§ 2. About these Jesuit schools—once so celebrated8 and so powerful, and still existing in great numbers, though little remains9 of their original importance—there does not seem to be much information accessible to the English reader. I have, therefore, collected the following particulars about them; and refer any one who is dissatisfied with so meagre an account, to the works which I have consulted.[14] The Jesuit schools, as I said, still exist, but they did their[35] great work in other centuries; and I therefore prefer to speak of them as things of the past.[15]
§ 3. When the Jesuits were first formally recognized by a Bull of Paul III in 1540, the Bull stated that the Order was formed, among other things, “especially for the purpose of instructing boys and ignorant persons in the Christian10 religion.” But the Society well understood that secular11 was more in demand than religious learning; and they offered the more valued instruction, that they might have the opportunity of inculcating lessons which, to the Society at least, were the more valuable. From various Popes they obtained powers for founding schools and colleges, for giving degrees, and for lecturing publicly at universities. Their foundations rapidly extended in the Romance countries, except in France, where they were long in overcoming the opposition12 of the Regular clergy and of the University of Paris. Over the Teutonic and Slavonic countries they spread their influence first by means of national colleges at Rome, where boys of the different nations were trained as missionaries13. But, in time, the Jesuits pushed their camps forward, even into the heart of the enemy’s country.
§ 4. The system of education to be adopted in all the Jesuit institutions was settled during the Generalship of Aquaviva. In 1584 that General appointed a School Commission, consisting of six distinguished14 Jesuits from the various countries of Europe. These spent nearly a year in Rome, in study and consultation15; and the fruit of their[36] labours was the ground-work of the Ratio atque Institutio Studiorum Societatis Jesu. This, however, did not take its final form till twelve other commissioners16 had been at work upon it. It was then (1599) revised and approved by Aquaviva and the Fifth and Sixth General Assemblies. By this code the Jesuit schools were governed till 1832, when the curriculum was enlarged so as to include physical science and modern languages.
§ 5. The Jesuits who formed the Societas Professa, i.e., those who had taken all the vows17, had spent from fifteen to eighteen years in preparation, viz., two years as novices18 and one as approved scholars, during which they were engaged chiefly in religious exercises, three years in the study of philosophy and mathematics, four years of theology, and, in the case of the more distinguished students, two years more in repetition and private theological study. At some point in this course, mostly after the philosophy, the students were sent, for a while, to teach the “lower studies” to boys.[16] The method of teaching was to be learnt in the[37] training schools, called Juvenats,[17] one of which was founded in each province.
Few, even of the most distinguished students, received dispensation from giving elementary instruction. Salmeron and Bobadilla performed this duty in Naples, Lainez in Florence, Borgia (who had been Viceroy of Catalonia) in Cordova, Canisius in Cologne.
§ 6. During the time the Jesuit held his post as teacher he was to give himself up entirely20 to the work. His private studies were abandoned; his religious exercises shortened. He began generally with the boys in the lowest form, and that he might be able to study the character of his pupils he went up the school with them, advancing a step every year, as in the system now common in Scotland. But some forms were always taught, as the highest is in Scotland, by the same master, who remained a teacher for life.
§ 7. Great care was to be taken that the frequent changes in the staff of masters did not lead to alteration21 in the conduct of the school. Each teacher was bound to carry on the established instruction by the established methods. All his personal peculiarities22 and opinions were to be as[38] much as possible suppressed. To secure this a rigid23 system of supervision24 was adopted, and reports were furnished by each officer to his immediate25 superior. Over all stood the General of the Order. Next came the Provincial26, appointed by the General. Over each college was the Rector, who was appointed (for three years) by the General, though he was responsible to the Provincial, and made his reports to him. Next came the Prefect of Studies, appointed, not by the Rector, but by the Provincial. The teachers were carefully watched both by the Rector and the Prefect of Studies, and it was the duty of the latter to visit each teacher in his class at least once a fortnight, to hear him teach. The other authorities, besides the masters of classes, were usually a House Prefect, and Monitors selected from the boys, one in each form.
§ 8. The school or college was to be built and maintained by gifts and bequests27 which the Society might receive for this purpose only. Their instruction was always given gratuitously28. When sufficient funds were raised to support the officers, teachers, and at least twelve scholars, no effort was to be made to increase them; but if they fell short of this, donations were to be sought by begging from house to house. Want of money, however, was not a difficulty which the Jesuits often experienced.
