navigable creek, were unpossessed. In 1729 the crown ordered eleven townships of twenty thousand acres each to be laid out in rectangles, divided into fifty acres for each actual settler under a quit-rent of four shillings a year for every hundred acres, or proportionally, to be paid after the first ten years.[96:4] By 1732 these townships, designed to attract foreign Protestants, were laid out on the great rivers of the colony. As they were located in the middle region, east of the fall line, among pine barrens, or in malarial167 lands in the southern corner of the colony, they all proved abortive168 as towns, except Orangeburg[96:5] on the North Edisto, where [97]German redemptioners made a settlement. The Scotch-Irish Presbyterians who came to Williamsburg, on Black River, suffered hardships; as did the Swiss who, under the visionary leadership of Purry, settled in the deadly climate of Purrysburg, on the lower Savannah. To Welsh colonists169 from Pennsylvania there was made a grant—known as the "Welsh tract," embracing over 173,000 acres on the Great Pedee (Marion County)[97:1] under headrights of fifty acres, also a bounty170 in provisions, tools, and livestock171.
These attempts, east of the fall line, are interesting as showing the colonial policy of marking out towns (which were to be politically-organized parishes, with representation in the legislature), and attracting foreigners thereto, prior to the coming of settlers from the North.
The settlement of Georgia, in 1732, completed the southern line of colonization toward the Piedmont. Among the objects of the colony, as specified172 in the charters, were the relief of the poor and the protection of the frontiers. To guard against the tendency to engross the lands in great estates, already so clearly revealed in the older colonies, the Georgia trustees provided that the grants of fifty acres should not be alienated173 or divided, but should pass to the male heirs and revert174 to the trustees in case heirs were lacking. No grant greater than five hundred acres was permitted, and even this was made conditionally175 upon the holder99 settling ten colonists. However, under local conditions and the competition and example of neighboring colonies, this attempt to restrict land tenure in the interest of democracy broke down by 1750, and Georgia's land system became not unlike that of the other Southern colonies.[97:2]
In 1734, Salzburgers had been located above Savannah, and [98]within seven years some twelve hundred German Protestants were dwelling on the Georgia frontier; while a settlement of Scotch Highlanders at Darien, near the mouth of the Altamaha, protected the southern frontier. At Augusta, an Indian trading fort (1735), whence the dealers176 in peltry visited the Cherokee, completed the familiar picture of frontier advance.[98:1]
We have now hastily surveyed the movement of the frontier of settlement westward from the lowlands, in the later years of the seventeenth and early part of the eighteenth century. There is much that is common in the whole line of advance. The original settlers engross the desirable lands of the older area. Indented177 servants and new-comers pass to the frontier seeking a place to locate their headrights, or plant new towns. Adventurous178 and speculative wealthy planters acquire large holdings in the new areas, and bring over settlers to satisfy the requirements of seating and cultivating their extensive grants, thus building up a yeomanry of small landholders side by side with the holders98 of large estates. The most far-sighted of the new-comers follow the example of the planters, and petition for increasing extensive grants. Meanwhile, pioneers like Abraham Wood, himself once an indented servant, and gentlemen like Col. William Byrd—prosecuting the Indian trade from their posts at the "heads" of the rivers, and combining frontier protection, exploring, and surveying—make known the more distant fertile soils of the Piedmont. Already in the first part of the eighteenth century, the frontier population tended to be a rude democracy, with a large representation of Scotch-Irish, Germans, Welsh, and Huguenot French settlers, holding religious faiths unlike that of the followers179 of the established church in the lowlands. The movement of slaves into the region was unimportant, but not unknown.
[99]
The Virginia Valley was practically unsettled in 1730, as was much of Virginia's Piedmont area and all the Piedmont area of the Carolinas. The significance of the movement of settlers from the North into this vacant Valley and Piedmont, behind the area occupied by expansion from the coast is, that it was geographically180 separated from the westward movement from the coast, and that it was sufficient in volume to recruit the democratic forces and postpone181 for a long time the process of social assimilation to the type of the lowlands.
As has been pointed out, especially in the Carolinas a belt of pine barrens, roughly eighty miles in breadth, ran parallel with the fall line and thus discouraged western advance across this belt, even before the head of navigation was reached. In Virginia, the Blue Ridge made an almost equally effective barrier, walling off the Shenandoah Valley from the westward advance. At the same time this valley was but a continuation of the Great Valley, that ran along the eastern edge of the Alleghanies in southeastern Pennsylvania, and included in its mountain trough the Cumberland and Hagerstown valleys. In short, a broad limestone182 band of fertile soil was stretched within mountain walls, southerly from Pennsylvania to southwestern Virginia; and here the watergaps opened the way to descend183 to the Carolina Piedmont. This whole area, a kind of peninsula thrust down from Pennsylvania, was rendered comparatively inaccessible184 to the westward movement from the lowlands, and was equally accessible to the population which was entering Pennsylvania.[99:1]
Thus it happened that from about 1730 to 1760 a generation of settlers poured along this mountain trough into the southern uplands, or Piedmont, creating a new continuous social and economic area, which cut across the artificial colonial boundary [100]lines, disarranged the regular extension of local government from the coast westward, and built up a new Pennsylvania in contrast with the old Quaker colonies, and a new South in contrast with the tidewater South. This New South composed the southern half of the Old West.
