Well, to get this honest but unpleasant business over, the objection to the Suffragettes is not that they are Militant4 Suffragettes. On the contrary, it is that they are not militant enough. A revolution is a military thing; it has all the military virtues5; one of which is that it comes to an end. Two parties fight with deadly weapons, but under certain rules of arbitrary honor; the party that wins becomes the government and proceeds to govern. The aim of civil war, like the aim of all war, is peace. Now the Suffragettes cannot raise civil war in this soldierly and decisive sense; first, because they are women; and, secondly6, because they are very few women. But they can raise something else; which is altogether another pair of shoes. They do not create revolution; what they do create is anarchy7; and the difference between these is not a question of violence, but a question of fruitfulness and finality. Revolution of its nature produces government; anarchy only produces more anarchy. Men may have what opinions they please about the beheading of King Charles or King Louis, but they cannot deny that Bradshaw and Cromwell ruled, that Carnot and Napoleon governed. Someone conquered; something occurred. You can only knock off the King’s head once. But you can knock off the King’s hat any number of times. Destruction is finite, obstruction8 is infinite: so long as rebellion takes the form of mere9 disorder10 (instead of an attempt to enforce a new order) there is no logical end to it; it can feed on itself and renew itself forever. If Napoleon had not wanted to be a Consul11, but only wanted to be a nuisance, he could, possibly, have prevented any government arising successfully out of the Revolution. But such a proceeding12 would not have deserved the dignified13 name of rebellion.
It is exactly this unmilitant quality in the Suffragettes that makes their superficial problem. The problem is that their action has none of the advantages of ultimate violence; it does not afford a test. War is a dreadful thing; but it does prove two points sharply and unanswerably—numbers, and an unnatural14 valor15. One does discover the two urgent matters; how many rebels there are alive, and how many are ready to be dead. But a tiny minority, even an interested minority, may maintain mere disorder forever. There is also, of course, in the case of these women, the further falsity that is introduced by their sex. It is false to state the matter as a mere brutal16 question of strength. If his muscles give a man a vote, then his horse ought to have two votes and his elephant five votes. The truth is more subtle than that; it is that bodily outbreak is a man’s instinctive17 weapon, like the hoofs18 to the horse or the tusks19 to the elephant. All riot is a threat of war; but the woman is brandishing20 a weapon she can never use. There are many weapons that she could and does use. If (for example) all the women nagged21 for a vote they would get it in a month. But there again, one must remember, it would be necessary to get all the women to nag22. And that brings us to the end of the political surface of the matter. The working objection to the Suffragette philosophy is simply that overmastering millions of women do not agree with it. I am aware that some maintain that women ought to have votes whether the majority wants them or not; but this is surely a strange and childish case of setting up formal democracy to the destruction of actual democracy. What should the mass of women decide if they do not decide their general place in the State? These people practically say that females may vote about everything except about Female Suffrage.
But having again cleared my conscience of my merely political and possibly unpopular opinion, I will again cast back and try to treat the matter in a slower and more sympathetic style; attempt to trace the real roots of woman’s position in the western state, and the causes of our existing traditions or perhaps prejudices upon the point. And for this purpose it is again necessary to travel far from the modern topic, the mere Suffragette of today, and to go back to subjects which, though much more old, are, I think, considerably23 more fresh.
点击收听单词发音
1 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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2 imperialism | |
n.帝国主义,帝国主义政策 | |
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3 suffrage | |
n.投票,选举权,参政权 | |
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4 militant | |
adj.激进的,好斗的;n.激进分子,斗士 | |
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5 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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6 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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7 anarchy | |
n.无政府状态;社会秩序混乱,无秩序 | |
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8 obstruction | |
n.阻塞,堵塞;障碍物 | |
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9 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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10 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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11 consul | |
n.领事;执政官 | |
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12 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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13 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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14 unnatural | |
adj.不自然的;反常的 | |
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15 valor | |
n.勇气,英勇 | |
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16 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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17 instinctive | |
adj.(出于)本能的;直觉的;(出于)天性的 | |
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18 hoofs | |
n.(兽的)蹄,马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.(兽的)蹄,马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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19 tusks | |
n.(象等动物的)长牙( tusk的名词复数 );獠牙;尖形物;尖头 | |
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20 brandishing | |
v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 );炫耀 | |
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21 nagged | |
adj.经常遭责怪的;被压制的;感到厌烦的;被激怒的v.不断地挑剔或批评(某人)( nag的过去式和过去分词 );不断地烦扰或伤害(某人);无休止地抱怨;不断指责 | |
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22 nag | |
v.(对…)不停地唠叨;n.爱唠叨的人 | |
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23 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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