§ 9. The Jesuit education included two courses of study, studia superiora et inferiora. In the smaller colleges only the studia inferiora were carried on; and it is to these lower schools that the following account mainly refers. The boys usually began this course at ten years old and ended it at sixteen.[18]
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§ 10. The pupils in the Jesuit colleges were of two kinds: 1st, those who were training for the Order, and had passed the Novitiate; 2nd, the externs, who were pupils merely. When the building was not filled by the first of these (the Scholastici, or Nostri, as they are called in the Jesuit writings), other pupils were taken in to board, who had to pay simply the cost of their living, and not even this unless they could well afford it. Instruction, as I said, was gratuitous29 to all. “Gratis30 receive, gratis give,” was the Society’s rule; so they would neither make any charge for instruction, nor accept any gift that was burdened with conditions.
§ 11. Faithful to the tradition of the Catholic Church, the Society did not estimate a man’s worth simply according to his birth and outward circumstances. The Constitutions expressly laid down that poverty and mean extraction were never to be any hindrance31 to a pupil’s admission; and Sacchini says: “Do not let any favouring of the higher classes interfere32 with the care of meaner pupils, since the birth of all is equal in Adam, and the inheritance in Christ.”[19]
§ 12. The externs who could not be received into the building were boarded in licensed33 houses, which were always liable to an unexpected visit from the Prefect of Studies.
§ 13. The “lower school” was arranged in five classes (since increased to eight), of which the lowest usually had two divisions. Parallel classes were formed wherever the number of pupils was too great for five masters. The names given to the several divisions were as follows:
[40]
1. Infima } Classis Grammatic?.
2. Media }
3. Suprema }
4. Humanitas.
5. Rhetorica.
Each was “absolved” in a year, except Rhetorica, which required two years (St?ckl, p. 237).
Jesuits and Protestants alike in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries thought of little but literary instruction, and that too connected only with Latin and Greek. The subject-matter of the teaching in the Jesuit schools was to be “pr?ter Grammaticam, quod ad Rhetoricam, Po?sim et Historiam pertinet,” in addition to Grammar, whatever related to Rhetoric34, Poetry, and History. Reading and writing the mother-tongue might not be taught without special leave from the Provincial. Latin was as much as possible to supersede35 all other languages, even in speaking; and nothing else might be used by the pupils in the higher forms on any day but a holiday.[20] To gain a supply of Latin words for ordinary use, the pupils committed to memory Latin conversations on general topics, such as Francis Pomey’s “Indiculus Universalis” and “Colloquia Scholastica.”
§ 14. Although many good school-books were written by the Jesuits, a great part of their teaching was given orally. The master was, in fact, a lecturer, who expounded36 sometimes a piece of a Latin or Greek author, sometimes the[41] rules of grammar. The pupils were required to get up the substance of these lectures, and to learn the grammar-rules and parts of the classical authors by heart. The master for his part had to bestow37 great pains on the preparation of his lectures.[21]
§ 15. Written exercises, translations, &c., were given in on every day, except Saturday; and the master had, if possible, to go over each one with its writer and his appointed rival or ?mulus.
§ 16. The method of hearing the rules, &c., committed to memory was this:—Certain boys in each class, who were called Decurions, repeated their tasks to the master, and then in his presence heard the other boys repeat theirs. The master meanwhile corrected the written exercises.[22]
[42]
§ 17. One of the leading peculiarities in the Jesuits’ system was the pains they took to foster emulation38—“cotem ingenii puerilis, calcar industri?—the whetstone of talent, the spur of industry.” For this purpose all the boys in the lower part of the school were arranged in pairs, each pair being rivals (?muli) to one another. Every boy was to be constantly on the watch to catch his rival tripping, and was immediately to correct him. Besides this individual rivalry39, every class was divided into two hostile camps, called Rome and Carthage, which had frequent pitched battles of questions on set subjects. These were the “Concertations,” in which the boys sometimes had to put questions to the opposite camp, sometimes to expose erroneous answers when the questions were asked by the master[23] (see Appendix: Class Matches, p. 529). Emulation, indeed, was encouraged to a point where, as it seems to me, it must have endangered the good feeling of the boys among themselves. Jouvency mentions a practice of appointing mock defenders40 of any particularly bad exercise, who should make the author of it ridiculous by their excuses; and any boy whose work was very discreditable, was placed on a form by himself, with a daily punishment, until he could show that some one deserved to change places with him.