From its beginning, Pennsylvania was advertised as a home for dissenting185 sects seeking freedom in the wilderness. But it was not until the exodus186 of German redemptioners,[100:1] from about 1717, that the Palatinate and neighboring areas sent the great tide of Germans which by the time of the Revolution made them nearly a third of the total population of Pennsylvania. It has been carefully estimated that in 1775 over 200,000 Germans lived in the thirteen colonies, chiefly along the frontier zone of the Old West. Of these, a hundred thousand had their home in Pennsylvania, mainly in the Great Valley, in the region which is still so notably187 the abode of the "Pennsylvania Dutch."[100:2]
Space does not permit us to describe this movement of colonization.[100:3] The entrance to the fertile limestone soils of the Great Valley of Pennsylvania was easy, in view of the low elevation188 of the South Mountain ridge, and the watergaps thereto. The continuation along the similar valley to the south, in Maryland and Virginia, was a natural one, especially as the increasing tide of emigrants raised the price of lands.[100:4] In [101]1719 the proprietor's price for Pennsylvania lands was ten pounds per hundred acres, and two shillings quit-rents. In 1732 this became fifteen and one-half pounds, with a quit-rent of a half penny per acre.[101:1] During the period 1718 to 1732, when the Germans were coming in great numbers, the management of the lands fell into confusion, and many seated themselves as squatters, without title.[101:2] This was a fortunate possibility for the poor redemptioners, who had sold their service for a term of years in order to secure their transportation to America.
By 1726 it was estimated that there were 100,000 squatters;[101:3] and of the 670,000 acres occupied between 1732 and 1740, it is estimated that 400,000 acres were settled without grants.[101:4] Nevertheless these must ultimately be paid for, with interest, and the concession189 of the right of pre?mption to squatters made this easier. But it was not until 1755 that the governor offered land free from purchase, and this was to be taken only west of the Alleghanies.[101:5]
Although the credit system relieved the difficulty in Pennsylvania, the lands of that colony were in competition with the Maryland lands, offered between 1717 and 1738 at forty shillings sterling per hundred acres, which in 1738 was raised to five pounds sterling.[101:6] At the same time, in the Virginia Valley, as will be recalled, free grants were being made of a thousand acres per family. Although large tracts of the Shenandoah Valley had been granted to speculators like Beverley, [102]Borden, and the Carters, as well as to Lord Fairfax, the owners sold six or seven pounds cheaper per hundred acres than did the Pennsylvania land office.[102:1] Between 1726 and 1734, therefore, the Germans began to enter this valley,[102:2] and before long they extended their settlements into the Piedmont of the Carolinas,[102:3] being recruited in South Carolina by emigrants coming by way of Charleston—especially after Governor Glenn's purchase from the Cherokee in 1755, of the extreme western portion of the colony. Between 1750 and the Revolution, these settlers in the Carolinas greatly increased in numbers.
Thus a zone of almost continuous German settlements had been established, running from the head of the Mohawk in New York to the Savannah in Georgia. They had found the best soils, and they knew how to till them intensively and thriftily190, as attested191 by their large, well-filled barns, good stock, and big canvas-covered Conestoga wagons192. They preferred to dwell in groups, often of the same religious denomination—Lutherans, Reformed, Moravians, Mennonites, and many lesser193 sects. The diaries of Moravian missionaries194 from Pennsylvania, who visited them, show how the parent congregations kept in touch with their colonies[102:4] and how intimate, [103]in general, was the bond of connection between this whole German frontier zone and that of Pennsylvania.
Side by side with this German occupation of Valley and Piedmont, went the migration of the Scotch-Irish.[103:1] These lowland Scots had been planted in Ulster early in the seventeenth century. Followers of John Knox, they had the contentious195 individualism and revolutionary temper that seem natural to Scotch Presbyterianism. They were brought up on the Old Testament196, and in the doctrine19 of government by covenant197 or compact. In Ireland their fighting qualities had been revealed in the siege of Londonderry, where their stubborn resistance balked198 the hopes of James II. However, religious and political disabilities were imposed upon these Ulstermen, which made them discontented, and hard times contributed to detach them from their homes. Their movement to America was contemporaneous with the heavy German migration. By the Revolution, it is believed that a third of the population of Pennsylvania was Scotch-Irish; and it has been estimated, probably too liberally, that a half million came to the United States between 1730 and 1770.[103:2] Especially after the Rebellion of 1745, large numbers of Highlanders came to increase the Scotch blood in the nation.[103:3] Some of the Scotch-Irish went to New England.[103:4] Given the cold shoulder by congregational Puritans, they passed to unsettled lands about Worcester, to the frontier in the Berkshires, and in southern New Hampshire at Londonderry—whence came John Stark199, a frontier [104]leader in the French and Indian War, and the hero of Bennington in the Revolution, as well as the ancestors of Horace Greeley and S. P. Chase. In New York, a Scotch-Irish settlement was planted on the frontier at Cherry Valley.[104:1] Scotch Highlanders came to the Mohawk,[104:2] where they followed Sir William Johnson and became Tory raiders in the Revolution.
But it was in Pennsylvania that the center of Scotch-Irish power lay. "These bold and indigent200 strangers, saying as their excuse when challenged for titles that we had solicited201 for colonists and they had come accordingly,"[104:3] and asserting that "it was against the laws of God and nature that so much land should be idle while so many christians202 wanted it to work on and to raise their bread," squatted203 on the vacant lands, especially in the region disputed between Pennsylvania and Maryland, and remained in spite of efforts to drive them off. Finding the Great Valley in the hands of the Germans, they planted their own outposts along the line of the Indian trading path from Lancaster to Bedford; they occupied Cumberland Valley, and before 1760 pressed up the Juniata somewhat beyond the narrows, spreading out along its tributaries, and by 1768 had to be warned off from the Redstone country to avoid Indian trouble. By the time of the Revolution, their settlements made Pittsburgh a center from which was to come a new era in Pennsylvania history. It was the Scotch-Irish and German fur-traders[104:4] whose pack trains pioneered into the Ohio Valley in the days before the French and Indian wars. The messengers between civilization and savagery204 were such [105]men,[105:1] as the Irish Croghan, and the Germans Conrad Weiser and Christian Post.
Like the Germans, the Scotch-Irish passed into the Shenandoah Valley,[105:2] and on to the uplands of the South. In 1738 a delegation205 of the Philadelphia Presbyterian synod was sent to the Virginia governor and received assurances of security of religious freedom; the same policy was followed by the Carolinas. By 1760 a zone of Scotch-Irish Presbyterian churches extended from the frontiers of New England to the frontiers of South Carolina. This zone combined in part with the German zone, but in general Scotch-Irishmen tended to follow the valleys farther toward the mountains, to be the outer edge of this frontier. Along with this combined frontier stream were English, Welsh and Irish Quakers, and French Huguenots.[105:3]
Among this moving mass, as it passed along the Valley into the Piedmont, in the middle of the eighteenth century, were Daniel Boone, John Sevier, James Robertson, and the ancestors of John C. Calhoun, Abraham Lincoln, Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, James K. Polk, Sam Houston, and Davy Crockett, while the father of Andrew Jackson came to the Carolina Piedmont at the same time from the coast. Recalling that Thomas Jefferson's home was on the frontier, at the edge of the Blue Ridge, we perceive that these names represent the militant206 expansive movement in American life. They foretell207 the settlement across the Alleghanies in Kentucky and Tennessee; the Louisiana Purchase, and Lewis and Clark's transcontinental [106]exploration; the conquest of the Gulf208 Plains in the War of 1812-15; the annexation209 of Texas; the acquisition of California and the Spanish Southwest. They represent, too, frontier democracy in its two aspects personified in Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln. It was a democracy responsive to leadership, susceptible210 to waves of emotion, of a "high religeous voltage"—quick and direct in action.
The volume of this Northern movement into the Southern uplands is illustrated by the statement of Governor Tryon, of North Carolina, that in the summer and winter of 1765 more than a thousand immigrant wagons passed through Salisbury, in that colony.[106:1] Coming by families, or groups of families or congregations, they often drove their herds with them. Whereas in 1746 scarce a hundred fighting men were found in Orange and the western counties of North Carolina, there were in 1753 fully three thousand, in addition to over a thousand Scotch in the Cumberland; and they covered the province more or less thickly, from Hillsboro and Fayetteville to the mountains.[106:2] Bassett remarks that the Presbyterians received their first ministers from the synod of New York and Pennsylvania, and later on sent their ministerial students to Princeton College. "Indeed it is likely that the inhabitants of this region knew more about Philadelphia at that time than about Newbern or Edenton."[106:3]
We are now in a position to note briefly211, in conclusion, some of the results of the occupation of this new frontier during the first half of the eighteenth century—some of the consequences of this formation of the Old West.
I. A fighting frontier had been created all along the line from New England to Georgia, which bore the brunt of French [107]and Indian attacks and gave indispensable service during the Revolution. The significance of this fact could only be developed by an extended survey of the scattered border warfare212 of this era. We should have to see Rogers leading his New England Rangers, and Washington defending interior Virginia with his frontiersmen in their hunting shirts, in the French and Indian War. When all of the campaigns about the region of Canada, Lake Champlain, and the Hudson, central New York (Oriskany, Cherry Valley, Sullivan's expedition against the Iroquois), Wyoming Valley, western Pennsylvania, the Virginia Valley, and the back country of the South are considered as a whole from this point of view, the meaning of the Old West will become more apparent.
II. A new society had been established, differing in essentials from the colonial society of the coast. It was a democratic self-sufficing, primitive agricultural society, in which individualism was more pronounced than the community life of the lowlands. The indented servant and the slave were not a normal part of its labor213 system. It was engaged in grain and cattle raising, not in producing staples214, and it found a partial means of supplying its scarcity215 of specie by the peltries which it shipped to the coast. But the hunter folk were already pushing farther on; the cow-pens and the range were giving place to the small farm, as in our own day they have done in the cattle country. It was a region of hard work and poverty, not of wealth and leisure. Schools and churches were secured under serious difficulty,[107:1] if at all; but in spite of the natural [108]tendencies of a frontier life, a large portion of the interior showed a distinctly religious atmosphere.
III. The Old West began the movement of internal trade which developed home markets and diminished that colonial dependence216 on Europe in industrial matters shown by the maritime and staple-raising sections. Not only did Boston and other New England towns increase as trading centers when the back country settled up, but an even more significant interchange occurred along the Valley and Piedmont. The German farmers of the Great Valley brought their woven linen217, knitted stockings, firkins of butter, dried apples, grain, etc., to Philadelphia and especially to Baltimore, which was laid out in 1730. To this city also came trade from the Shenandoah Valley, and even from the Piedmont came peltry trains and droves of cattle and hogs218 to the same market.[108:1] The increase of settlement on the upper James resulted in the establishment of the city of Richmond at the falls of the river in 1737. Already the tobacco-planting aristocracy of the lowlands were finding rivals in the grain-raising area of interior Virginia and Maryland. Charleston prospered219 as the up-country of the Carolinas grew. Writing in the middle of the eighteenth century, Governor Glenn, of South Carolina, explained the apparent diminution220 of the colony's shipping221 thus:[108:2]
Our trade with New York and Philadelphia was of this sort, draining us of all the little money and bills that we could gather from other places, for their bread, flour, beer, hams, bacon, and other things of their produce, all which, except beer, our new townships begin to supply us with which are [109]settled with very industrious222 and consequently thriving Germans.