§ 18. In the higher classes a better kind of rivalry was[43] cultivated by means of “Academies,” i.e., voluntary associations for study, which met together, under the superintendence of a master, to read themes, translations, &c., and to discuss passages from the classics. The new members were elected by the old, and to be thus elected was a much-coveted distinction. In these Academies the cleverer students got practice for the disputations, which formed an important part of the school work of the higher classes.
§ 19. There was a vast number of other expedients41 by which the Jesuits sought to work on their pupils’ amour propre, such as, on the one hand, the weekly publication of offences per pr?conem, and, on the other, besides prizes (which could be won only by the externs), titles and badges of honour, and the like. “There are,” says Jouvency, “hundreds of expedients of this sort, all tending to sharpen the boys’ wits, to lighten the labour of the master, and to free him from the invidious and troublesome necessity of punishing.”
§ 20. The school-hours were remarkably42 short: two hours and a half in the morning, and the same in the afternoon; with a whole holiday a week in summer, and a half holiday in winter. The time was spent in the first form after the following manner:—During the first half-hour the master corrected the exercises of the previous day, while the Decurions heard the lesson which had been learnt by heart. Then the master heard the piece of Latin which he had explained on the previous day. With this construing43, was connected a great deal of parsing44, conjugating45, declining, &c. The teacher then explained the piece for the following day, which, in this form, was never to exceed four lines. The last half-hour of the morning was spent in explaining grammar. This was done very slowly and carefully: in the[44] words of the Ratio Studd.: “Pluribus diebus fere singula pr?cepta inculcanda sunt”—“Generally take a single rule and drive it in, several days.” For the first hour of the afternoon the master corrected exercises, and the boys learnt grammar. If there was time, the master put questions about the grammar he had explained in the morning. The second hour was taken up with more explanations of grammar, and the school closed with half an hour’s concertation, or the master corrected the notes which the pupils had taken during the day. In the other forms, the work was very similar to this, except that Greek was added, and also in the higher classes a little mathematics.
§ 21. It will be observed from the above account, that almost all the strength of the Jesuit teaching was thrown into the study of the Latin language, which was to be used, not only for reading, but also in writing and speaking. But under the name of “erudition” some amount of instruction in other subjects, especially in history and geography, was given in explaining, or rather lecturing on, the classical authors. Jouvency says that this lecture must consist of the following parts:—1st, the general meaning of the whole passage; 2nd, the explanation of each clause, both as to the meaning and construction; 3rd, any information, such as accounts of historical events, or of ancient manners and customs, which could be connected with the text; 4th, in the higher forms, applications of the rules of rhetoric and poetry; 5th, an examination of the Latinity; 6th, the inculcation of some moral lesson. This treatment of a subject he illustrates46 by examples. Among these is an account of a lesson for the first (i.e., lowest) class in the Fable47 of the Fox and the Mask:—1st, comes the argument and the explanation of words; 2nd, the grammar and parsing, as[45] vulpes, a substantive48 of the third declension, &c., like proles, clades, &c. (here the master is always to give among his examples some which the boys already know); 3rd, comes the eruditio—something about foxes, about tragedy, about the brain, and hence about other parts of the head; 4th, Latinity, the order of the words, choice of the words, synonyms49, &c. Then the sentences may be parodied50; other suitable substantives51 may be found for the adjectives and vice19 versa; and every method is to be adopted of showing the boys how to use the words they have learnt. Lastly, comes the moral.
§ 22. The practical teacher will be tempted52 to ask, How is the attention of the class to be kept up whilst all this information is given? This the Jesuits did partly by punishing the inattentive. Every boy was subsequently required to reproduce what the teacher had said, and to show his written notes of it. But no doubt this matter of attention was found a difficulty. Jouvency tells the teachers to break off from time to time in their lectures, and to ask questions; and he adds: “Vari? sunt artes excitand? attentionis quas docebit usus et sua cuique industria suggeret.—Very various are the devices for arousing attention. These will occur with practice and pains.”
For private study, besides written exercises and learning by heart, the pupils were recommended subjects to get up in their own time; and in this, and also as to the length of some of the regular lessons, they were permitted to decide for themselves. Here, as everywhere, the Jesuits trusted to the sense of honour and emulation—those who did extra work were praised and rewarded.