It was not long before this interior trade produced those rivalries223 for commercial ascendancy224, between the coastwise cities, which still continue. The problem of internal improvements became a pressing one, and the statutes225 show increasing provision for roads, ferries, bridges, river improvements, etc.[109:1] The basis was being laid for a national economy, and at the same time a new source for foreign export was created.
IV. The Old West raised the issues of nativism and a lower standard of comfort. In New England, Scotch-Irish Presbyterians had been frowned upon and pushed away by the Puritan townsmen.[109:2] In Pennsylvania, the coming of the Germans and the Scotch-Irish in such numbers caused grave anxiety. Indeed, a bill was passed to limit the importation of the Palatines, but it was vetoed.[109:3] Such astute226 observers as Franklin feared in 1753 that Pennsylvania would be unable to preserve its language and that even its government would become precarious227.[109:4] "I remember," he declares, "when they modestly declined intermeddling in our elections, but now they come in droves and carry all before them, except in one or two counties;" and he lamented228 that the English could not remove their prejudices by addressing them in German.[109:5] Dr. Douglas[109:6] apprehended229 that Pennsylvania would "degenerate55 into a foreign colony" and endanger the quiet of the adjacent provinces. Edmund Burke, regretting that the [110]Germans adhered to their own schools, literature, and language, and that they possessed166 great tracts without admixture of English, feared that they would not blend and become one people with the British colonists, and that the colony was threatened with the danger of being wholly foreign. He also noted230 that "these foreigners by their industry, frugality231, and a hard way of living, in which they greatly exceed our people, have in a manner thrust them out in several places."[110:1] This is a phenomenon with which a succession of later frontiers has familiarized us. In point of fact the "Pennsylvania Dutch" remained through our history a very stubborn area to assimilate, with corresponding effect upon Pennsylvania politics.
It should be noted also that this coming of non-English stock to the frontier raised in all the colonies affected232, questions of naturalization and land tenure by aliens.[110:2]
V. The creation of this frontier society—of which so large a portion differed from that of the coast in language and religion as well as in economic life, social structure, and ideals—produced an antagonism233 between interior and coast, which worked itself out in interesting fashion. In general this took these forms: contests between the property-holding class of the coast and the debtor234 class of the interior, where specie was lacking, and where paper money and a readjustment of the basis of taxation235 were demanded; contests over defective236 or unjust local government in the administration of taxes, fees, lands, and the courts; contests over apportionment in the legislature, whereby the coast was able to dominate, even when its white population was in the minority; contests to secure the complete separation of church and state; and, later, [111]contests over slavery, internal improvements, and party politics in general. These contests are also intimately connected with the political philosophy of the Revolution and with the development of American democracy. In nearly every colony prior to the Revolution, struggles had been in progress between the party of privilege, chiefly the Eastern men of property allied238 with the English authorities, and the democratic classes, strongest in the West and the cities.
This theme deserves more space than can here be allotted239 to it; but a rapid survey of conditions in this respect, along the whole frontier, will at least serve to bring out the point.
In New England as a whole, the contest is less in evidence. That part of the friction240 elsewhere seen as the result of defective local government in the back country, was met by the efficiency of the town system; but between the interior and the coast there were struggles over apportionment and religious freedom. The former is illustrated by the convention that met in Dracut, Massachusetts, in 1776, to petition the States of Massachusetts and New Hampshire to relieve the financial distress and unfair legislative241 representation. Sixteen of the border towns of New Hampshire sent delegates to this convention. Two years later, these New Hampshire towns attempted to join Vermont.[111:1] As a Revolutionary State, Vermont itself was an illustration of the same tendency of the interior to break away from the coast. Massachusetts in this period witnessed a campaign between the paper money party which was entrenched242 in the more recently and thinly-settled areas of the interior and west, and the property-holding classes of the coast.[111:2] The opposition243 to the constitutions of 1778 and 1780 is tinctured [112]with the same antagonism between the ideas of the newer part of the interior and of the coast.[112:1] Shays' Rebellion and the anti-federal opposition of 1787-88 found its stronghold in the same interior areas.[112:2]
The religious struggles continued until the democratic interior, where dissenting sects were strong, and where there was antagonism to the privileges of the congregational church, finally secured complete disestablishment in New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Massachusetts. But this belongs to a later period.[112:3]
Pennsylvania affords a clear illustration of these sectional antagonisms244. The memorial of the frontier "Paxton Boys," in 1764, demanded a right to share in political privileges with the older part of the colony, and protested against the apportionment by which the counties of Chester, Bucks245, and Philadelphia, together with the city of Philadelphia, elected twenty-six delegates, while the five frontier counties had but ten.[112:4] The frontier complained against the failure of the dominant Quaker party of the coast to protect the interior against the Indians.[112:5] The three old wealthy counties under Quaker rule feared the growth of the West, therefore made few new counties, and carefully restricted the representation in each to preserve the majority in the old section. At the same time, by a property qualification they met the danger of the democratic city population. Among the points of grievance64 in this colony, [113]in addition to apportionment and representation, was the difficulty of access to the county seat, owing to the size of the back counties. Dr. Lincoln has well set forth246 the struggle of the back country, culminating in its triumph in the constitutional convention of 1776, which was chiefly the work of the Presbyterian counties.[113:1] Indeed, there were two revolutions in Pennsylvania, which went on side by side: one a revolt against the coastal property-holding classes, the old dominant Quaker party, and the other a revolt against Great Britain, which was in this colony made possible only by the triumph of the interior.
In Virginia, as early as 1710, Governor Spotswood had complained that the old counties remained small while the new ones were sometimes ninety miles long, the inhabitants being obliged to travel thirty or forty miles to their own court-house. Some of the counties had 1,700 tithables, while others only a dozen miles square had 500. Justices of the peace disliked to ride forty or fifty miles to their monthly courts. Likewise there was disparity in the size of parishes—for example, that of Varina, on the upper James, had nine hundred tithables, many of whom lived fifty miles from their church. But the vestry refused to allow the remote parishioners to separate, because it would increase the parish levy247 of those that remained. He feared lest this would afford "opportunity to Sectarys to establish their opinions among 'em, and thereby248 shake that happy establishment of the Church of England which this colony enjoys with less mixture of Dissenters249 than any other of her Maj'tie's plantations, and when once Schism250 has crept into the Church, it will soon create faction251 in the Civil Government."
[114]
That Spotswood's fears were well founded, we have already seen. As the sectaries of the back country increased, dissatisfaction with the established church grew. After the Revolution came, Jefferson, with the back country behind him, was able finally to destroy the establishment, and to break down the system of entails252 and primogeniture behind which the tobacco-planting aristocracy of the coast was entrenched. The desire of Jefferson to see slavery gradually abolished and popular education provided, is a further illustration of the attitude of the interior. In short, Jeffersonian democracy, with its idea of separation of church and state, its wish to popularize education, and its dislike for special privilege, was deeply affected by the Western society of the Old Dominion.
The Virginian reform movement, however, was unable to redress253 the grievance of unequal apportionment. In 1780 Jefferson pointed out that the practice of allowing each county an equal representation in the legislature gave control to the numerous small counties of the tidewater, while the large populous254 counties of the up-country suffered. "Thus," he wrote, "the 19,000 men below the falls give law to more than 30,000 living in other parts of the state, and appoint all their chief officers, executive and judiciary."[114:1] This led to a long struggle between coast and interior, terminated only when the slave population passed across the fall line, and more nearly assimilated coast and up-country. In the mountain areas which did not undergo this change, the independent state of West Virginia remains255 as a monument of the contest. In the convention of 1829-30, the whole philosophy of representation was discussed, and the coast defended its control as necessary to protect [115]property from the assaults of a numerical majority. They feared that the interior would tax their slaves in order to secure funds for internal improvements.
As Doddridge put the case:[115:1]
The principle is that the owners of slave property must be possessed of all the powers of government, however small their own numbers may be, to secure that property from the rapacity256 of an overgrown majority of white men. This principle admits of no relaxation257, because the weaker the minority becomes, the greater will their need for power be according to their own doctrines.
Leigh of Chesterfield county declared:[115:2]
It is remarkable—I mention it for the curiosity of the fact—that if any evil, physical or moral, arise in any of the states south of us, it never takes a northerly direction, or taints258 the Southern breeze; whereas, if any plague originate in the North, it is sure to spread to the South and to invade us sooner or later; the influenza—the smallpox—the varioloid—the Hessian fly—the Circuit Court system—Universal Suffrage—all come from the North, and they always cross above the falls of the great rivers; below, it seems, the broad expanse of waters interposing, effectually arrests their progress.
[116]
Nothing could more clearly bring out the sense of contrast between upland and lowland Virginia, and the continued intimacy259 of the bond of connection between the North and its Valley and Piedmont colonies, than this unconscious testimony260.
In North and South Carolina the upland South, beyond the pine barrens and the fall line, had similar grievances against the coast; but as the zone of separation was more strongly marked, the grievances were more acute. The tide of backwoods settlement flowing down the Piedmont from the north, had cut across the lines of local government and disarranged the regular course of development of the colonies from the seacoast.[116:1] Under the common practice, large counties in North Carolina and parishes in South Carolina had been projected into the unoccupied interior from the older settlements along their eastern edge.
But the Piedmont settlers brought their own social order, and could not be well governed by the older planters living far away toward the seaboard. This may be illustrated by conditions in South Carolina. The general court in Charleston had absorbed county and precinct courts, except the minor237 jurisdiction261 of justices of the peace. This was well enough for the great planters who made their regular residence there for a part of each year; but it was a source of oppression to the up-country settlers, remote from the court. The difficulty of bringing witnesses, the delay of the law, and the costs all resulted in the escape of criminals as well as in the immunity262 of reckless debtors263. The extortions of officials, and their occasional collusion with horse and cattle thieves, and the lack of regular administration of the law, led the South Carolina up-country men to take affairs in their own hands, and in 1764 to establish associations to administer lynch law under the name of "Regulators." The "Scovillites," or [117]government party, and the Regulators met in arms on the Saluda in 1769, but hostilities264 were averted265 and remedial measures passed, which alleviated266 the difficulty until the Revolution.[117:1] There still remained, however, the grievance of unjust legislative representation.[117:2] Calhoun stated the condition in these words:
The upper country had no representation in the government and no political existence as a constituent267 portion of the state until a period near the commencement of the revolution. Indeed, during the revolution, and until the formation of the present constitution, in 1790, its political weight was scarcely felt in the government. Even then although it had become the most populous section, power was so distributed under the constitution as to leave it in a minority in every department of government.
Even in 1794 it was claimed by the up-country leaders that four-fifths of the people were governed by one-fifth. Nor was the difficulty met until the constitutional amendment268 of 1808, the effect of which was to give the control of the senate to the lower section and of the house of representatives to the upper section, thus providing a mutual269 veto.[117:3] This South Carolina experience furnished the historical basis for Calhoun's argument for nullification, and for the political philosophy underlying270 [118]his theory of the "concurrent271 majority."[118:1] This adjustment was effected, however, only after the advance of the black belt toward the interior had assimilated portions of the Piedmont to lowland ideals.