§ 23. One of the maxims53 of this system was: “Repetitio mater studiorum.” Every lesson was connected with two[46] repetitions—one before it began, of preceding work, and the other at the close, of the work just done. Besides this, one day a week was devoted54 entirely to repetition. In the three lowest classes the desire of laying a solid foundation even led to the second six months in the year being given to again going over the work of the first six months.[24] By this means boys of extraordinary ability could pass through these forms in eighteen months, instead of three years.
§ 23. Thoroughness in work was the one thing insisted on. Sacchini says that much time should be spent in going over the more important things, which are “veluti multorum fontes et capita (as it were the sources and starting points of many others)”; and that the master should prefer to teach a few things perfectly55, to giving indistinct impressions of many things.[25] We should remember, however, that the pupils of the Jesuits were not children. Subjects such as grammar cannot, by any expenditure56 of time and trouble, be perfectly taught to children, because children cannot perfectly understand them; so that the Jesuit thoroughness is not always attainable58.
§ 24. The usual duration of the course in the lower schools was six years—i.e., one year in each of the four[47] lower classes, and two years in the highest class. Every year closed with a very formal examination. Before this examination took place, the pupils had lessons in the manner of it, so that they might come prepared, not only with a knowledge of the subjects, but also of the laws of writing for examination (“scribendi ad examen leges”). The examination was conducted by a commission appointed for the purpose, of which commission the Prefect of Studies was an ex officio member. The masters of the classes, though they were present, and could make remarks, were not of the examining body. For the viva voce the boys were ushered59 in, three at a time, before the solemn conclave60. The results of the examination, both written and verbal, were joined with the records of the work done in the past year; and the names of those pupils who had distinguished themselves were then published in order of merit, but the poll was arranged alphabetically61, or according to birthplace.
§ 25. As might be expected, the Jesuits were to be very careful of the moral and religious training of their pupils. “Quam maxime in vit? probitate ac bonis artibus doctrinaque proficiant ad Dei gloriam.” (Ratio Studd., quoted by Schmid.) And Sacchini tells the master to remember how honourable62 his office is; as it has to do, not with grammar only, but also with the science and practice of a Christian and religious life: “atque eo quidem ordine ut ipsa ingenii eruditio sit expolitio morum, et humana literatura divin? ancilletur sapienti?.”[26]
[48]
Each lesson was to begin with prayer or the sign of the Cross. The pupils were to hear Mass every morning, and were to be urged to frequent confession63 and receiving of the Holy Communion. The Father Confessor was always a Jesuit, but he was not a master in the school.
§ 26. The bodily health also was to be carefully attended to. The pupils were not to study too much or too long at a time. Nothing was to be done for a space of from one or two hours after dinner. On holidays excursions were made to farms in the country.[27]
§ 27. Punishments were to be as light as possible, and the master was to shut his eyes to offences whenever he thought he might do so with safety. Grave offences were to be visited with corporal punishment, performed by a “corrector,” who was not a member of the Order. Where this chastisement64 did not have a good effect, the pupil was to be expelled.[28]
[49]
§ 28. The dry details into which I have been drawn65 by faithfully copying the manner of the Ratio Studiorum may seem to the reader to afford no answer to the question which naturally suggests itself—To what did the school-system of the Jesuits owe its enormous popularity? But in part, at least, these details do afford an answer. They show us that the Jesuits were intensely practical. The Ratio Studiorum hardly contains a single principle; but what it does is this—it points out a perfectly attainable goal, and carefully defines the road by which that goal is to be approached. For each class was prescribed not only the work to be done, but also the end to be kept in view. Thus method reigned66 throughout—perhaps not the best method, as the object to be attained67 was assuredly not the highest object—but the method, such as it was, was applied68 with undeviating exactness. In this particular the Jesuit schools contrasted strongly with their rivals of old, as indeed with the ordinary school of the present day. The Head Master, who is to the modern English school what the General, Provincial, Rector, Prefect of Studies, and Ratio Studiorum combined were to a school of the Jesuits, has perhaps no standard in view up to which the boy should have been brought when his school course is completed.[29] The masters of forms teach just those portion of their subject in which they themselves are interested, in any way that occurs to them, with by no means uniform success; so that when two forms are examined with the same examination paper, it is no very uncommon69 occurrence for the lower to be found[50] superior to the higher. It is, perhaps, to be expected that a course in which uniform method tends to a definite goal would on the whole be more successful than one in which a boy has to accustom70 himself by turns to half-a-dozen different methods, invented at haphazard71 by individual masters with different aims in view, if indeed they have any aim at all.