When we turn to North Carolina's upper country we find the familiar story, but with a more tragic272 ending. The local officials owed their selection to the governor and the council whom he appointed. Thus power was all concentrated in the official "ring" of the lowland area. The men of the interior resented the extortionate fees and the poll tax, which bore with unequal weight upon the poor settlers of the back country. This tax had been continued after sufficient funds had been collected to extinguish the debt for which it was originally levied273, but venal274 sheriffs had failed to pay it into the treasury275. A report of 1770 showed at least one defaulting sheriff in every county of the province.[118:2] This tax, which was almost the sole tax of the colony, was to be collected in specie, for the warehouse276 system, by which staples might be accepted, while familiar on the coast, did not apply to the interior. The specie was exceedingly difficult to obtain; in lack of it, the farmer saw the sheriff, who owed his appointment to the dominant lowland planters, sell the lands of the delinquent277 to his speculative friends. Lawyers and court fees followed.
In short, the interior felt that it was being exploited,[118:3] and it had no redress, for the legislature was so apportioned278 that [119]all power rested in the old lowland region. Efforts to secure paper money failed by reason of the governor's opposition under instructions from the crown, and the currency was contracting at the very time when population was rapidly increasing in the interior.[119:1] As in New England, in the days of Shays' Rebellion, violent prejudice existed against the judiciary and the lawyers, and it must, of course, be understood that the movement was not free from frontier dislike of taxation and the restraints of law and order in general. In 1766 and 1768, meetings were held in the upper counties to organize the opposition, and an "association"[119:2] was formed, the members of which pledged themselves to pay no more taxes or fees until they satisfied themselves that these were agreeable to law.
The Regulators, as they called themselves, assembled in the autumn of 1768 to the number of nearly four thousand, and tried to secure terms of adjustment. In 1770 the court-house at Hillsboro was broken into by a mob. The assembly passed some measures designed to conciliate the back country; but before they became operative, Governor Tryon's militia279, about twelve hundred men, largely from the lowlands, and led by the gentry whose privileges were involved, met the motley army of the Regulators, who numbered about two thousand, in the battle of the Alamance (May, 1771). Many were killed and wounded, the Regulators dispersed280, and over six thousand men came into camp and took the oath of submission to the colonial authorities. The battle was not the first battle of the Revolution, as it has been sometimes called, for it had little or no [120]relation to the stamp act; and many of the frontiersmen involved, later refused to fight against England because of the very hatred281 which had been inspired for the lowland Revolutionary leaders in this battle of the Alamance. The interior of the Carolinas was a region where neighbors, during the Revolution, engaged in internecine282 conflicts of Tories against Whigs.
But in the sense that the battle of Alamance was a conflict against privilege, and for equality of political rights and power, it was indeed a preliminary battle of the Revolution, although fought against many of the very men who later professed283 Revolutionary doctrines in North Carolina. The need of recognizing the importance of the interior led to concessions284 in the convention of 1776 in that state. "Of the forty-four sections of the constitution, thirteen are embodiments of reforms sought by the Regulators."[120:1] But it was in this period that hundreds of North Carolina backwoodsmen crossed the mountains to Tennessee and Kentucky, many of them coming from the heart of the Regulator region. They used the device of "associations" to provide for government in their communities.[120:2]
In the matter of apportionment, North Carolina showed the same lodgment of power in the hands of the coast, even after population preponderated285 in the Piedmont.[120:3]
It is needless to comment on the uniformity of the evidence which has been adduced, to show that the Old West, the interior region from New England to Georgia, had a common grievance against the coast; that it was deprived throughout most of the region of its due share of representation, and neglected and oppressed in local government in large portions of [121]the section. The familiar struggle of West against East, of democracy against privileged classes, was exhibited along the entire line. The phenomenon must be considered as a unit, not in the fragments of state histories. It was a struggle of interior against coast.
VI. Perhaps the most noteworthy Western activity in the Revolutionary era, aside from the aspects already mentioned, was in the part which the multitude of sects in the Old West played in securing the great contribution which the United States made to civilization by providing for complete religious liberty, a secular286 state with free churches. Particularly the Revolutionary constitutions of Pennsylvania and Virginia, under the influence of the back country, insured religious freedom. The effects of the North Carolina upland area to secure a similar result were noteworthy, though for the time ineffective.[121:1]
VII. As population increased in these years, the coast gradually yielded to the up-country's demands. This may be illustrated by the transfer of the capitals from the lowlands to the fall line and Valley. In 1779, Virginia changed her seat of government from Williamsburg to Richmond; in 1790, South Carolina, from Charleston to Columbia; in 1791, North Carolina, from Edenton to Raleigh; in 1797, New York, from New York City to Albany; in 1799, Pennsylvania, from Philadelphia to Lancaster.
VIII. The democratic aspect of the new constitutions was also influenced by the frontier as well as by the prevalent Revolutionary philosophy; and the demands for paper money, stay [122]and tender laws, etc., of this period were strongest in the interior. It was this region that supported Shays' Rebellion; it was (with some important exceptions) the same area that resisted the ratification287 of the federal constitution, fearful of a stronger government and of the loss of paper money.