§ 29. I have said that the object which the Jesuits proposed in their teaching was not the highest object. They did not aim at developing all the faculties72 of their pupils, but mainly the receptive and reproductive faculties. When the young man had acquired a thorough mastery of the Latin language for all purposes, when he was well versed73 in the theological and philosophical74 opinions of his preceptors, when he was skilful75 in dispute, and could make a brilliant display from the resources of a well-stored memory, he had reached the highest point to which the Jesuits sought to lead him.[30] Originality76 and independence of mind, love of truth[51] for its own sake, the power of reflecting, and of forming correct judgments78 were not merely neglected—they were suppressed in the Jesuits’ system. But in what they attempted they were eminently79 successful, and their success went a long way towards securing their popularity.[31]
[52]
§ 30. Their popularity was due, moreover, to the means employed, as well as to the result attained. The Jesuit teachers were to lead, not drive their pupils, to make their learning, not merely endurable, but even acceptable, “disciplinam non modo tolerabilem, sed etiam amabilem.” Sacchini expresses himself very forcibly on this subject. “It is,” says he, “the unvarying decision of wise men, whether in ancient or modern times, that the instruction of youth will be always best when it is pleasantest: whence this application of the word ludus. The tenderness of youth requires of us that we should not overstrain it, its innocence80 that we should abstain81 from harshness.... That which enters into willing ears the mind as it were runs to welcome, seizes with avidity, carefully stows away, and faithfully preserves.”[32] The pupils were therefore to be encouraged in every way to take kindly82 to their learning. With this end in view (and no doubt other objects also),[53] the masters were carefully to seek the boys’ affections. “When pupils love the master,” says Sacchini, “they will soon love his teaching. Let him, therefore, show an interest in everything that concerns them and not merely in their studies. Let him rejoice with those that rejoice, and not disdain83 to weep with those that weep. After the example of the Apostle let him become a little one amongst little ones, that he may make them adult in Christ, and Christ adult in them ... Let him unite the grave kindness and authority of a father with a mother’s tenderness.”[33]
§ 31. In order that learning might be pleasant to the pupils, it was necessary that they should not be overtasked. To avoid this, the master had to study the character and capacity of each boy in his class, and to keep a book with all particulars about him, and marks from one to six indicating proficiency84. Thus the master formed an estimate of what should be required, and the amount varied85 considerably86 with the pupil, though the quality of the work was always to be good.
[54]
§ 32. Not only was the work not to be excessive, it was never to be of great difficulty. Even the grammar was to be made as easy and attractive as possible. “I think it a mistake” says Sacchini, “to introduce at an early stage the more thorny87 difficulties of grammar: ... for when the pupils have become familiar with the earlier parts, use will, by degrees, make the more difficult clear to them. His mind expanding and his judgment77 ripening88 as he grows older the pupil will often see for himself that which he could hardly be made to see by others. Moreover, in reading an author, examples of grammatical difficulties will be more easily observed in connection with the context, and will make more impression on the mind, than if they are taught in an abstract form by themselves. Let them then, be carefully explained whenever they occur.”[34]
§ 33. Perhaps no body of men in Europe (the Thugs may, in this respect, rival them in Asia) have been so hated as the Jesuits. I once heard Frederick Denison Maurice say he thought Kingsley could find good in every one except the Jesuits, and, he added, he thought he could find good even in them. But why should a devoted Christian find a difficulty in seeing good in the Jesuits, a body of men whose devotion to their idea of Christian duty has never[55] been surpassed?[35] The difficulty arose from differences in ideal. Both held that the ideal Christian would do everything “to the greater glory of God,” or as the Jesuits put it in their business-like fashion, “A.M.D.G.,” (i.e., ad majorem Dei gloriam). But Maurice and Kingsley thought of a divine idea for every man. The Jesuits’ idea lost sight of the individual. Like their enemy, Carlyle, the Jesuits in effect worshipped strength, but Carlyle thought of the strength of the individual, the Jesuits of the strength of “the Catholic Church.” “The Catholic Church” was to them the manifested kingdom of God. Everything therefore that gave power to the Church tended “A.M.D.G.” The Company of Jesus was the regular army of the Church, so, arguing logically from their premises89, they made the glory of God and the success of the Society convertible90 terms.