IX. The interior later showed its opposition to the coast by the persistent288 contest against slavery, carried on in the up-country of Virginia, and North and South Carolina. Until the decade 1830-40, it was not certain that both Virginia and North Carolina would not find some means of gradual abolition289. The same influence accounts for much of the exodus of the Piedmont pioneers into Indiana and Illinois, in the first half of the nineteenth century.[122:1]
X. These were the regions, also, in which were developed the desire of the pioneers who crossed the mountains, and settled on the "Western waters," to establish new States free from control by the lowlands, owning their own lands, able to determine their own currency, and in general to govern themselves in accordance with the ideals of the Old West. They were ready also, if need be, to become independent of the Old Thirteen. Vermont must be considered in this aspect, as well as Kentucky and Tennessee.[122:2]
XI. The land system of the Old West furnished precedents290 which developed into the land system of the trans-Alleghany West.[122:3] The squatters of Pennsylvania and the Carolinas [123]found it easy to repeat the operation on another frontier. Preemption laws became established features. The Revolution gave opportunity to confiscate291 the claims of Lord Fairfax, Lord Granville, and McCulloh to their vast estates, as well as the remaining lands of the Pennsylvania proprietors. The 640 acre (or one square mile) unit of North Carolina for preemptions, and frontier land bounties292, became the area awarded to frontier stations by Virginia in 1779, and the "section" of the later federal land system. The Virginia pre?mption right of four hundred acres on the Western waters, or a thousand for those who came prior to 1778, was, in substance, the continuation of a system familiar in the Old West.
The grants to Beverley, of over a hundred thousand acres in the Valley, conditioned on seating a family for every thousand acres, and the similar grants to Borden, Carter, and Lewis, were followed by the great grant to the Ohio Company. This company, including leading Virginia planters and some frontiersmen, asked in 1749 for two hundred thousand acres on the upper Ohio, conditioned on seating a hundred families in seven years, and for an additional grant of three hundred thousand acres after this should be accomplished. It was proposed to settle Germans on these lands.
The Loyal Land Company, by order of the Virginia council (1749), was authorized293 to take up eight hundred thousand acres west and north of the southern boundary of Virginia, on condition of purchasing "rights" for the amount within four years. The company sold many tracts for ￡3 per hundred acres to settlers, but finally lost its claim. The Mississippi Company, including in its membership the Lees, Washingtons, and other great Virginia planters, applied for two and one-half million acres in the West in 1769. Similar land companies [124]of New England origin, like the Susquehanna Company and Lyman's Mississippi Company, exhibit the same tendency of the Old West on the northern side. New England's Ohio Company of Associates, which settled Marietta, had striking resemblances to town proprietors.
These were only the most noteworthy of many companies of this period, and it is evident that they were a natural outgrowth of speculations294 in the Old West. Washington, securing military bounty land claims of soldiers of the French and Indian War, and selecting lands in West Virginia until he controlled over seventy thousand acres for speculation, is an excellent illustration of the tendency. He also thought of colonizing German Palatines upon his lands. The formation of the Transylvania and Vandalia companies were natural developments on a still vaster scale.[124:1]
XII. The final phase of the Old West, which I wish merely to mention, in conclusion, is its colonization of areas beyond the mountains. The essential unity of the movement is brought out by a study of how New England's Old West settled northern Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont, the Adirondacks, central and Western New York, the Wyoming Valley (once organized as a part of Litchfield, Connecticut), the Ohio Company's region about Marietta, and Connecticut's Western Reserve on the shores of Lake Erie; and how the pioneers of the Great Valley and the Piedmont region of the South crossed the Alleghanies and settled on the Western Waters. Daniel Boone, going from his Pennsylvania home to the Yadkin, and from the Yadkin to Tennessee and Kentucky, took part in the whole process, and later in its continuation into Missouri.[124:2] The [125]social conditions and ideals of the Old West powerfully shaped those of the trans-Alleghany West.
The important contrast between the spirit of individual colonization, resentful of control, which the Southern frontiersmen showed, and the spirit of community colonization and control to which the New England pioneers inclined, left deep traces on the later history of the West.[125:1] The Old West diminished the importance of the town as a colonizing unit, even in New England. In the Southern area, efforts to legislate295 towns into existence, as in Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia, failed. They faded away before wilderness conditions. But in general, the Northern stream of migration was communal296, and the Southern individual. The difference which existed between that portion of the Old West which was formed by the northward colonization, chiefly of the New England Plateau (including New York), and that portion formed by the southward colonization of the Virginia Valley and the Southern Piedmont was reflected in the history of the Middle West and the Mississippi Valley.
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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coastal
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| adj.海岸的，沿海的，沿岸的 | |
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isolate
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| vt.使孤立，隔离 | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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counteracted
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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obliterating
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| v.除去( obliterate的现在分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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colonizing
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| v.开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的现在分词 ) | |
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exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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enumerating
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的现在分词 ) | |
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deserted
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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illustrated
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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succinctly
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| adv.简洁地；简洁地，简便地 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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impervious
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| adj.不能渗透的，不能穿过的，不易伤害的 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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lateral
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| adj.侧面的，旁边的 | |
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tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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stockades
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| n.（防御用的）栅栏，围桩( stockade的名词复数 ) | |
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gateway
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| n.大门口，出入口，途径，方法 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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ranches
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| 大农场， （兼种果树，养鸡等的）大牧场( ranch的名词复数 ) | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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sociable
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| adj.好交际的，友好的，合群的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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otter
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| n.水獭 | |
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creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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53
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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54
degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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56
boor
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| n.举止粗野的人；乡下佬 | |
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57
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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58
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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59
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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60
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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61
density
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| n.密集，密度，浓度 | |
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62
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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63
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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64
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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65
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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66
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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67
bidders
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| n.出价者，投标人( bidder的名词复数 ) | |
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68
throngs
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| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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69
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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70
jobbers
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| n.做零活的人( jobber的名词复数 )；营私舞弊者；股票经纪人；证券交易商 | |
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71
migratory
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| n.候鸟，迁移 | |
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72
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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73
capability
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| n.能力；才能；(pl)可发展的能力或特性等 | |
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74
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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75
culmination
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| n.顶点；最高潮 | |
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76
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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77
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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78
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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79
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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80
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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81
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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82
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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83
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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84
momentum
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| n.动力，冲力，势头；动量 | |
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85
sparse
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| adj.稀疏的，稀稀落落的，薄的 | |
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86
confluence
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| n.汇合，聚集 | |
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87
retarding
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| 使减速( retard的现在分词 )； 妨碍； 阻止； 推迟 | |
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88
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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89
engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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90
engross
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| v.使全神贯注 | |
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91
manorial
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| adj.庄园的 | |
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92
manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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93
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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94
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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95
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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96
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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97
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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98
holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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99
holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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100
manors
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| n.庄园（manor的复数形式） | |
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101
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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102
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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103
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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104
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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105
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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106
inundation
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| n.the act or fact of overflowing | |
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107
colonized
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| 开拓殖民地，移民于殖民地( colonize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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109
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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110
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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111
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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112
geographers
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| 地理学家( geographer的名词复数 ) | |
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113
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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114
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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115
rangers
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| 护林者( ranger的名词复数 )； 突击队员 | |
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116
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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117
scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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118
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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119
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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120
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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121
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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122
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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123
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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124
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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125
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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126
engrossing
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| adj.使人全神贯注的，引人入胜的v.使全神贯注( engross的现在分词 ) | |
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127
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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128
sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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129
savannas
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| n.（美国东南部的）无树平原( savanna的名词复数 )；（亚）热带的稀树大草原 | |
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130
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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131
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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132
herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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133
outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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134
ranching
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| adj.放牧的 | |
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135
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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136
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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137
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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138
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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139