§ 34. Thus their conception was a purely91 military conception. A commander-in-chief, if he were an ardent92 patriot93 and a great general, would do all he could to make the army powerful. He would care much for the health, morals, and training of the soldiers, but always with direct reference to the army. He would attend to everything that made a man a better soldier; beyond this he would not concern himself. In his eyes the army would be everything, and a soldier nothing but a part of it, just as a link is only a part of a chain. Paulsen, speaking of the Jesuits, says truly that no great organization can exist without a root idea. The root idea of the army is the sacrifice and annihilation of the individual, that the body may be fused together and[56] so gain a strength greater than that of any number of individuals. Formed on this idea the army acts all together and in obedience94 to a single will, and no mob can stand its charge. Ignatius Loyola and succeeding Generals took up this idea and formed an army for the Church, an army that became the wonder and the terror of all men. Never, as Compayré says, had a body been so sagaciously organized, or had wielded95 so great resources for good and for evil.[36] (See Buisson, ij, 1419.)
§ 35. To the English schoolmaster the Jesuits must always be interesting, if for no other reason at least for this—that they were so intensely practical. “Les Jésuites ne sont pas des pédagogues assez desintéressés pour nous plaire.—The Jesuits as schoolmasters,” says M. Compayré, “are not disinterested96 enough for us.” (Buisson, sub v. Jésuites, ad f.). But disinterested pedagogy is not much to the mind of the Englishman. It does not seem to know quite what it would be after, and deals in generalities, such as “Education is not a means but an end;” and the end being somewhat indefinite, the means are still more wanting in precision. This vagueness[57] is what the English master hates. He prefers not to trouble himself about the end. The wisdom of his ancestors has settled that, and he can direct his attention to what really interests him—the practical details. In this he resembles the Jesuits. The end has been settled for them by their founder97. They revel98 in practical details, in which they are truly great, and here we may learn much from them. “Ratio applied to studies” says Father Eyre,[37] “more naturally means Method than Principle; and our Ratio Studiorum is essentially99 a Method or System of teaching and learning.” Here is a method that has been worked uniformly and with singular success for three centuries, and can still give a good account of its old rivals. But will it hold its own against the late Reformers? As regards intellectual training the new school seeks to draw out the faculties of the young mind by employing them on subjects in which it is interested. The Jesuits fixed100 a course of study which, as they frankly101 recognized, could not be made interesting. So they endeavoured to secure accuracy by constant repetition, and relied for industry on two motive102 powers: 1st, the personal influence of the master; and, 2nd, “the spur of industry”—emulation.
§ 36. To acquire “influence” has ever been the main object of the Society, and his devotion to this object makes a great distinction between the Jesuit and most other instructors. His notion of the task was thus expressed by Father Gerard, S. J., at the Educational Conference of 1884: “Teaching is an art amongst arts. To be worthy103 of the name it must be the work of an individual upon individuals. The true teacher must understand, appreciate, and sympathize[58] with those who are committed to him. He must be daily discovering what there is (and undoubtedly104 there is something in each of them) capable of fruitful development, and contriving105 how better to get at them and to evoke106 whatever possibilities there are in them for good.” The Jesuit master, then, tried to gain influence over the boys and to use that influence for many purposes; to make them work well being one of these, but not perhaps the most important.
§ 37. As for emulation, no instructors have used it so elaborately as the Jesuits. In most English schools the prizes have no effect whatever except on the first three or four boys, and the marking is so arranged that those who take the lead in the first few lessons can keep their position without much effort. This clumsy system would not suit the Jesuits. They often for prize-giving divide a class into a number of small groups, the boys in each group being approximately equal, and a prize is offered for each group. The class matches, too, stimulate107 the weaker pupils even more than the strong.
§ 38. In conclusion, I will give the chief points of the system in the words of one of its advocates and admirers, who was himself educated at Stonyhurst:
“Let us now try to put together the various pieces of this school machinery108 and study the effect. We have seen that the boys have masters entirely at their disposition109, not only at class time, but at recreation time after supper in the night Reading Rooms. Each day they record victory or defeat in the recurring110 exercises or themes upon various matters. By the quarterly papers or examinations in composition, for which nine hours are assigned, the order of merit is fixed, and this order entails111 many little privileges and precedencies, in chapel112, refectory, class room, and[59] elsewhere. Each master, if he prove a success and his health permit, continues to be the instructor3 of the boys in his class during the space of six years. ‘It is obvious’ says Sheil, in his account of Stonyhurst, ‘that much of a boy’s acquirements, and a good deal of the character of his taste, must have depended upon the individual to whose instructions he was thus almost exclusively confined.’ And in many cases the effects must be a greater interest felt in the students by their teachers, a mutual113 attachment founded on long acquaintance, and a more thorough knowledge, on the part of the master, of the weak and strong points of his pupils. Add to the above, the ‘rival’ and ‘side’ system, the effect of challenges and class combats; of the wearing of decorations and medals by the Imperators on Sundays, Festival Days, Concertation Days, and Examination Days; of the extraordinary work—done much more as private than as class work—helping to give individuality to the boy’s exertions114, which might otherwise be merged115 in the routine work of the class; and the ‘free time’ given for improvement on wet evenings and after night prayers; add the Honours Matter; the Reports read before the Rector and all subordinate Superiors, the Professors, and whole body of Students; add the competition in each class and between the various classes, and even between the various colleges in England of the Society; and only one conclusion can be arrived at. It is a system which everyone is free to admire or think inferior to some other preferred by him; but it is a system.” (Stonyhurst College, Present and Past, by A. Hewitson, 2nd edition, 1878, pp. 214, ff.)
§ 39. Yes, it is a system, a system built up by the united efforts of many astute116 intellects and showing marvellous[60] skill in selecting means to attain57 a clearly conceived end. There is then in the history of education little that should be more interesting or might be more instructive to the master of an English public school than the chapter about the Jesuits.
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revival
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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novices
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| n.新手( novice的名词复数 )；初学修士（或修女）；（修会等的）初学生；尚未赢过大赛的赛马 | |
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19
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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20
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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21
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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22
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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23
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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bequests
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| n.遗赠( bequest的名词复数 )；遗产，遗赠物 | |
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28
gratuitously
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| 平白 | |
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29
gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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gratis
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| adj.免费的 | |
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31
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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32
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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licensed
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| adj.得到许可的v.许可，颁发执照(license的过去式和过去分词) | |
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34
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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35
supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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36
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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37
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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38
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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39
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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40
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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41
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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42
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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43
construing
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的现在分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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44
parsing
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| n.分[剖]析，分解v.从语法上描述或分析（词句等）( parse的现在分词 ) | |
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45
conjugating
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| vt.使结合（conjugate的现在分词形式） | |
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46
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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47
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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48
substantive
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| adj.表示实在的；本质的、实质性的；独立的；n.实词，实名词；独立存在的实体 | |
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49
synonyms
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| 同义词( synonym的名词复数 ) | |
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50
parodied
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| v.滑稽地模仿，拙劣地模仿( parody的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
substantives
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| n.作名词用的词或词组（substantive的复数形式） | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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53
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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54
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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56
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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57
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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58
attainable
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| a.可达到的，可获得的 | |
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59
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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61
alphabetically
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| adv.照字母顺序排列地 | |
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62
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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63
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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64
chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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65
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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67
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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68
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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69
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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70
accustom
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| vt.使适应，使习惯 | |
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71
haphazard
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| adj.无计划的，随意的，杂乱无章的 | |
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72
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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73
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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74
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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75
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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76
originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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77
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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78
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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79
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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80
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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81
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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82
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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83
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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84
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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85
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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86
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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87
thorny
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| adj.多刺的，棘手的 | |
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88
ripening
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的现在分词 )；熟化；熟成 | |
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89
premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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90
convertible
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| adj.可改变的，可交换，同意义的；n.有活动摺篷的汽车 | |
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91
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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92
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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93
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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94
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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95
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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96
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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97
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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98
revel
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| vi.狂欢作乐，陶醉；n.作乐，狂欢 | |
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99
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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100
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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101
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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102
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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103
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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104
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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105
contriving
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| （不顾困难地）促成某事( contrive的现在分词 )； 巧妙地策划，精巧地制造（如机器）； 设法做到 | |
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106
evoke
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| vt.唤起，引起，使人想起 | |
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107
stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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108
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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109
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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110
recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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111
entails
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| 使…成为必要( entail的第三人称单数 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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112
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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113
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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114
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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115
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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116
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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