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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140
impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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141
intercepting
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| 截取（技术），截接 | |
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142
attenuated
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| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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143
colonizer
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| 殖民者，殖民地开拓者，移民 | |
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144
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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145
dubbed
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| v.给…起绰号( dub的过去式和过去分词 )；把…称为；配音；复制 | |
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146
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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147
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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148
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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149
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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150
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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151
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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153
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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154
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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155
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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156
exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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157
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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158
outermost
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| adj.最外面的，远离中心的 | |
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159
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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160
infertile
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| adj.不孕的；不肥沃的，贫瘠的 | |
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161
overflow
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| v.(使)外溢，(使)溢出；溢出，流出，漫出 | |
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162
evasions
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| 逃避( evasion的名词复数 )； 回避； 遁辞； 借口 | |
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163
proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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164
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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165
agrarian
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| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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166
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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167
malarial
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| 患疟疾的，毒气的 | |
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168
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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169
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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170
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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171
livestock
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| n.家畜，牲畜 | |
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172
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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173
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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174
revert
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| v.恢复，复归，回到 | |
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175
conditionally
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| adv. 有条件地 | |
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176
dealers
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| n.商人( dealer的名词复数 )；贩毒者；毒品贩子；发牌者 | |
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177
indented
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| adj.锯齿状的，高低不平的；缩进排版 | |
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178
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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179
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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180
geographically
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| adv.地理学上，在地理上，地理方面 | |
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181
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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182
limestone
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| n.石灰石 | |
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183
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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184
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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185
dissenting
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| adj.不同意的 | |
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186
exodus
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| v.大批离去，成群外出 | |
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187
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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188
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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189
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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190
thriftily
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| 节俭地； 繁茂地； 繁荣的 | |
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191
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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192
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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193
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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194
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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195
contentious
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| adj.好辩的，善争吵的 | |
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196
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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197
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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198
balked
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| v.畏缩不前，犹豫( balk的过去式和过去分词 )；（指马）不肯跑 | |
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199
stark
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| adj.荒凉的；严酷的；完全的；adv.完全地 | |
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200
indigent
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的 | |
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201
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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202
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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203
squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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204
savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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205
delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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206
militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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207
foretell
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| v.预言，预告，预示 | |
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208
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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209
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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210
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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211
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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212
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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213
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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214
staples
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| n.（某国的）主要产品( staple的名词复数 )；钉书钉；U 形钉；主要部份v.用钉书钉钉住( staple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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215
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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216
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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217
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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218
hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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219
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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221
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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222
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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223
rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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224
ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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225
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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226
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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227
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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228
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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229
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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230
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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231
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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232
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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233
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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234
debtor
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| n.借方，债务人 | |
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235
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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236
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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237
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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238
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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239
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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240
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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241
legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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242
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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243
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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244
antagonisms
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| 对抗，敌对( antagonism的名词复数 ) | |
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245
bucks
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| n.雄鹿( buck的名词复数 )；钱；（英国十九世纪初的）花花公子；（用于某些表达方式）责任v.（马等）猛然弓背跃起( buck的第三人称单数 )；抵制；猛然震荡；马等尥起后蹄跳跃 | |
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246
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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247
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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248
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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249
dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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250
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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251
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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252
entails
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| 使…成为必要( entail的第三人称单数 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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253
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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254
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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255
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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256
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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257
relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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258
taints
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| n.变质( taint的名词复数 )；污染；玷污；丑陋或腐败的迹象v.使变质( taint的第三人称单数 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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259
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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260
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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261
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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262
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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263
debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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264
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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265
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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266
alleviated
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| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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267
constituent
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| n.选民；成分，组分；adj.组成的，构成的 | |
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268
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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269
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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270
underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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271
concurrent
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| adj.同时发生的，一致的 | |
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272
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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273
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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274
venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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275
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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276
warehouse
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| n.仓库；vt.存入仓库 | |
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277
delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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278
apportioned
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| vt.分摊，分配（apportion的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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279
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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280
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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281
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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282
internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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283
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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284
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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285
preponderated
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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286
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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287
ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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288
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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289
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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290
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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291
confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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292
bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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293
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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294
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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295
legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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296
communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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